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Eit Eofial Strj^aEoIogiral 3:tislit«te of ©rrat Britain antj 




Ci)e Carl)) aiiU i^i^tilc Slgrs, 






The Council of the Royal Arch.'eological Institute desire that it should ho 
distinctly understood that they are not respfmsible fiir any statement or opinions 
expressed in the Archreological Journal, the authors of the several memoirs and 
communications bein" alone answeral>le for the same. 




luaugiual of the Right Honourable Lord CaKLI>'GFOKD to the Amiual 

Meetuig of the Institute at Colchester . . . . .1 

The Land of Moi-gan : its Conquest and its Conquerors. By G. T. Clark, Es<i. . 1 1 

Discoveries in the Chit Duen Wilderness. By G. W. Vyse, Esq., B.A. . . 40 

Address to the Historical Section of the Annual Meeting of the Institute at 

Colchester, 1876. By E. A. Freeman, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D. . .47 

On the llouian Inscriptions at Colchester. By W. T. Watkin, Esq. . . 76 

RemarLs on the Exhibition of the Etched Works of Rembrandt. By the Rev. 

C. H. MiDDLETON, M.A. . . . . . . .83 

The Siege of Colchester. By C. R. Mark ham, Esq., C.B. . . .107 

M'inuments of the De Burgh and Ingoldsthorpe families, in Burgh Green Church 

Cambridgeshire. By the Rev. C. R. Majnwing, M.A. . . 121 

Britanno-Roman Inscriptions discovered in 1876. By W. T. W*atkin, Esq. 130 

Muckross and Inisfalleu, Franciscan Abbeys. By G. T. Clark, Esq. . . 149 

Roman Loudon. By the Rev. W. J. Loftie, B.A. . . . .164 

What is a Town ? By T. Kerslake, Esq. . . . . .199 

St. Peter's-on-the-Wall, Bradwell-juxta-niare. By F. Chancellor, Esq. . 212 

On the Wall Paintings discovered in the Churches of Rauuds and tSlaptou, 

Northamptonsliire. By J. G. Waller, Esq. . . . .219 

The Antiquities of Scandinavia. By Professor BUNNELL Lewis, M.A., F.SA. .242 



The Mural Paintings fit Keniploj* Church, Gloucostorshirc. By C. K, Keyskr, 

Esq., M.A. . . , . . . . . .270 

Notes on an Effigy attributed to Richard Wellesborne de Montfovt, and otlier 
Sepulchral Memorial.s in Hughenden Church, Buckinghamshire. By Albert 
Hartshorne, Esq. . . . . . . . .279 

Dr. Schlienuuui's Tnjjan Collection. By B. F. HARTbUORNK, E.sq., B.A. . . 201 

Hereford Cathedral. P.y Sir G. G. ScOTT, B.A. ..... 323 

Uouian Herefordshire. By W. T. Watkin, Esq. ..... 3-19 

The Family of Lingen. By J. T. Burgess, Esq. ..... 373 

On the Discovery of the Remains of John, First Earl of Shrewsbury, at 

Whitchurch. By Stephen Tucker, Esq. {Rouge Croix.) . . . 386 

On the Roman Milliaries found in Britain. By the Rev. Prebendary ScARTH, M.A. 395 

On Certain Sepulchral Effigies in Hereford Cathedral. By M. H. BloXam, 

Esq., F.S.A. . . . . . . . . .400 

Materials for a History of Herefordshire. By the Rev. C. J. ROBINSON, M.A. . 425 

Notes on the Dates of the Paintings in the Roman Catacombs. By J. H. 

Parker, Esq., C.B. . . . . . . . .431 

Original Documents :— 

Of the time of Edward I. By J. Bain, Esq., F.S.A. Scot. . . 87 

Charter of Confirmation by Richard Earl of Cormvall and Poictou, of 
Grants of Land in the Honour of Berkhampstede, 1256. By G. T. 
Clark, Esq. . . . . . . . .180 

Concerning Guildford Castle, temp. Edward I. By J. Bain, Esq., F.S.A. 

Scot. . . . . . . .297 

Relating to Hereford and the Western Counties, tenqi. Edward I. By 

the same ........ 443 

I'roceediugs at Meetings of the R')yal AreliLCological Institute : — February, 1877, 

to July, lb77 . . . . . . . 187, 298, 448 



Abstract of AeoouutK and Auditoi'ri' lloport for 187G .... 307 

lloport of Annual Meeting liokl at Horoford, 1877 . . . , 4G7 

Notices of Arch-'eological Publications : — 

Annals of Wiiichcumljc and Sudeley. By Emma Dknt . . . "3 

The First Book of the Parish Registers of Madron, By GiiORGK Brown 

MiLLETT . . . . . . . .99 

Notes on the Etched Works of Rembrandt, with special refcreuwi to the 
recent exhibition in the Gallery of the Burlington Fine Asiri Club. 
By the Rev. C. H. MiDDLETON . . . . .192 

The Churches of Kent. By iSir S. R. Gltnnu, Bart. . . .193 

History of the Dunmow Flitch of Bacon custom. By William Andrews . 194 

Inductive Metrology. By W. M. F. Petrie . . . .309 

The Visitation of the County of Warwick. Edited by John Fetiiebston 310 

Calendar of State Papers, Domestic series, temp. Charles I. Edited by 
W. D. Hamilton . . . . . odl 

Notices of the Historic Persons buried in the Chapel of St. Peter ad 

Vincula in the Tower of Loudon. By D. C. Bell . . o07 

Arch-eological Intelligence .... luo, )9G, 311, o09 

Index TO Vol. xx.\iv. . . . . . . . .511 



Chit Uucu Wikleniew.s. T< nub in the .... Tu face 4'2 

Autiquitiutt from . . . . ^^ 44 ^ 

Figiu-e of a Roman Centurion . . . . . „ 81 •' 

West view of Embattled Tower, Sudeley ..... 93 

Seals of Otuer and Ralph de Sudeley ...... 94 

Poitmare Tower, Sudeley . ..... To face 95 r 

Seal of Abbot Ancelme . ...... 96 

Monuments in Burgh Green Church ..... To face 124 

Muckross Abbey. Ground Plan of . . . . . „ 152 

• Upper Floor of , . . . . „ 156 

Diagram of 2)atteni on Old Needlework iu Cogenhoc Church . „ 18S 

Thurible found at Pershore . . . . . . ,, 191 

The Eastness Sarcophagus . . . . . . .196 

Bradwell-juxta-mare. Plan of Roman Remains at . . .To face 213 - 

Chapel ..... ,,217 ^ 

Pride and her Sis Daughters, or the Seven Deadly Sins : wall pain ling in Rauuds 

Church, Northamptonshire ..... To face 221^ 

Scene in the Life of St. Catherine, ditto . . , . „ 281 " 

Bucket handle and ears, from Trondhjem . . . . „ 247 ^ 

Bronze Vase of Farmen, and Sword from Einang . . . „ 249 '- 

Effigy in Hughenden Church . . . . . „ 286 / 

Crescent containing Lion's face ...... 288 

The Porticus Ingressus, Monkwearmouth Church, and Sepulchral Slab found at 

ditto ........ To face 299 - 

British Sword and Bronze Weapons from the bed of the Thames . To follow 300 ' 

Arm* of Digby . . . . . . .To face 310 

Fragment of a " Tabula lloncstic Missionis" found at Walcot, near Bath, in 

1815 ........ To face 318 ',' 


General Plan of Hereford Cathedral. 
Norman Cathedral at Hereford, Plan of 

Interior view of 

Elevation of West end of 

Doorway of North Porch of Hereford Cathedral and Piscina 
Portrait of John Talbot, first Earl of Shrewsbury. From th 

A.?hby ..... 
Skull and Jaw-bone of ditto . 
Hereford Cathedral. Effigy of Bishop Mayo 

Effigy of Bishop Coke 

Effigy of a Dean , 

Effigy of Bishop Stanbury 

Effigy of Bishop Charlton 

Anglo-Saxon Bone Comb 

Examples of Leather Vessels 

Stirrui) and Horse shoes 

Effigy at Moccas .... 

it Gros: 


. To faro 

323 ^ 




328 , 


329 . 

mont ,, 

340 . 

e at Castle 


389 ^ 


To face 

41.5 ^ 




418 ■• 


419 ■' 


422 ^ 


To face 

452 t/ 


464 ^ 

.502 v^ 


P. 197, 1. \7, for 'Mr. Basil Montague" read " Mr. Bai^il Montague Pickering." 
P. 402, 1. 8, /or ''Jude" read "Jade." 


P. 140, 1. ^9, for "Williams" rend "Wilbraham." P. 303, to the names of Members 
of tlie Council who signed the address to Dr. and Mrs. Sehliemann shoidd be added 
'■ the Rev. R. P. Coates." Page 318— The Additional Remarks on a "Tabula Honostn? 
Missionis " wei-e contributed by Mr. W. T. Watkin. 

Cije ^rcljacologifal Sjouiual. 

MAECH, 1877. 


My biLshiess and duty, and my pleasure, is to open 
the Congress, by what the programme cpJls an Address 
from the President of the Tvoyal ArchoGological Institute 
of Great Britain and Ireland. Having undertaken 
many months ago to perform the responsible duty 
that now lies before me, I, with the usual folly of 
human nature, at the eleventh hour began to consider 
what these duties were, and I confess that that veiy late 
consideration has left me in a state somewhat of per- 
plexity. At aU events, the position of temporary and 
local President of the Poyal A rch^ological Institute 
is one of a somewhat complex and peculiar nature : I have 
the honour of finding myself for a moment at the head of 
this great Society, which makes Archaeology its object, 
and i find myself there without any of what may be 
supposed to be the necessary queJifications for the post — 
with nothing more than an ordinary country gentleman's 
smattering of History, Archaeology, or Architecture. But, 
as an old politician, and an old official, I am, perhaps, 
less surprised at finding myself in tliis position than 
some other people v,-ould have been. As a politician and 
a Parliament man, I know very well, as you probably 
do, that a pohtican at all events, nnay wake up in the 
morning and find himself Minister for War, without 
knowing anything about guns or soldiers, or First Lord 
of the Admiralty, without knowing anything about 
SJiips or sailors, and that is very much my position upon 

1 Delivered Augu-t Ist, 1S7C. 
VOL. XXXIT. (No. 133). B 


the present occasion. But I am liound to say that my 
tenure of office is even shorter than that which prevails 
with Secretaries of State, and First Lords, and 
Presidents of the Board of Trade, because it is hmited 
to a week, in which I am afraid there is not very 
much professional knowledge to be acquired. I have 
been consoled a good deal in my position by being assured 
l^y my Archaeological friends that very little is expected 
of their local President in the way of A.rcha3ology and 
Architecture. That expectation is founded, I believe, 
upon 33 years of experience in all parts of the British 
Isles, and highly as we may value the good City of 
Colchester, I do not suppose, at all events, I do not feel, 
myself to be an exception to that experience. More 
than that, T am bound to mtike a confession to you. 
I think I have detected in the faces of some of my 
Archfeological friends belonging to what, in official 
language, I may call the permanent Archaeological 
ser^'ice, a certain dismay at the idea of their temporary 
President poaching upon their preserves, or venturing 
upon a professional Lecture upon the subject of 
Archaeology and Architecture. Well, I can assure you 
that you need be under no feelings of dismay on that 
account. I am not going to inflict upon you a 
lecture upon the antiquities of Colchester or the 
neighbourhood ; but I have another character to fill 
here, which I shall do my best to discharge. I am 
not merely a sort of First Lord of Archaeology, with 
a week's tenure of office, liut it is my business to 
endeavour to play a double part : I not only im- 
wortliily represent the Boyal Archaeological Institute, 
l)ut I also represent the C/Ounty of Essex, in an official 
capacity, and, especially on the present occasion, Col- 
chester and that part of the CJounty of Essex or land of 
the East Saxons, which lies within a few miles of us. I 
represent not only the visitors, Ijut the visited ; not only 
the Antiquaries who come to inspect us, but the 
antiquities that are to be inspected ; not only the 
learned, but the ignorant ; and in spite of some kind 
tilings that I have heard in the course of our varied 
proceedings of this day, I feel, I am bound to say, I am 
much more at home in the latter capacity, and I do 


not tliink you will dili'er from me wlien I say that in 
that capacity I have the larger body of constituents. 
Upon the one hand, in this complex character I am trying 
to fulfil, as the representative for the moment of the Royal 
Archaeological Institute, I venture to say, and I am 
sure my noble friend Lord Talbot will bear me out when 
I say it, that the Institute has gladly and thankfully 
accepted the invitation to Colchester, that the Society is 
so well aware of the historical and architectural interest 
of the place and its neighbourhood, that it w^ould have 
been ashamed of itself if it had omitted, in its 
])eregrination round the great centres of historical 
interest in these Islands, to visit the City of Colchester, 
the ancient Camuloclunum of the Romans, On the other 
liand, in my other honourable capacity as representative 
of the County of Essex, I say in your name that we 
are well aware ourselves of the objects of interest which 
are to be found here. We Ijelieve it is well worth 
while for the central Institute of Archa3ologists to pay us 
this visit ; we know very well what a long train of 
historical memories and associations gather round the City 
of Colchester and its neighbourhood, and we feel a proj^er 
pride in theii' possession. The truth is that in and around 
this City — within a few miles — there are many most 
interesting memorials of the long and glorious history of 
our country, mainly, I must say, confined to the earlier 
])ortions of that great history. Here, in this City and its 
neighboiu-hood, the early races who inhabited our country 
played a great part, Briton and Roman, Saxon and Dane, 
There are many other parts of England in wliicli the later 
history of the country is more fully and remarkably 
illustrated than it is here, but as to the earlier history of 
the Island I think my scientific friends around me wdll 
agree that there are fe^A^ places of gi'eater intei'est in the 
British Isles than the City and neighbourhood of 
Colchester. It is difficult, as one glides in the railway 
train through this rich, and peaceful, and smiling Essex, 
almost upon the track of the Roman road, to realise the 
scenes wliich have been enacted in this region ; it is 
difficult to throw one's imagination back to that remote 
age when ;dl that Britain, as it was then Biitain, not 
England, all that Britain kncAv of Enghshmen ^vas that 


tliey were an inconvenient set of free-booters, infesting 
what was called the Saxon shore in this immediate neiafh- 
bourhood. That was before the days when England was 
England, and what scenes and what figures have this 
place and neighbourliood v/itnessed since that distant 
day ! It would be tedious to attempt for a moment, 
although it would be easy, to go through the list. If 
one thinks for a moment, one has, for instance, a Cymbeline, 
the British Chief Cunobelin, whose coins we can see and 
handle in the Museum here, and which, I believe, have 
been du.g up over and over again ; we can see the Emperor 
Claudius, with his elephants, tramping along, probably 
this very street of Colchester, to the astonishment of the 
northern people ; we can see t]ie grim figure of her of 
whom we have liearcl in our youth, Boadicea and her 
Iceni, sweeping down from what was to be first East 
Angha, and then Suffolk and Noifolk, upon the Boman 
Colony in Colchester. I have a sort of infantine recollec- 
tion of Boadicea, but it seems to me, upon comparing 
notes with younger people, that she has rather gone out 
of fashion in these days. Nevertheless, I believe that 
many men, v/lio have reached that uncertain time of life 
that I have, will rememljer some traditions of the school- 
room, and certain lines of Cowper that they used to 
learn, about 

" When tlie British warrior Queen, 
Bleeding from the Roman rods, 
Sought, with an indignant mien, 
Counsel of her country's gods." 

Anyliow, it is an historical fact that Boadicea is a greo.t 
Colchester heroine, and that the fearful revenge which 
she and her British followers took for fearfid wrongs, lias 
been in its time one of tlie most extraordinary events 
that have been enacted upon British soil. Then Ave come 
to the times in which Colchester was secured aQuinst such 
dangers by lloman fortifications, and to the days which 
seem so short now, but which were long then — the days 
lasting for many generations and several centuries, during 
which Colclicster Avas one of the foremost colonies and 
garrisons in tlie Island. Those times liaA^e utterly passed 
away, but they have left here many I'cmai'kaljle monu- 
ments, and A\dien Ave see or handle a Boman biick or a 


lloman coin, we arc carried back in imagination to those 
almost incredible days, and we learn that tlie presence 
of the leeionaries here was not a dream. After 
we come to the time when Britain became England, 
and then during a length of centuries many stirring 
scenes were enacted in the neighbourhood of Colchester. 
It is well known that tlie East Saxons were among 
the very earliest conquerors and settlers of our 
race in the land of Britain, and it so happened that 
afterwards, in following centuries-, some of the most 
bloody and fearful struggles that took place l^etween 
the two great races who have formed the ])eople 
and the language of England, were carried on Avitliin but 
a few miles of where we are now assembled. Anyone who 
has looked into that portion of the History of England 
will at once remember the names of Maldon and Assan- 
dune .(Assingden), those two great battle fields whicli 
were the scenes of bloody fights in the days to vv'hich 
I am now alluding. One of these, — and one of the most 
mteresting, Maldon — you will, if you please, have an 
opportunity of visiting during the excursions of this 
Society ; and let me remind you that this particular 
fight has had the good fortune to be sung in one of 
the noblest monuments of the early language of England. 
These great struggles were scarcely kno^\1l — I Ijelieve 
certainly not in theii* interest and importance, even to 
the educated people of England — until within a very few 
years ; and the man who has made them known to us I 
am haj^py to say is sitting by me now. It is my friend, 
Mr. Freeman in his work " The History of the Norman 
Conquest," who has revealed to most of us the truth 
and the intei'est of that great jieriod of our history. I 
ain glad to welcome Mr. Freeman here into tins hmd 
of the East Saxons. I have l:)een accustomed rather to 
associate him with the land of Alfred and Wessex 
than with the land of the Trinobantes, or East 
Saxons ; but he has made every j^art of England his o^^'n 
in working up the great drama of liis History, and I hiwQ 
no doubt he is as much at home at Maldon as at Athelney 
or at Battle. Well, after the Norman concpiest, to which 
in these desultory remarks I have now arrived, no douljt 
the interest of Essex sonlC^v'llat fails. After the 


Nornicin (Joii<[uest our nionumeuts ai'e less remarkable, 
and our liistorical associations less exciting. But still, 
during the long period of the Middle Ages, we have 
monuments which are good specimens and good records 
of the two great cliaracters Avhich sti'ike the eye 
in that ao-e — I mean the feudal Baron and the mitred 
Abbot. We have two great religious houses, or rather, 
the relics and remains of them, which you will no doubt 
visit, in Colchester itself ; and we have, at all events, 
two magnificent and first-rate specimens of the keep of 
the Norman Baron — the one being that great Castle which 
lies within a few yards of us in this room, which I believe 
to be one of the most intei-esting l^uildings of its kind in 
the lireadth and length of this island, made out of the 
aljundant resources of the Roman materials which lay at 
the hand of the builder, within a very few years of the 
great events of the Norman Conquest, The other great 
Norman keep, which you will have the opportunity of 
visiting if you please, is tlie magnificent Castle of 
Hedingliam, the head quarters of the great family of De 
Vere. I need hardly remind you of the burning- 
times which succeeded this period — a very considerable 
interval — the time of the Civil Wars, in which Colchester 
played a, great part. I have myself been visiting 
to-day the s]3ots which saw the painful scenes of 
the siege of Colchester enacted ; and I have seen that 
]3lace especially in which one of the very few deeds was 
done by an exasperated conqueror — one of the very few 
cruel and unnecessary deeds which disgrace our civil 
wars — I mean the execution under the Castle wall, of the 
gallant defenders of Colchester. Many years elapsed after 
that terrible time, before Colchester I'egained and 
recovered its former aspect. There is a very interesting 
l)ook — I don't know whether it is known to you or not — 
written l)y De Foe ; a little book of travels over England, 
a large portion of which he devotes to Essex and 
Colcliester, written about the year 1722, and in that he 
describes Colcliester as it then met his eyes, and he says 
that Colchester "is still muuniing in the ruins of the civil 
war." That certainly is not the case to-day ; and let me 
say that it is a grea.t luq)pincss and great good fortune for 
this country, and for this Institute which is meeting here 


to-day, that .siicli an interval of peace and cahnness has 
elapsed since those days, as enables us to deal with these 
questions, I hope with intense interest, but with im- 
pait Jality and cahnness. 1 take it that whatever our his- 
torical sympatliies may be, there are few who do not find 
tliemselves able to give credit both to Cavalier and 
Koundliead of those days. There are few, at all events, 
wlio would feel like that very original and eccentric man 
wh(^ died lately, and whose memoirs w^ere written the 
other day, the Vicar of Morwenstow, in C/ornwall, 
who refused to admit tliat Milton was a poet ; and liad 
such a liatred of the Puritans that he said the only man 
who ever estiinated hhu at his right value was the l)()ok- 
seller who offered liim £10 for "Paradise Lost." I think 
tliere are few of us wlio will look upon the past witli such 
heated minds as tliat, and tliat A\^e sliall l)e a1)le to afford 
our pity and oui" pride, l)oth f )r the C-avalier and tlie 
Ironside. Tliese few remarks Iuia'C referred, as you will 
see, to two of tlie l)ranches ^\liicli constitute the 
programme of this Institute ; I mean History and 
Arclia3ology. AVitli resjject to Architecture, I believe 
that we liave not quite so much to say for ourselves in this 
County of Essex. I believe we are not very ricli in great 
S]3ecimens of the Architecture of England, either in the 
round-headed or ])ointed styles ; and tliat, perhaps, not 
through any fault of our own, but from the important 
fact that in Essex we have ah\'ays had a great deal of 
wood but no stone. And, as many of you know well, we 
have — I don't know whether in the immediate neiolibour- 


hood or not — a great many interesting C-hurches, in 
which timber, and magnificent ancient timl)er work, 
plays a great part ; but I believe it to be true that in 
specimens of architecture we are not very rich. At the 
same time I am certain you will find quite enough 
to interest you in that department. At tliis point tliere 
is an observation I should like to make before I sit down. 
I should like to point out to you the value of the lesson 
read to us Ijy the combination in the programme of this 
Institute of Architecture wdth History, and \\'itli Archaeo- 
logy, f )r, as Tennyson says on another subject — ■ 

" Tlieso are three sisters friends to man, 

AVliiih never (-an 1)0 sundorefl witliniit tears." 


And while, on the one liand, History gets on very badly, and 
has made many Inlanders without the help of Archaeology, 
tliat is to say, the study of documents and books has got 
on very badly in the hands of men v/ho have not had 
eyes to see, or who have not taken the trouble to examine, 
the records left on the flice of the land by oui- forefatliers : 
On the other hand — and tliis strikes me. most forcibly — 
Arcliitecture has done a good deal of mischief Vv^hen 
separated from History and Archaeology. I know, from 
Avhat I have heai'd in the coiu'se of tlie day, 1 am getting 
on ratlier delicate ground ; nevertheless, I must sa,y what 
I have to say on this point, and it seems .to me tliat one 
of the foremost duties of this Institute is to endeavour 
to propagate, thi'ougliout the length and breadth of the 
land, what I may call the historic sense — the historic 
sentiment — a reverent feeling for the works of our fore- 
fathers. That propagandism seems to be our especial duty, 
and I hope the effect of such meetings as this will be to 
add new interest to our homes, fresh interest to our walks 
and our journeys — possibly, to enhance our affection 
for our country. But more than that, it ought, and I 
hope it will, teach many of us a reverent care for the 
works that have been handed down to us from our 
ancestors — the desire to preserve them against all 
dangers, including that which I am bound to call the 
peril of architectural restoration. We know the ravages 
that have been made by enlightened architects, 
in what is called the restoration of the ancient 
buildings, and, of course, especially of our ancient 
Ecclesiastical buildings. It is not only, as is ordinarily 
the case, a smatterino- of Arcliitecture that is dangerous, 
but even a knowledge of Architecture, without the 
association of whcit I call the historic sense, the historic 
sentiment ; that knowledge and that iancy has led to 
many lamentable deeds, and the sweeping away of what 
were supposed to be incongruities in a building, prob ibly 
a Church, and in the endeavour to reduce all to some 
fa,ncied standard of architectural correctness. We may 
hope that things are already very nuich improved in this 
i'es])ect ; we may hope that the days have passed in which 
sucli things were done, as for example one which is 
denounced by my friend Mr. Freeman in that same great 


book- — and it lias a connexion witli this neigli])ouihood — 
when he tells yon that the tomb of Brightnoth, the hero 
of the l)attle of Maldon — the toinb of that hero in Ely 
Cathedral was swept away, demolished, and his ashes 
scattered, by what the historian calls "the savages of the 
18th centnry." Snch a deed as that, I believe, will never 
happen again ; bnt I feel convinced that our only security 
ao'ainst such mistakes and ravao-es is that historic sense 
and feehng to which I have referred. It is not enough, 
it seems to me, to feel, with Wordsworth, 
'•"The memorial majesty of time," 

in the case of o'reat buildinsfs and noble monuments : one 
wants to have the same feehngs carried into all matters, 
small and great. One wants a certain tenderness for 
" old, unha]Dpy, far-off things," and even for old and ugly 
things. Without that feeling, I believe, we shall have 
no safety in the work of restoration. Of course there will 
be doubtful cases, and ugliness sometimes reaches a point 
which becomes unbearable ; but still, upon the whole, the 
only safety is to listen to the Muse of history, and she 
will always say " Let it alone." In connexion with that 
there is a question which I cannot pass before I sit down 
without one word of notice. It is the cpiestion of State 
interference in the preservation of our national monuments. 
This is a matter of practical and, I may say. Parliamentary 
interest. It was only to-day that I heaixl from the highest 
possible authority, Mr. Parker, that the Government of 
Italy has utterly outstripped us in this matter. The 
Government of Italy has recognised the duty of the State 
to preserve these national monuments, and has fulfilled 
the duty in a trenchant manner, which is undoubtedly 
ahen to our Engiisli ideas, and which I sliall not attempt 
to recommend, at all events in a manner which I should 
not have the pluck to stand up and support before either 
the House of Commons or the House of Lords. But a 
distinguished English antiquary has l^een endeavouring 
to preserve our national monuments in an extremely 
cautious and prudent way, and I confess I find it impossible 
to fill even for a moment the honourable position of Presi- 
dent of this Institute without saying a word of appeal on 
behalf of Sir John Lubbock's BiU. I do not know what the 
object and duty of such an Institution or of such a meeting 
vol; xxxiy. c 


as this is if we do not do something in behalf of that 
measure. I am sorry to say, and I do not think it 
creditable to the House of Commons, that that measure 
has failed again ; it has not been rejected, and there- 
fore there is every hope for the future ; l)ut it has 
not succeeded. Of course one knows the difficulty 
with the noble British sense of the rights of pro- 
])erty, l)ut we know that the wholesome feeling can 
be, upon occasions wliich seem to the pul)lic sufficient, 
inade to give way to the pul)lic interests, and whenever 
one fiftieth jmrt of that feeling, which over-rides the 
rights of property for the sake of a new railway, a roaxl, 
or a drain, shall be apphed to oiu' national monuments, 
this measure of Sir John Lubbock will pass without any 
difficulty. In the meantime I hope that we, at all events, 
all in this room, will give it the support it deserves. I 
am not going to detain you any longer. I have en- 
deavoTu-ed to fulfil the duty of making a sort of ceremonial 
address upon these subjects, the interest of which, little 
as I know of them, I feel very strongly, but I now have 
the pleasure of handing you over to the severer discipline 
of the Vice-Presidents, and I trust that as they will find, 
as I l)elieve they will, much in this city and its neigh - 
boiu'hood to interest them, so we shall find much to learn 
from them ; and I sincerely hope that the week which 
has begun so successfully to-day will be one of pleasure 
and profit to its end, and that neither the Institute, nor 
the jjeople of Colchester and its neighbourhood, will then 
have any other feeling than one of mutual congratulation. 



Of tlie forty shires of England there are certainly not a 
score of which good histories have been written, and not 
above five or six and twenty of which there are any 
tolerable histories at all. Even Yorkshire, so rich in 
antiquities of every kind, ethnological, ethncjgraphical, 
architectural, and genealogical ; in pra3-historic tuniidi ; 
in proper names given by the Briton, the Roman, and 
tJie Northman ; in march dykes ; lioman and other 
encampments ; military roads and moated mounds ; in 
the ruins of glorious abbeys and mighty castles ; in its 
noble cathedral and grand parish clnu'ches, upon two of 
which the brevet rank of cathedral has been imposed ; in 
its venerable and splendid country seats, and in its 
ancient and often historic families : even Yorkshii-e, so 
rich in all these varied and tempting subjects, and rich 
too in material Avealth, has yet met with no liistorian. 
Divisions of the C()unty, as llichmondshire and Hallam- 
shire, Doncaster and Sheffield, are the subjects of works 
quite of the first class, but neitlier the great Shire, nor 
even one of its Ridings, has been placed upon record. If 
such be the case in wealthy and cultivated England, it 
is no great shaine in Wales to be, as regards county 
histories, in a still more unprovided condition, as indeed 
the Principality must be admitted to be. There is but 
one history, Jones's " Brecknock," of any Welsh county, 
at all worthy of the name, for assui-edly neither Fenton's 
" Pembrokeshire" nor Mey rick's " Cardigan" merit that 
title. And yet, as is abundantly shewn in tiie volumes 
of the '■' Archceologia Cambrensis," and in the copious 
though incidental notices of Wales in Ey ton's excellent 
" History of Early Shropshire," it is not the material that 


is WLiiitinu'. Cambria, thouofh not tlie cradle, the latest 
home of the Cymric people, has no reason to complain of 
her share of the gifts of nature or of their adaptation to 
])roduce material prosperity. The incurvated coast, whence 
the country is thought to derive its name, abounds in 
bays and headlands of extreme beauty and grandeur. 
In the North its scenery is bold and striking ; in the 
South it is of a softer character, and celebrated rather for 
its valleys than its mountains, its meandering rivers rather 
than its dashing torrents. In mineral wealth the North 
is not deficient, but tlie South has the lion's share, nor 
does any part of it approach in value the division of 
Glamorgan. Here, in the centre of the Welsh coal field, 
that mineral is not only abundant in quantity, easy of 
access and convenient for transport by sea, but it is of a 
character equally removed from the bituminous varieties 
of the east and the anthracite of the west, so that it 
produces unusual steam power in proportion to its weight 
and bulk, and does so without raising the usual accom- 
paniment of smoke — qualities which render it valuable 
in commerce and still more in request in naval warfare. 

Wales moreover, and especially Glamorgan, was for 
centuries the scene of romantic and sjDirit-stirring events, 
and has had a large measure of ecclesiastical and military 
renown. To Pelao-ius, t]iou2:h tlieir names have the 
"merit of congruity," the land of Morgan cannot indeed 
lay claun ; and too many of her early sons, like the Greeks 
before Agamemnon, slumber unrecorded beneath her 
cairns and barrows. Of others notices have survived, 
and tlieii" sweet savour is found in the churches whicli 
they have founded, in the records of LlandafF, the earliest 
of British bishoprics, and in the fragmentary, but ancient 
literature, of the people. Bede relates how " Lever 
MaAvr," " the great light," better known in translation as 
King Lucius, moved Eleutherius, a.d. IGO, to send over 
from Home Fagan and Dyvan to preach the gospel to his 
people. They settled at Avalon, but seem to have laboured 
much across the Severn, where their names are yet pre- 
served in the Churches of St. Fagan and Merthyr Dovan, 
the latter indicatino: the manner in which its founder 
bore testimony to his faith. 

Gildas, an author of the sixth century, whose name 


is prefixed to the treatise " De excidio Brituniiii\3, " 
written certainly before the time of Bede, is associated 
Avitli Glamorgan frcjm having ])aid a visit to St. Cadoc 
at Llancarvan, wliere, before either Saxon or Norman 
had profaned the banks of the Carvon, the Siloa of 
Glamorgan, were educated, and thence sent forth many 
of those holy men who gained the appellation of " terra 
sanctorum " for the land in which they laboured. Tlie 
monastic school, or " Chorea Sanctorum" of Llancarvan, is 
said to have been founded by the saints Germanus and 
Lupus to counteract the Pelagianism of the district, strong 
in the name and heresy of Morgan ; but the claim of Ger- 
manus in this respect is challenged for Dubricius, a saint of 
the close of the sixth century, and for Cadoc, or Cattwg, a 
saint and j^i'hice, whose name survives in the adjacent 
Cadoxton, whose triad has gained for him the appellation 
of " the wise," and who, with St. David and Nennius, claims 
to have shared in the instruction of St. Finnian, one of tlie 
apostles of Christian Ireland. It was at Llancarvan, towards 
the middle of the twelfth century, that Caradoc, named from 
thence, penned that account of the Principality known as 
the "Brut-y-Tywysogion," which, expanded and continued 
by the successive labours of Price and Lloyd, Powell and 
Wynne, still holds the chief place in Welsh historical 
literature. In Llancarvan also, upon his patrimony of 
Trev- Walter, or Walterston, was probably l;)orn Walter 
Calenius, or de Map, a son of Blondel de Map, chaplain 
to Fitz-Hamon, and who acquired the property by marriage 
with Flwr, its Welsh heiress. Walter became chaj^lain 
to Henry I, and Archdeacon of Oxford, and was one of 
those who, during the reigns of the two Henries, and 
under the protection of Robert Earl of Gloucester, Lord 
of Glamorgan, pronicjted the growth of English literature, 
and was besides celebrated for his lively and pungent 
satires upon Becket and the clergy of his day. He 
also seems to have added largely to the stocks of 
Arthurian llomance, and to have made popular those 
legends upon which his friend and contemporary Geoffrey 
of Monmouth founded his well-known volume. These 
well-springs of Cymric history are indeed scanty and 
turljid, and must be drawn from with great discrimi- 
nation ; but it is from them, from the " Lifr Coch," or 


of Llaudatt', and from the lives of St. Cadoc, St. Iltyd, 
and other of the Welsh samts, that is derived all that is 
known of the history of Glamorgan before the Normaii 
invasion. Nor is the testimony of the " Book of Llaiidatt'" 
confined to Llancarvaii. Both Llan-Iltyd or Llantwit, 
under the presidency of St. Iltutus, and Docunni or 
Ijlandoch, now Llandougli upon tlie Ely, were celebrated 
as monastic colleges early in tlie fifth centiuy, and even 
now, in the churchyard of each place, are seen those 
singular obelisks or upright stones rudely but eftectively 
adorned with knot- work in st(jne, and of very ancient 
thouo-h inicertain date. 

Glamorgan extends about fiity-tnree miles along tlie 
northern shore of the Bristol Channel, here broadening 
into an estuary. From the seaboai'd as a base it passes 
inland twenty-nine miles in the figure of a triangle, the 
northern point abutting upon the range of the Beacons 
of Brecknock. Its principal towns, Cardiff and Swansea, 
are placed near the southern angles of the triangle : 
Merthyr, of far later growth, stands at the northern angle, 
and near the head, as Cardift' is near the opening, of the 
Taft', and Swansea of the Tawe. Aberdare upon the 
Cynon, and Tre-Herbert upon the llhondda, tributaries 
of the Taff', are the centres of immense nebul?e of popula- 
tion, at this time condensing with more than American 
i-apidity into considerable towns. The actual boundaries 
of the county, east and west, are the Afon-Eleirch or 
Swan river, now the Ilhymny, from Mcmmouthshire, and 
the Llwchwr or Burry from Caermarthenshire. The 
episcopal village and Cathedral of Llandaff stand upon 
the " Llan " or mead of the TaflP, a little above Cardiff'. 

The great natural division of the county is into upland 
a-iid lowland, called by the old Welsh the " Blaenau " 
and the " Bro," the latter extending, like the Concan of 
Bombav, as a broad margin along the seaboard, and 
covering about a third of the area; the former, rising 
al)ruptly like the Syhadree Ghauts, and lying to the 
north. The Bro, though containhig sea cliffs of a hun- 
dred feet, is rather undulating than hilly ; the Blaenau 
is througliout mountainous, and contains elevations wliich 
rise to'l^OU, 1 GOO, and at Carn Moysin to 2000 feet. 
From this high ground s])ring the rivers of the county. 


Besides the four already, iiientioned, are the Nedd, on 
which are the town of* Neath and the dock of Briton- 
Ferry, the Ely with the dock of Penarth, the Ogwr 
flowing through Bridgend, and the Cowhridge Thawe, 
whose waters roll into the sea over a field of Mater-worn 
lias pebbles, in repute as an hydraulic limestone, in great 
recpiest among engineers, and as celebrated as that of 
Barrow on the Soar. Besides these are a multitude of 
smaller streams bearing Welsh names, some of whicli, as 
the " Sarth " or Javelin, and the " Twrch " or Boar, are 
hio-hly sio'nificant. 

The Llwchwr is the only Glamorgan river admitting, in 
any degree, of navigation, and that to a very small extent. 
The northern streams are rapid and uncertain, sometimes 
foaming torrents, sometimes dry beds of shingle, but 
more commonly with a moderate flow. They descend 
through those wild and rocky but always verdant vallies 
f >r which Glamorgan is justly famed. Both the Taft' 
and the Nedd are celebrated for their scenery, but the 
Taff has the advantage not only in tlie conflux of vallies 
^\'hich form so pleasing a feature at Pont-y-Prydd, but 
in the grand cleft by which that river, guarded by the 
ancient castle of the De Clares, and the far more ancient 
camp of British origin, bursts from its constraint amidst 
the mountains, and rolls in easy and graceful curves 
across the ]3lain of Cardiff. 

CardiflP, the principal poi't of the county, is formed hj 
the union of the Tatf and the Ely, and its roadstead is 
protected by the headland of Penarth. S'^vansea, its 
western rival, opens upon its celebrated bay : Briton- 
Ferry, Port Talb(jt, and Porth Cawl are intermediate 
and smaller ports. A cin^ious feature upon several points 
of the sea coast are the large deposits of blown sand, 
probably an accumulation of the twelfth centur}^ l)ut 
flrst mentioned in a charter of Bichard II., 1384, in 
which he grants to the Abbot and Convent of Margam 
the forfeited advowson of Avene on account of their 
lands " per sabulam maritirnam destructam in nimiam 
depauperacionem abbatise. " This sand, the movement 
of the surface of which has hitherto defied all attempts at 
planting, has advanced upon Merthyr Mawr and Kenfig 
and some parts of Gower, and, like the dragon of 


VVantley, lias swallowed up iniicli ]3astLire, at least three 
churches, a castle, a village or two, and not a few 
detached houses. 

The suj^erficial features of the county are largely 
affected by its mineral composition. The mountain 
districts contain the coal field, of late years so extensively 
woi'ked : the lowlands are mainly old red sandstone and 
mountain limestone, more or less eroded by water, and 
covered up by the unconformable and nearly horizontal 
beds of the magnesian congL^merate, the new red, and 
the lias. The county contains no igneous rocks, nothing 
known older than the old red, and no regular formation later 
than the lias. The gravels, however, are on a large scale, 
and their sections throw much light upon the origin 
and dip of the pebbles, and upon the measure and direction 
of their depositing forces. 

The charms of Glamorgan have not wanted keen 
appreciation. An early triad asserts of it : — 

"Tlie Bai'd loves this beautiful country, 
Its wines, its wives, and its white houses." 

Its wines are, alas ! no more ; not even the patriotic efforts 
of Lord Bute, in his vineyards nt Castell Coch, have as 
yet been able to raise a murmur from the local tem- 
perance societies ; but the white cottages still glisten, 
nestled in the recesses of the hills ; and if its wives no 
longer enjoy a special preeminence in Wales it is only 
l)ecause the fair sex of other counties, emulous of the 
distinction, have attained to the same merits. The 
following lines by Dean Conybeare seem Avorthy of 
preservation here : — 

Moi'^anwg ! thy vales are fair, 

Proud thy mountains rise in air ; 

And frequent, through the varied scene 

Tliy wliito-walled mansions glare between: 

May the radiant lamp of day 

Ever shed its choicest ray 

On those walls of glittering white ; 

Morganwg ! the Bards' delight. 


]\[oro:anwff ! those wliito walls hold 
A matchless race ia warfare bohl ; 
111 peace the pink of courtes}', 
In love are none so fond and free. 
May, etc. 

Morganwg ! those white walls knon' 
All of bliss is given below, 
For there in honour dwells the bride, 
Her lover's joy, her husband's pride. 
May, etc. 

The glowing description of Speed has l^een r)ften quoted 
and is well known ; a modern and more proiaic writer, 
following in the same school of geography that has 
compared Italy to a boot, and Oxfordshire to a seated 
old woman, has employed a sort of " memoria teehnica " 
for the general form of Glamorgan, which he likens to a 
porpoise in the act of diving : " Roath represents its 
mouth, Ptuperra its prominent snout, Blaen-Khymny and 
Waun-cae-Gerwin its dorsal fins, the peninsula of Gower 
its outstretched tail, and the Hundred of Dinas Powis 
its protuberant belly." 

Glamoro'an received a -western addition and became a 
regular county in the reign of Henry VIH., but the 
ancient lunit still divides the sees of Llandaft* and St. 
David's. Both districts, by some accounts, were in- 
cluded in the ancient Morganwg. " Glamorgan," says 
Kees Meyric, " differs from Morganwg, as the j)articulars 
from the general," Morgan^vg being the older name and 
far more comprehensive territory. " Morganwg," says 
the same authority, " extended from Gloucester bridge 
to the Crumlyn brook near Neath, if not to the Towy 
river, and included parts of the later shires of Gloucester, 
Monmouth, Hereford, Brecknock and Glamorgan, and it 
may be of Caermarthen." Glamorgan, on the other 
hand, seems to have been confined to that part of tlie 
present county that lies along the seal3oard, south of 
the portway, or road, probably Koman, from Cardiff to 
Cowbridge and Neath, and this it is which is said to 
have been ruled by Morgan Hen, or the aged, in 
the middle of the tenth centuiy. To this Prince has 
been attributed the name of his territory, Gwlad-Morgan 
or Moro'an's countrv, and there is no evidence for its 



earlier use. The rule of his clescendauts, however, under 
the same name, seems to have included the northern or 
hill country, and finally Fitz-Hamon and his successors, 
although of the ancient Morganwg they held only that 
small part between the Rhymny and the Usk, always 
styled themselves "Domini MorganisG et Glamorganise" in 
their charters, nor v/as the style altered even when the 
Monmouthshire lands passed away for a time by a coheir 
to the Audleys. 

The Britons, both of East and West Britain, seem, 
when fairly conquered, to have accepted the Roman yoke 
with equanimity, a,nd it is evident, from the remains of 
Roman villas all over Wales, that tlie intruders lived 
there in peace. This was never the case with the 
Englisli. The Welsh never accepted tlieir rule, and 
their language contains many expressions indicating their 
deadly and continued hate. Even in the Herefordshire 
irchenfield, where many parishes bear English names, and 
^vliieli pr(jbably from the time of Alfred was ]3art of an 
English county ; and along the Shropshire border, within 
and ab<^ut OPra's Dyke, all the English dwellings were 
fortiiied. The points of contact between the Welsh and 
the various tribes of Northmen were numerous, sometimes 
on the Enodish border, where a laro-e infusion of the names 
are English, sometimes along the sea coast, where such 
names as Skokholm, Holm, Sealm, Gresholm, Gatholm, 
Strumble Head, Nangle, and Swansea savour strongly of 
the Baltic, and it seems probable that to those early vikings, 
and not to the later settlements of Flemings or English, is 
due the Teutonic element which prevails in the topography 
of Lower Pembroke and Gower. In Glamorgan, however, 
the Welsli in the eleventh century seem pretty well to 
have recovered their territory, and to liave disposed of 
their invaders as they disposed of Harold himself when 
he attempted to erect a liunting lodge for the Confessor 
at Portskewit. 

Gwrgan, the penultimate Welsh prince who ruled over 
Glamorgan, is usually called by the Welsh Lord of 
Morganwg, which liowever he certainly never held in its 
extended sense, his rule having been confined to the tract 
from the Usk to the Crumlyn, and from the Brecknock 
border to tlie sea. His name is said to be preserved in 


Gwrgciiistowii near Cowbridge, but lie lives chiefly in the 
menKjry of the Welsh as having laid open the Common 
of Hirwaun, thence known as " Hirwaun-Wrgan," or 
" Gwrgan's long meadow," near Aberdare. 

Jestyn ap Gwrgan, his son and successor, had a jiowerful 
and ambitious neighbour in R-hys ap Twdvvr, Lord of 
Deheubarth, or the shires of Caermarthen, Cardigan, and 
Pembroke, with whom, as was natural to his race, he was 
at war ; and getting, or fearing to get, the worst in the 
struggle, he dispatclied Einion ap Collwyn, a refugee from 
Dyfed, Avho had lived much with the Normans, to Ilobert 
Fitz-Hamon for aid, Fitz-Hamon was a friend and 
follower of Rufus, and lord of the Honour of Gloucester, 
the m.apfnificent heritaofe of Brictric, who is said t(j have 
refused the hand of Matilda, who afterwards married 
William the Conqueror, but ]iever forgave the spretce 
injuria for nup. The Ivoman de Brut says — 

" Meis Lrictrieli ]\[aiKlo rcfusa 
Dunt elo mult se corii(;a." 

Fitz-Hamon, not insensible to the attractions of a 
Marcher lordship, crossed the Severn with his tioops, and 
landed, it is said, at Porthkerry in or about 1093. 
Joining his forces to those of Jestyn, they met, attacked 
and conquered Rhys at Bryn-y-beddau near Hirwaun, 
within or close upon the border of Brecknock, and slew 
him on tlie brow oi an adjacent hill in Glyn Rhondda, 
thence called Pern-hys. Goronwy, a son of Rhys, also 
was slain, and Cynaii another son was drowned in a large 
marsh between Neath and S^^'ansea, thence called Pwll- 

The Normans are said to have received their subsidy at 
the "Fill-tir-awr," or Golden Mile, near Bridgend, and 
to have departed by land. Einion, however was refused 
his guerdon, the hand of Jestyn's daughter, on which he 
recalled the Normans, who had a fray at Mynydd Buchan, 
^\'est of Cardiff, at which Jestyn was slain. 

The proceedings of Fitz-Hamon during and upon his 
conquest have been woven into a legendary tale, very 
neat and round, very circumstantial, but as deiicient in 
evidence as though it had proceeded from the pen of 
Geoft'rey himself. The story, Avhich in South Wales is 


an article of faith, explains the jealousy between Rhys 
and Jest}^], resting, of course, upon a woman ; the cause 
of the special selection of Einion to bring in the Normans; 
the battle (jf Hirwaun Wrgan ; tlie death of Khys and his 
sons; the jiayment of the Normans in gold; the refusal to 
Einion of his guei'don ; the retirement and I'eturn of 
the Normans ; the death of Jestyn and tlie occupation 
of his territory ; and finally its partition between the 
conqueror and his twelve principal followers, and four 
or live Welshmen. 

By whom or when this story was concocted is not 
known. It was certainly accepted without challenge in 
the reign of Elizabeth, and could scarcely have been 
circulated before the extinction of the Le Despencers, 
early in the fifteenth century. P.rol)ably its author was 
some follower of the Stradlings of St, Donats, a family 
somewhat given to literature, and whose fictitious 
pedigree it sets forth as true. What is certain is, that 
whatever may have been the cause alleged, the invasion 
was not really due to any local quarrel, but was part of a 
settled policy for completing the English conquest, and 
which, if not undertaken by Fitz-Hanion, would have 
been carried out by Kufus in person, or by some of the 
adventurers who about the same time were taking 
jiossession of Monmouth and Brecknock and the whole of 
South-west Wales. Indeed, Ilufus awaited the result 
of Fitz-Hamon's expedition at Alveston, between Bristol 
and Gloucester, and it is supposed was only prevented by 
illness from bearing a share in it. A few months after 
the main success there seems to have been a rising of the 
Welsh in Wentloog, Glamorgan, and Gow^er, the result of 
which, according to the Brut, was so far successful that 
it secin^ed for them somewhat better terms, of which, 
however, there is but little evidence in what is known of 
the disposition of the lands. 

It is singular that of so notable a man as Fitz Hamon so 
little should be known. His father " Hamo Dentatus " 
seems to have received favoiu's from Duke William, who 
noticed his defection with that of Neel de St. Sauveur, 
Grimont de Plessy, and Banidph {;f Bayeux at Yal-e- 
Duiics, thus recorded in the Cronique des Dues de 
Normandie : — 


Par eel Eannol cle lieiesin 
E par Neel do Costentin 
E par Ilainun uiis Antecriz 
E par Grimunt des Plaiseiz 

Felon, parjor e traitor 

E vers Deu o vers lor Seignor 

Neel, Hamun, Eanol, Grrimout. 

Ill the battle, among the leaders, was " Haimoiiem 
agnomiiieDeutatum," Avho led the first line of six-thousand 
men and much distinoruished himself, tightino: hand to hand 
with the King of France, by whose attendants he was 
slain. He is there called Sieur de Thorigny, de Bersy, et 
de Creully, and his war cry,, (according to the Ivoman de 
Kou) was " St. Amant ;" 

" Et Han-a-dons va reclamant, 
' St. Amant,' sire ' Saint Amant'. "' 

Malmesbury s^^eaks of Haimon as " A.vum Roberti (jui 
nostro tempore in Angiia multarum possessionum incu- 
bator extitit," but he was more probably the father. 
Hamo-a-Dens seems to have had two sons, for Hamo 
Dapifer is stated by Wm. of Jumieges to be brother of 
Robert Fitz Hamon. " Dedit etiam illi [Roberto Comiti 
Glouc :] rex terrain Haimonis dapiferi, patrui videlicet 
uxoris sua3." Hamo Dapifer, though omitted in the index 
to the folio Domesday, appears as a tenant in chief in the 
record, holding in Essex fourteen parishes, and as " Haimo 
Vicecomes " possessing others in Kent and Surrey. 
Hasted sa,ys he was also called " Crevequer," He was 
one of the Judges in the great cause between Aichbishop 
Lanfranc and Odo, and died childless in the reign of 
Henry I. The land thus granted by Henry I to Earl 
Robert's wife descended to her children and their suc- 
cessors, and thus it was that Dunmow came to the De 

In the list of fees held luider the Church of Bayeux, 
" Robertus filius Hamonis " is entered as holding ten fees 
of the Honour of Evreux under Bayeux, and he was 
hereditary standard bearer to the blessed Mary of Bayeux 
as Earl Robert of Gloucester was after him. Meyrick 

^ 1 St. Amand was the patron saint of • The office of Dapifer seems to have 

Thorigny, sometimes called " St. Amand been held by the elder Hamo, for in 108S 
de Thorigny." Ivobcrt son of Hamo Dapifer aided Ilufug 

in the siege of Rochester Castle. 


calls liliii Earl of Corboile, but the Haymo who was Lord 
of the Castle of Corboile died on his way to Rome, dui'ing 
the reign of Hugh Capet, and his son was Theobald, as is 
related in the life of Earl Burchard, who mai-ried his widow. 

Though not mentioned in Domesday, Fitz-Hamon was 
probably then in Enghuid, for Mr. Elhs has found his 
name connected with Gloucester, in what he regards as 
the notes whence that part of the survey was com[)iled. 
He was in the confidence of Kufus, and on the eve of the 
Welsh expedition received from him tlie Honour of 
Gloucester, whence indeed he drew, as w^as of course 
intended, men and means. On the death of Rufus, when 
Duke Robert landed at Dorchester and advanced in arms 
from Winchester to meet his brother he was accompanied 
by Fitz-Hamon, who succeeded in negociating a peace be- 
tween the brothers. As Seigneur de Thorigny and Creully 
he was homager of Robert, " Homme de Due," as it was 
called, but lie seems thenceforwai'd to have adhered to 
Henry, Avhom he supported in 1101 against the "Opti- 
mates," who supported Robert. In that year the letter 
written by Henry on his accession, to Anselm, is witnessed 
by Robert Fitz-Hamon and Hamo Dapifer. In 1105 he 
w^as captured during the seige of Bayeux, taking refuge in 
the Tour de Moustrier de Secqueville, which was burned. 
Henry however obtained his liberation immediately, for 
"moult il se fioit en Robert Fitz de Hamon." Very soon 
afterwards, in the same year, he was wounded in the 
temple at the seige of Caen, of which wound he lingered 
till 1107, when he died.^ 

The policy pursued towards the Welsh seems to have 
been severe, since only one Welsh lord occurs in the low 
country, which was parted between the invaders ; the few 
Welsh, with that one exception, who were allowed to hold 
considerable estates beino- confined to the hills. In 
settling the lordship, the old Welsh divisions of cantreds 
and commotes w^ere preserved, and usually the parishes, 
but by a modification of these divisions the lordship was 
divided into body and members. The body, the Welsh 
bro, became the shire fee, and was placed under a sherift' ; 
and the members, tliough extending at points into the 
lowlands, corresponded for the most part to the Blaenau. 

• Chron. dc Normtiudie iu Rcr. Gull. Script., xii, 628, xiii, 20G, 248, 2,50-1, xv, 64. 


Besides these were the lord's private or demesne lands, 
the borough towns, and the possessions of the chiu'ch of 

The shire fee or body v/as settled in accordance with 
the feudal system in use in Normandy. The private 
estates became manors, and in many cases also ]3robably 
new parishes. There were SG? knights' fees, divided 
into about twenty- six lordships, held by castle- 
guard tenure of the castle of Cardiff, to which the 
tenants were bound to repair when needed. Besides 
these there were mesne manors, suljinfeudations fi-om tlie 
original tenants, holden of them and their castles, also 
by military service, the whole being held by the chief 
lord under the sovereign. 

The boroughs were six, Cardiff, Cowbridge, Kenfig, 
Llantrissant, Avan, and Neath. The four lirst held direct 
from the lord, and enjoyed the usual liberties and 
privileges, guaranteed by charter. Neath held originally 
from cle Granville, but came by exchange to the lord. 
Avan, or Avene, stood out much longer, but, on tlie 
extinction of the elder line of Jestyn, that also fell in. 
Probably these boroughs were wholly of Norman intro- 
duction. Caerphilly has been classed with the boroughs, 
but it does not seem ever to have received a charter or to 
have had a governing body. It sprung up with the castle, 
and no doubt fell with it into sp?edy and complete decay. 

The members were ten, of which two were subdivided. 
They were Avan Wallia, Coyty, Glyn Rhondda, Llan- 
Ijlethian, Miscin, Neatli cit]"a and ultra, Ptuthyn, 
Senghenydd supra and subter, Talavan, and Tir-y-jarl 
or the earl's land. It is said that tenure by gavelkind, 
called " randyr," or partible land, prevailed, but the 
curious thing is that it is not found in the ])ure Welsh 
part of the county, but only among the copyholders in 
the low country. How gavelkind came into Wales is 
uncertain. England certainly did not l^orrow this or the 
cantred or hundred from that eountiy. Tlie meml^ers had 
their local courts, and their lords the right of " bren-o- 
ffwl," or ]3it and gallows, no great concession, as seven of 
the twelve were in the liands of the clu'ef lord. Each 
member had its steward or senesclial, who presided at its 
courts, from which an appeal lay to the shire court at Cardiff'. 


Although LlandafF was a very ancient ecclesiastical 
title, there seems to have been an attempt for a time to 
make Glamorgan the designation of the see. At Bishop 
Urban's consecration by Anselm he is called Bishop of 
Glamorgan, and the same appears in Eadmer. The Bishop, 
as head of the Church of LlandaflP, and lord of that manor, 
had the prerogatives of a lord Marcher, but his temporalities 
were confirmed to him by the chief lord, who claimed to 
hold possession of the see when vacant, though this right 
was afterwards challenged by the crown and surrendered. 
The Bishop held the lordship of Llandaff and the manor 
of St. Lythan, or Worlton, in the shire. 

The lands given by the Welsh princes to the colleges 
of Llantwit and Llancarvan seem to have been trans- 
ferred to other foundations ; for it is stated in the 
cartulary of St. Peter's at Gloucester that Fitz- 
Hamon gave to that church the church of St. Cadoc at 
Llancarvan, and Penhon, with 15 hides of land, probably 
about 1102. Llancarvan is mentioned in a bull of 
Calixtus in 1119, and of Honorius in 1128, and King 
Stephen, in confirming lands to Gloucester in 11 30, 
mentions St. Cacloc of Llancarvan and Tregofi", among 
the gifts of Fitz-Hamon. On the whole, the church in 
the lordship had no reason to complain of the new lords. 
The Benedictine Abbeys of Neath and Margam were 
founded in 1130 and 1147, and their endowments rapidly 
augmented. Ewenny, as a cell of Gloucester, was founded 
about the same time, and therefore it is not probable 
that Fitz-Hamon or his successor confiscated any church 
lands ; and no doubt the local property held by the 
Abbey of Gloucester, and now by the Dean and Chapter, 
represents the old Welsh endowments. 

The part played by the Crown in the conquest of 
Glamorgan has never been clearly defined. Fitz-Hamon 
certainly received the Honour of Gloucester to enable him 
to undertake it. That he did so with the consent of 
llufus is certain, and upon the condition that he held it, 
as such conquests were elsewhere held, of the Crown as 
a Marcher lordship. What was the precise position of a 
Lord Marcher has not been settled by legal antiquaries. 
They received no charter de!!ning, establisliing, or 
limiting their ample privileges. These privileges were 


necessary, under the circumstances, Lut would naturally 
become circumscribed as Wales became settled, and as 
the Crown retained over them the usual feudal rights, it 
would, from time to time, durino- a minority, or upon an 
escheat, have an opportunity of checking encroachments. 
In truth, however, a Lord Marcher, and especially the 
lord of fio compact a territory as Glamorgan, was little 
short of a crowned kino-. The kinoes writ did not run 
in his territory ; he had his sheriff, his chancery and 
chancellor, his great seal, bis court civil and criminal, 
rights of admiralty and of wreck, of life and death, an 
ambulatory council or parliament, jura regalia, finea, 
oblations, escheats, wardships, marriages, and other feudal 
incidents. Some of his greater tenants held "per baroniam," 
others by grand and petit sergeanty, socage, and villenage. 
For some time he held, " sede A'acante," the temporalities 
of the bishopric, he was patron of the principal abbeys 
and of the municipal boroughs, and he himself held 
"in capite de corona." A Marcher Lordship had also 
this in common with an Honour that, when it was, by 
an escheat or during a minority, vested in the crown, it did 
not become merged, or lose its individuality. The personal 
service due from the military tenants to the lord was not 
transferred to the crown, but, if they so pleased, could be 
compounded for in money. Nor were the Marcher privi- 
leges mere assertions. They wei^e regularly exercised, 
and occasionly pleaded in the king's courts. A plea is 
jjreserved in the records of the Curia Regis Stli July 1199, 
and noted, by Palgrave, in which the sheriff of Hereford, 
when ordered by the king's court to take possession of 
Bredwardine castle, protests that he cannot do so, it being 
out of his bailliewick, and Wm. de Braose, the Marcher 
Lord, declares that neither king, sheriff, nor justice has 
any right to enter upon his liberty. Also, in 1302, another 
William de Braose claimed in parliament that in his liberty 
of Gower he had his chancellor and chancery and seal, the 
judgment of life and death, and cognizance of all pleas, 
whether of crown or others, arising in the lordship, between 
all persons whomsoever. Similar statements are pleaded 
by the de Clares, Earls of Gloucester, in bar of appeal from 
their courts to Westminster. Also in a cause reported 
in the Cotton MS. [Vitell ; C. x, f. 1 72^'] where Eichard 



Sywavd, 1248, appeals to the Crown against a judg- 
ment in the Earl of Gloucester's court in Glamorgan, the 
Earl demurs to the appeal on the ground that Syward is 
his vassal, and that the transaction, the cause of the 
proceedings, was in Glamorgan. He suggests, however, a 
sort of compromise, a royal commission to report upon the 
case to the king in person, which was accepted. 

No wonder that the great English lords coveted the 
Welsh lordships. Unproductive in money or pastoral 
wealth, they were inaccessible, contained excellent soldiers, 
and by a temporary arrangement with the Welsh leaders 
a Marcher could at any time securely defy a weak sovereign. 

There is direct evidence for but few of Fitz-Hamon's 
grants, or even for the names or numbers of his principal 
followers. There is known but one extant charter by 
him relating to Wales, and by that he grants the fishery 
of an arm of the laft' at Cardiff to Tewkesbury Abbey. 
Other of his charters, 'relating to other counties, are 
however extant, and from the witnesses and similar 
sources the names have been established of a few 
of his ])rincipal followeis, and of several others whom 
it is highly probable were of the number. What 
makes it probable that the greater number of tenants 
whose names appear in the twelfth or early in the 
thirteenth century were derived from original settlers, is 
that most held directly of the lord. Of mesne or sub- 
ordinate manors there were comparatively few, and those 
of course may have been created at any time up to the 
passing of the celebrated statute *'quia emptores." 

The records of Glamorgan for the first century and a 
half from the Conqnest are very scanty indeed, chiefly 
charters from the lords to their dependants and to the 
Chnrch, though usually with many witnesses. Some of 
Fitz-llamon's followers seem to have staid but a short 
time, and, if they received grants of land, to have disposed 
of it, and in consequence they have escaped notice 
altogether ; but even of the greater lords, who founded 
local families, the origin and early descent has hitherto 
been involved in much obscurity. 

Under the feudal system the relations between the 
crown and its tenants in chief and between these and 
their subtenants were very intimate ; the crown per- 


petually claiming services or their redemption in money, 
the tenants resisting, and all parties aj^pealing to grants 
and charters, extents or surv^eys, remissions or excep- 
tions for and against the claims of wardship, livery, 
relief, sr-utage, escheat and the like, all which were set 
down with an accuracy well befitting transactions relating 
to property. 

llelations similar to these in suljstance, but nKjdiiied by 
the delegated powers of the Marcher Lords, subsisted 
also in Wales. Eacli Marcher, while holding in chief 
from the crown, was himself in many respects a sovei'eign 
in his relations to his own tenants and their sub-tenants. 
Every manor in tlie March was held mediately or 
immediately of a lord marcher, and its mesne lord paid 
his reliefs, wardships, scutage, and wardsilver ; and each 
had its customs, exemptions, payments and qnittances 
recorded in the chancery, which it was the prerogative of 
every marcher to hold, attached to the court of his caput 
Baronia3, which took coo-nizance, in the first instance or 
by appeal, of every cause, civil or crniiuial, arising within 
its bounds. There must, therefore, have been accumulated 
in the several chanceries a mass of records similar to those 
which, from the other parts of the kingdom, were preserved 
in the royal courts and the exchequer. 

What then has become of these records, which were, in 
fact, the early title deeds of the Welsh estates? It is 
scarcely surprising that the records even of the most 
powerful private families in Wales should have been 
destroyed, so frequent were the incursions and retahations 
of the two parties, who, of course, burned and destroyed 
everything ^^ithin their reach ; but this does not apply in 
the same degree to tlie records of the Marchers, whose 
castles were strong and well garrisoned, and in many 
cases, as at Chepstow, Ludlow, and Shrewsbury, scarcely 
at all exposed to be taken and sacked. Cardift* indeed was 
once or twice in the hands of the Welsh, and Glendowr, 
who was its last invader during its existence as a Marcher 
lordship, is supp(jsed to have destroyed all he found, 
which may perhaps account for the disappearance of the 
earlier records ; but even then there must have been many 
of a later date, accumulated under the Beauchamps and 
Nevilles, and Jasper Tudor, and these also are lost. The 


l(>rd,slii[) tlicu renerted to the crown, and as Edward VI 
and Elizabeth, wliile selling the lands, retained the 
signoral powei's, it might be expected that their officers 
would take charge of the records of the chancery. It is 
understood that neither at Badminton, Wilton, nor at 
Cardiff, are there any documents relating to the signory 
of Glamorgan, nor of earlier date than the entrance of the 
Herberts into that estate. 

Some have suggested that when the Marcherships 
were abolished or vested in the crown, and the govern- 
ment of Wales was administered by the Council at 
Ludlow, the records were all transferred thither, and 
perished in the subsequent civil wars ; others suppose 
them to have been removed to the repositories in 
London, and still to slumber unknown in that vast and 
long neglected though valuable collection, a theory which 
recent research renders scarcely tenable. The subject of 
the disappearance of the South-Welsh records is one of 
considerable interest, and it is to be hoped that it will 
be investigated by one of the able antiquaries on the staff 
of the Record Office, since none other could direct the 
necessary researches. 

Fortunately for posterity, although the records of 
the transactions of the Marcher lords with their tenants, 
of the Mareschals and De Clares, the Mortimers, Mont- 
gomerys, Newmarchs, Bellomonts, Braoses, Bohuns and 
Hastings's, with their knights and military dependents 
are lost, a better lot has attended the records of their 
transactions with the crown, and the inquisitions taken 
iq)ou their deaths or escheats, and the detail of their 
leiidal services, are in great measure preserved. 

Also, it has 'fortunately happened that whereas the 
Marcher lords, from their detached position and great 
military power, were frequently tempted into rebellion on 
such occasions, or when an estate suffered forfeiture or 
escheat or during a minority, the crown stepped in and 
seized u})on or administered the lordshij), and when this 
occurred tlie dues were usually jjaid to the officers of the 
ci'own, and tlie ti'ansactions were I'ecorded in the records 
of the realm, and are preserved. Thus the Honours of 
Gloucester and Brecknock were in the hands of Henry I. 
and Stephen. Ilichard and J(.)hu both held the Honour 


of Gloucester, and the " compotus" roll returned by their 
officer gives much information as to the internal state 
of Glamorgan at that remote period. 

There is also another source, both copious and accurate, 
of which little heed has hitherto been taken, but which 
throws considerable light upon the names and origin of 
the folLjwers of Fitz-Hamon into Glamorgan. It appears 
that almost all who joined in the conquest or settled 
in the conquered territory came from the Honour of 
Gloucester, and were therefore connected with one or 
other of the shires of Gloucester, Somerset, Devon, Dorset, 
or Wilts, and as they were either landowners, or the 
cadets of landowners, in those counties, their names occur 
in tlie local records, ^^dlich not unfrequently explain 
vanous particulars as to their descent and connexions. 

Of the leadmg settlers, whose names occur in such 
records as exist in Glamorgan, some contemp(jrary with 
Fitz-Hamon, others who, or their fathers, may, many 
of them, be really of that date, de Granville held 
lands at Bideford, Turberville at Bere-Turberville, St. 
Quintin at Frome-St.-Quintin, Umfraville at Down-Um- 
fraville, Halwey at Combe- Hal wey or Hawey, Reigny at 
Esse and Culm-Reigny, Bawdrip at Bawdrip, Cogan at 
Huntspill, Bonvile at Bonvileston in Devon ; while Barry, 
Bawcen, Butler, Coi-bet, Dennis, Fleming, Joel, Le Sore, 
Luvel, Maisy, Norris, Payn, Sandford, Scurlage, Sturmy, 
St. John, Valognes, Walsh, and scores of others occur in 
various parts of the Honour, and are found in either the 
eleventh, twelfth, or thirteenth century in Glamorgan. 

Many of the settlers reversed the usual practice in 
England, and, as in Ireland, gave to their lands their own 
names ; sometimes, it may be, because they found the 
Welsh name hard to pronounce, more frequently because 
their castles and the limits of their estates were altogether 
new\ Thus Barry, Bonvileston, Flemingston, Colwinston, 
Constantineston or Coston, Gileston, Marcross, Sully, all 
names of parishes, were evidently taken from their lords, 
and possibly were carved out of earlier Welsh parishes, 
Avhicli ^yeve usually very large indeed. St. George's and 
other churches dedicated to English saints, of which there 
are several, are no doubt of the same class. There are 
also many private estates, sometimes manors, but not 


parishes, bearing the names of the intruding owners. 
Such are Cantekipeston, Maes-Syward, Odins fee, Siggins- 
ton, Sanionston, Picketston, Lloyn-y-Grant, Beganston, 
Sturniy-Down, Walterston, and the hke. 

Fitz-Hamon, though certainly a severe conqueror, 
probal)ly, hke the greater conqueror under whom he had 
served, did not disturb the Welsh more than was necessary 
for his own security, though that, no doubt, is admitting 
a good deal. Einion and other Welsh lords were per- 
mitted to retain large tracts on the hills, and of four 
of the sons of Jestyn, the eldest was allowed to hold a 
member-lordship in the low country on n,t least equal 
terms with the greatest of the Normans. The position 
held by the descendants of Caradoc ap Jestyn is unlike 
any retained in England by men of pure Saxon descent. 
They built a castle on the A van, established under its 
protection a chartered borough town, were large bene- 
factors to Neath and Margam, two Norman abbeys, 
burying at the latter, and, as their seals shew, used 
armorial bearino-s and armoiu' like the Normans. With 
all this they continued for four generations to bear Welsh 
names, and to sympathise with the Welsh people ; for 
which they were sometimes summoned to do personal 
homage to the king, and sometnnes called upon to give 
hostages for their conduct. It was Morgan ap Caradoc 
who, in 1188, convoyed Archbishop Baldwin across the 
treacherous sands of Avan and Neath, on his way to 
Swansea. Morgan Gam his successor was shut up in an 
English prison by the Earl of Gloucester, and in reprisal 
he l)urned the earl's grange at Kenfig. Their original 
tenure, like that of the other Welsh lords, was without any 
definite service, but they afterwards acquired a commote 
held by sei'geantry, adopted Avene as a sirname, inter- 
married with the Norman families, added the great lordship 
of Cilvae and the manors of Sully and Eglwys-Brewis to 
their possessions, and finally, in the eighth descent, ended 
in an heiress, who married Sir William Blount, and 
exchanijed her lands for others in Eng-land. 

Of the Norman settlers there were six, unquestionably 
contenq)()rary with Fitz-Hamon, whose power was far 
more consideraljle than that of the others. These were de 
Granville, de Turberville, de Londres, Syward, St. Quintin, 


Umfravile and Sully. Richard de Granville is reported to 
have been Fitz-Hamon's brother, and there certainly 
occurs a Ricardus filius Hamonis in 109G as a baron, &c. 
with possessions in Normandy. [Uerum Gall., scrip, xiv, 
14G.] He or his son founded Neath Abbey, and retired 
to Bideford, where they became tlie progenitors of one of 
the great families of the West, achieving higli military and 
naval fame, and not unknown in literature. Pagan de 
Turberville had Coyty, much celebrated in bardic story as 
the seat of a royal lineage. He or his son strengthened 
their position by marrying the dispossessed Welsh 
heiress. The family always shewed Welsh sympathies, 
and continued to hold a very high rank in the county 
until the fifteenth century, when the main line failed, as 
the cadet lines have since also failed, so that there remains 
now but the echo of this very considei'able name. 

St. Quintin settled at Llanblethian, but they have left no 
special tradition or mark in the county, from which before 
1249 the family was gone, and Sy ward held their fees. Pro- 
bably they resided mainly elsewhere. Their heiress was the 
lady whose blood, mingled with that of Fitz-Hugh and of 
Marmion, centred in Parr of Kendal, and now flows in the 
veins of the Herberts of Wilton. Syward had the 
lordship and castle of Talavan and the sub-manor of 
MerthyrMawr, and, before his fall, in 1249, the castle of 
Llanblethian. They were a turbulent race, alternately 
useful and injurious to tlieir lords, and remembered as 
having carried on a plea against Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, 
into which largely entered the ver}^ ciuious legal question, 
how far an appeal lay from the earl's Marcher court to 
that of the kincr at Westminster. 

Of these lords, de Granville, de Turberville, de St. 
Quintin and Syward, held member -lordships, withjjowers 
of life and death and other Marcher privileges. De 
Londres, probably more powerful than any of the others, 
held the lordship of Ogmore with the sub-manor of 
Dunraven. Tlie family territory was, however, mostly 
in Caermarthenshire, where they held the great lordship 
of Carnwilthion, of which Kidwelly was the chief seat. 
The}^ built Ogmore castle, but mostly resided at 
Kidwelly. William de Londres and Maurice, his son, 
were the founders of Ewenny priory. The heiress of 



de Londres married de Cadurcis or Chawortli, and their 
heiress, Henry Earl of Lancaster. In consequence, the 
lordsliip has never had a resident lord, bnt on the other 
hand it has been held together, and is now a part of 
the Duchy of Lancaster. 

The other considerable settlers were LTmfravile and 
Sully. Umfravile is stated by genealogists to have been 
the head of that family, cadets of which settled at 
Prudhoe, and l^ecame Earls of Ano;us. The connection 
seems probable, for the Glamorgan Umfraviles sealed with 
a hexapetalous flower, which also forms a part of the 
Angus coat. They built Penmark castle, and there is 
some reason to suppose tliat the St. John's, who married 
their heiress, held Fonmon manor luider them. Somery, 
of Dinas Powis, ought perhaps to be added to the above 
'' Barones ma] ores," since they were Barons of Dudley 
castle, and held their Glamorgan fees for some centuries ; 
but they do not seem to have taken a very active part 
in local affairs. 

The earliest inquisition extant of the Lordship of 
Glamorgan was probably taken in 1262, on the accession 
of Earl Gilbert de Clare, and therefore one hundred and 
seventy years or so after the conquest. This gives a list 
of all the holders of lay fees, who held in capite of the 
lord, and the service due from each. The table is most 
intei^esting, and has only lately been discovered. 

The names and holdino-s are : 

Gr. Turberville in Newcastle 
Nerljerd in Laneovian 
Sandford in Leckwith 
Scurla^ in Llanliarry 
H. Sully in Pentjrcli 
Piretcn in Nova- Villa 

fee. Constantine in Lanmaes ^ 

, , deGloucestria inWvenchester^ 

,, de KaerdifF in Tianii'id ^ 

,, Clifford in Kenfeis ^ 

,, Basset in St. Hilary h 

,, Sully in Lanmaes % 


Butler in IMareross 
Constantino in Coston 
Ilawey in St. Donats 
Noriis in Penllyne 
Syward in Mertliyr-Mawr 

1 fee. 

1 M 

1 „ 
1 „ 
I ,. 

Le Sore in St. Pagans 1 

Walsli in Landoeli 1 

de Wincestria in Landan 1 

Mayloc in Capolla 1 


Cogan in Cogan 
Somory in Dinas Powis 
Corl)et in St. Nicludas 
l)o Londres in Ognioro 

2 fees. Nerberd in Abron Thawe 4 fees. 

2| ,, Su^ly in Sully and Wenvoe 4 ,, 

o ,, TTnifrevile in Ponniarlv 4 ,, 

4 „ 


The al^bot of Margam held Langewy, probalily a lay 
fee, hilt no service is named. Turherville held Coyty by 
grand serjeantry. Of the Welsh lords, Morgan Vachan 
(of Avan) held in Baglan half a commote by Welshery ; 
no service, but a horse and arms at the death of the 
tenant, the old f^rm of heriot. Two sons of Morgan ap 
Cadewalthan held half a commote in Glyn Rhondda ; 
no service. Griffith ap Rees held two commotes, an 
immense holdino- in Seno^eniht : he was the ancestor of 
Lewis of Van ; no service. Morediht ap Griffith held 
one commote in Machheir, probably Miscin ; no service. 
De Granville's lordship is not mentioned, it having lapsed 
to the chief lord, as 2)r()l)ably had those of Syward and St. 
Quintin. Marcross had been succeeded by de Pincerna 
or Butler. BerkeroUes had not yet succeeded to Nerberd, 
nor Stradling to Hawey. Fleming probably had not 
arrived, and Bawdrip was then only a burgess of Cardift. 
St. John of Fonmon and Butler of Dunraven are not named. 
The lattei- certainly was a subtenant, and possibly this 
was so with St. John. Probably for the same reason, as 
not holding in capite, are omitted Joel, Odin, Barry, and 
Bon vile, though they appear as inquisitors. It is to be 
observed also that in these inquisitions the jurors 
at Cardiff are all English. At Llantrissent and at 
Llangonydd all are Welsh. At Neath only three of the 
twelve are English. This shews how largely the Welsh 
element prevailed, and how completely the Welsh were 
trusted with the ordinary duties of free- tenants. The 
next extant survey of the shire was taken in 1320, 
about sixty years later, and in that time considerable 
changes had taken place. The knights' fees are numbered 
at 3G5, and of the former tenants there remain the names 
but of ten — -the Abbot, Basset, Corbet, Mayloc, Nerber, 
Norris, Turber\ ille, Umfravile, AA'^alsh and de Winton, 
and of these there remained, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
but two — Basset, and a cadet of Turherville. 

The proximity of Strongbow's estates and castle of 
Chepstow, and the passage of the road thence to Milford 
across Glamorgan, seem to have led many of the settlers 
to a further adventure in Ireland, where we find such 
names as Barry, Cogan, Basset, Cadoc, Bonville, Fleming, 
Kenfig, Lamays, Landochan, Norris, London, Penrice, 



Swaynsey, Siward, Sandford, Newton, Scurlock, Welsh, 
and a great number designated l)y a christian name, and 
as of CardifF. 

The position of the EngUsh in Wales dining the two 
centuries following the conquest, in fact until the reduction 
of the Principality by Edward I, was such as to make a 
castle a- necessity; so much so, that there is no trace of a 
" licentia crenellare" having been thought necessary under 
the Marchei- rule, though the Marcher Lord of Whittington 
had such a licence from Henry III. Every landowner's 
house was literally his castle. In parts of Glamorgan they 
stood so close that it is difficult to understand whence 
their owners derived their revenues. For example, within 
a radius of six miles from Barry, half the circle being 
occupied l)y the sea, were twelve castles, and in the county, 
and mainly in its southern part, were from thirty to forty, 
of which but one, Aberavan, belonged to a Welsh Lord. 
Most of these castles were the residences of private persons, 
and were built for the defence of the estate and its tenants, 
others, the property of the chief Lord, were constructed 
for the defence of the country, and were so placed as to 
command the passes by which the Welsh were accustomed 
to descend upon the plain. The sites of most of the 
Glamorgan castles are known, and of many of them the 
ruins remain, though they rarely contain masonry of an 
earlier date than the reign of Henry III. Cardiff, however, 
boasts a shell keep of Norman date, as is probably its 
immense outer wall, attributed to Robert Earl of Gloucester, 
Ogmore has a square keep of undoubted Norman pattern, 
doubtless the work of the first or second de Lonclres; and 
at Penll_yne are fragments of a similar keep, containing 
some curious, and it may be, early, herring-bone work, and 
probably built by Kobert Norris, who seems to have been 
the first grantee. At Newcastle by Bridgend is the gate- 
way and the original wall of a castle, certainly early, 
because it gives name to the parish, and the masonry of 
which is evidently of Norman date and very peculiar in the 
pattern of its moulding. Here, as generally in the 
Norman buildings in Glamorgan, Sutton stone is employed. 
It is uncertain by whom Newcastle was built. The name 
of Oldcastle is preserved in the adjacent town of Bridgend, 
thougli wheie it precisely was, or what it was, is not known. 


Of Early English castles the rectangular keep at 
Fonmon, still inhabited, is the best, and indeed the only 
tolerably perfect example. The base of tlie towei" of 
Whitchurch is in that style, as is part of Coyty, and in 
the foundations of Sully Castle, opened some years ago, 
were Early English fragments. Also in the centre of the 
later house of Dunraven, some masomy of Early English 
aspect is walled in and is probal>ly part of the castle of 
Arnold Butler. 

During the troubled reign of Henry III, a great age for 
castle building in Wales, many strong places in Glamorgan 
seem to have been renewed. Castell Coch and Caerphilly 
were then built, and to that reign or that of Edw^ard I 
are due the fine gateways at Neath and Llanl)lethian, a 
smaller one at Barry, parts of Cardiif and Morlais, the 
ancient wall of St. Fagans, and probably the fragment at 
Llantrissant. The gate house of the old episcopal palace 
at Llandaff is excellent Decorated. The central building 
at Cardiff and the polygonal tower, now, alas ! dwarfed and 
buried under modern additions, were the work of Ilicliard 
Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, the builder of a similar but 
far grander tower at that castle. St. Donats, the most 
comj)lete castle in South Wales, is very late, as is most of 
Coyty. Besides these, of doubtful date are Dinas Powis, 
the fragments of St. George's and Peterston, parts of 
Kenfig, Penmark, and Castleton, the ditches and a 
few fragments of Tala^^an and Bonvileston, and the 
foundations of Llanquian. Avan, Wenvoe, and Wrinston 
are utterly gone. At Van, Cogan-Pill, Cardiff, Cadoxton, 
West Orchard, Aberthin, Llanvcithin, Llanvihangel, 
Llantrithyd, Pencoed, Caerwiggau, Sutton, and Llan- 
cayach are ancient houses, some very perfect. Carnllwyd 
is excellent Decorated, as is Cantleston and part of 
Flimston, where the court has an embattled wall. 

Many of the churches, and mainly the cathedral, 
contain Norman work, and in others, where the chui'ch 
has been rebuilt, the font and the holy watei' stoop, on a 
stunted column, are of that date. Throughout the lord- 
ship are in most churchyards the polygonal stepped base of 
a cross, and of some the shaft is preserved, and of one or 
two the actual carved stone which formed the apex, and 
represented the crucifixion. In the churchyard of St. 


Doiiats is one of these crosses of remarkable elegance. It 
has been copied at Llandaff, but in dimensions, and 
placed in a position, entirely fatal to its effect. There 
also remaiii a few of the upright shafts of crosses of an 
earlier date, carved in bold basket work patterns, and 
usually set upright in the ground without base or pedestal. 
Time, neglect, and the labours, not uncalled for, of the 
diocesan architect are annually bringing about the des- 
truction of these remains and, what is archasologically 
much the same thing, the restoration of the ancient 

The gentry and yeomanry of the lordship, that is those 
who have any real claim to antiquity of descent, are still 
divided into the pure Welsh and the descendants of the 
Norman settlers. The genealogies of these settlers, 
" Advena3 " as they are styled in the local pedigree books, 
are scarcely so well preserved a,s those of the corresponding 
class in England, but their estates have usually been 
known, and their possession of a sirname gives a fticility 
for tracing their descent which does not extend to the 
natives. The Welsh genealogies pretend to far higher 
antiquity, and are recorded with much greater fulness of 
detail. Unfortunately their compilers— it were discour- 
teous, })erhaps unjust, to say their authors — seldom con- 
descend to mention the place of residence of. the families, 
or to introduce a date. These omissions — the absence of 
sir names — and the very limited number of Christian names 
in use, and their frequent repetition in the same ftmiily, 
not to mention the frequent introduction of a train of 
natural children, and the names and pedigrees of their 
mothers, reduce an English genealogist to despair. ''Oh !" 
said a late Garter, indicatina; the p-enealo2:ical M8S. left to 
the College of Arms by Sir Isaac Heard, " Oh ! those are 
Welsh pedigrees ; we have nothing to say to them." In 
truth the Welsh counties were seldom, if ever, included in 
the Visitations of the English Heralds. 

And yet these Welsh genealogies are really extremely 
curious, and for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
prtjbably fairly true. To what extent the Welsh bards 
preserved private pedigrees is unknown, but, no doubt, 
Welsh genealogy received a great impulse on the acces- 
sion of the House of Tudor, and in consequence of 


the enquiries set on foot by Henry VII and by the 
Herberts. Still the extant manuscri])ts, of which there 
are many, are rarely, if ever, older than the reign of 
Elizabeth, and more generally of those of James and 
Charles. Looking to those of Glamorgan, what is most 
remarkable are the small number of stocks whence the 
native families are said to be derived. These are mainly 
five only ; Jestyn ap Gwrgan, Einion ap CoUwyn, Bleddyn 
ap Maena]"ch, Gwilim ap Jenkin, Llewelyn ap Ivor, and 
Gwaethvoed. From these are deduced from three to 
foiu' hundred distinct families. Roughly, it may be 
stated, from Caradoc ap Jestyn, 2G ; from Rhys, 12; from 
Madoc, 30 ; and from Griffith ap Jestyn, 3. Einion ap 
CoUwyn, notwithstanding the stigma attached to his 
name, is recorded as the ancestor of 99 families ; Bleddyn 
ap Maenarch of 46, besides those pertaining to Brecknock; 
Gwilim ap Jenkyn, 74 ; Llewelyn ap Ivor, 23; and Cydrich 
and Aidan ap Gwaethvoed, 21 and 50. Besides these 
were a few others, families ot no great note, whose remote 
ancestor is not recorded, and who chiefly inhabited the hill 
country north of Bridgend and Margam. 

Of the descendants of the above patriarchs, among the 
best known were, from Caradoc, ^.van of Avan, Evans of 
Gnoll and Eagle's Bush, Pryce of Briton Ferry, Williams 
of Blaen-Baglan, Thomas of Bettws, and L(juglior of 
Tythegston. From Rhys ap Jestyn came Williams of 
Duftryn-Clyclach, Penry of Reeding, and Llewelyn of 
Ynis-y- Gerwn. From Mad(jc ap Jestyn, Llewelyn of 
Caerwiggau, and the numerous des jendants of Jevan Mady. 
From Einion sprang Gibbon of Tre castle, Prichard of 
Collenna, Price of Glyn Nedd, Prichard of Ynis Arwed, 
Powell of Loydarth, Energlyn, Maesteg, and Baydon, 
Craclock of Swansea and of Cheriton, and Powell of 
Llandow. Bleddyn ap Maenarch was the forefather of 
Jenkins of Hensol, Griffith Gwyr, Penry of Lanedi, 
Williams of Bettws, Llewelyn of Ynis Simoon, Evans of 
Cilvae, Jones of Fonmon, Price of Penllergaer, Gethyn 
of Glyn Tawe, Bowen of Court House and Kittle, Powell 
of Swansea and Seys of Boverton. 

From Gwilim ap Jenkyn sprung the very copious race 
of Herbert, of whom about seventy-four distinct branches 
may Ijo traced, very many settled in Glamoig'an under 


various iicimes, of whom were liaglan of Carnllwydd, Gwyn 
of LlaDsannor, Thomas of Llanvihangel and Pwllyvrach, 
Herbert of Cardiff, of Cosjaii, and of Oil vhe bill. 

Llewelyn ap Ivor was of Tredegar, whence came a 
number of familes, almost all bearing the name of Morgan, 
of whom were those of Coed-y-Gores, Penllwynsarth, 
Ivubina, lluperra, and Cilfynydd. 

Gwaethvoed was the fruitful stock of Mathew of 
Llandaflf, with about twenty-three cadet branches, of 
which the most conspicuous were those of Kadir, 
Aberaman, Castell-y-Mynach, fit-y-Nill, Maes Mawr, and 
Miros. These came from Aidan. From Gweristan ap 
Gwaethfoed came Thomas of Blaenbradach, a house 
unusually bare of cadet branches ; and fi'om Cydrich ap 
Gwaethvoed the immensely numerous family of Lewis of 
Van, of whom may be mentioned Williams otherwise 
Cromwell, Prichard of Llancayach, and the Lewises of 
Cilvach-Vargoed, Penmark, Lystalybont, Glyn Taff, 
Llanishen, Newhouse, and Greenmeadow, besides a 
flourishino' branch in the United States I'epresented by 
Mr. W. K Lewis of Philadelphia. 

It is to be regretted that these Welsh genealogies have 
not received a critical examination. It is true that they 
are without dates, and present but few of the points by 
which an English pedigree can be checked and proved ; 
but allowance must be made for the habits of the people, 
who had little idea of the accuracy derived from records. 
Here and there, where a name occurs in the county 
records, as in the Fine and Docket book of the great 
Sessions, or where a will has been preserved in the 
Llandaff registry, they can be proved to be correct. For 
the rest it may be said that they seem probable enough, 
the number of descents given through the thirteenth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries is not, on the face of it, 
fabulous, and in the various manusciipts there is neither 
enough coincidence to indicate collusion, nor sufficient 
difference to destroy all belief. Unfortunately neither 
Sir T. Phillipps nor Sir S. Meyrick, though they printed 
collections of genealogies, knew or cared enough about 
the matter to edit them ; that is, to collate and compare 
the several versions, and to seek and import such collateral 
evidence as might be found. 


There is no other part of the kingdom in whicli so 
marked a hne still remains drawn between the residents 
of pure Welsh descent and the settlers from England, 
even after centuries of residence, much intermarriage, and 
no difterence of religion. What is at tins time in 
progress, the opening up of the coal field, and the construc- 
tion of docks and milways, is doing much to break up 
the peculiarities of the ccnmty. The limits of manors are 
no longer preserved. Manor courts are rarely held, 
copyholds are becoming enfranchised, chief rents abolished 
by mutual consent and comjjosition. On the other hand, 
though the Jura regalia and Marcher prerogatives were 
withheld from the ancestors of the present owner of 
Cardiff Castle, his rights of common and to minerals have 
been preserved, and constitute a very valuable property. 



Half-way between tlie junction of the Kavi and Cliinab 
E,ivers, and Bhawalpur, stretches a barren tract of 
country, the heart of which is known as Chit-Duen {i.e., 
Chit mirage, or Duen chaos, or desolation.) With the 
exception of a few jhund trees, (or rather bushes, for 
they never exceed 12 feet in height) which are situated 
in a very regular manner at almost stated intervals of 
about one hundred feet apart, and which are provokingly 
alike, in every respect — identical as to color, size, height, 
and general ap]iearance— there is nothing whatever for 
hundreds of miles to l)reak the dreary scenery, the 
monotony of which becomes very trying after a few 
marches. Tlie whole of this country, including the 
districts of Montgomery, Mozuffergurh, Dera Ghazi Khan, 
Mooltan, and Bhawalpur is rainless. Sometimes for years 
together there is not even a shower of rain, and water is 
consequently a thing almost unknown unless it is by an 
occasional inundation of an adjacent river. The Satlaj for 
instance, in the hot months, when the snow melts in the 
Himalayas, will inundate miles of country on either side 
of its course and deluge the outskirts of the Chit-Duen 
Wilderness, but this is only once in about half a dozen 
years. In former times the W^ilclerness afforded a capital 
hiding jjlace for outlaws, highway robbers, and armed 
hordes of banditti, who plundered passing caravanseraies, 
bound either for Sind, Beloocliistan, Rajpootana, or Upper 
Pimjab, and they could always get clear away before they 
were caught. The southern part of the Wilderness has a 
covering of fine sand over it, l)lown up by the terrific sand 
st<^rms of Sind, and where in this region they have spent 
themselves out ; for towards the north tlie sand so 
peculiar to Sind is almost iniknown, and the whole 


surface of the dead level count ly is here covered with a 
crust of the hardest imaginable clay, and leaked by the 
fierce heat of the sun until it has become as hard as brick- 
work. A horse canterino- over it makes not the smallest 
impression on the surface, and the cling and clatter of the 
feet ring out as if on a hard metal roadway. It is this 
surface which is so smooth and shines like glass, reflecting 
an ethereal sky overhead, which changes at times this 
dreary monotonous waste, into tlie most varied and 
beautiful landscape scenery imaginable. The most perfect 
mirasfes I have ever seen I have witnessed here. Ex- 
pansive lakes and little islands, with fields of rich cultiva- 
tion on the shores ; mighty trees and pretty villages 
dotted here and there, showing life and industry, broken 
occasionally by towns of enormous magnitude ; vast cities 
with clusters of grand palaces and mosques, and minarets 
towering far away into a heavenly blue sky ; and yet, even 
knowdng of this mirage phenomenon, I have myself been 
repeatedly deceived because the fraud was so true to 
nature, the perspective, the blending of the distance, and 
the harmony so exact, perfect, and natural. It is such 
scenery as this that has taken many a wretched worn 
traveller miles and miles away from the beaten path, and 
whilst he follows this freak of nature, as his only goal, his 
only escape and last chance of existence, has left him 
mockingly to die, the most awful death of thirst and hunger, 
friendless in the desert. The number of skeletons and 
bleached bones I met with in my wanderings, prove how 
great a number have met their end in this way. 

Twenty miles to the east of Dumjapur (place of the 
world) I came to a deserted city. There was not the 
vestio'e of a livino- thino; alDOut it — bird, animal, or insect, 
and for the whole journey I had not even met a camel 
traveller. It was on this site that I made certain 
discoveries when I came here a week later with a gang 
of workmen, which I shall now describe. I opened up 
some old streets and houses from a pile of rubbish and 
ruins. The bricks were of huge dimensions, being six feet 
long and three broad and one foot in thickness. On one 
of these was an engraving, (see Plate ii) rudely done, and 
from long exposure nearly worn away. My guide, a very 
intellio-ent native, told me the meanino- of the enofravina; 



was that the elejihant represents the government or ruling 
powers ; the figure in the centre is supposed to be justice 
or tlie executioner, and the round tiling is a man's head ; 
the body is buried in tlie ground, and underneath the 
man's head is written his name, or offence. In old times 
all religious crimes and misdeeds against the priests were 
punished in this way, that is to say, the culprit was 
buried up to his neck in the ground, facing the sun and 
his eyelids cut ofi. The pain and agony that would thus 
be caused by gazing at the sun becomes unendurable, so 
the old records say, and produces the worst type of fever, 
followed by madness, until death relieves the poor wretch. 
This mode of torture was invented by the Nepaulese, 
and is still practised in certain parts of China. 

This buried city was about two miles in circumference, 
and, judging from the densely-packed buildings and walls, 
it must have had a population of quite fifty thousand 
inhabitants. It showed signs of being fortified, and had 
evidently been joillaged and burnt, my guide said he 
thought it more than prol^able by Alexander the Great. 
Certain tombs on the outskirts of the city were after 
the style and order of Western architecture and there 
was nothing Indian about them, and if n\j guide's 
surmises are correct, this city must have flourished about 
2,500 years ago. These tombs were four in number and 
of s^reat elevation, the hio-hest measurino; 70 feet from 
the ground, and 25 feet square at the base. (Plate i.) 

Half way up the pillar or obelisk Avas a tablet with 
the inscription perfectly clear and distinct. It is very 
evident, therefore, that it cannot have been Mahomedan, 
because the Mahoniedans were not permitted to put any 
inscriptions over their tombs. It cannot be of Hindoo 
origin either, because they invariably burn their dead, 
and I am therefore inclined to think my native guide 
is correct. He is of opinion that the writing is between 
Hebrew and Sanscrit, and that the four tombs mark the 
resting-places of four distinguished officers of Alexander 
tlie Great's army, who fell in attacking the place. The 
inscription of the writing l)uried in the column is in the 
most perfect state of preservation, and the accompanying 
sketch is a fac-simile. (Plate ii.) Tlie whole piece, I 
regret to say, I was unable to bring away without breaking 

Plate I. 



the slal). I have placed the three pieces In the order I 
found them, and I have drawn them one-fifth their natural 
size. The distance apart is from the cast, and in due 
proportion as I found them emhedded in the obelisk. 

The houses were generally small, the rooms being 
about 12 feet by 10 feet long, although occasionally they 
exceeded this. The principal houses had back courts 
and passages, and the whole of the buildings v^ere built 
of brick, which were of the old pattern, being about 8 
inches square, and 1:^ deep. The inner walls had nnid 
run into the joints, and the facing and all exposed points 
were well covered with mortar, which had become very 
hard although here and there atmospheric, or other in- 
fluences had damaged and worn the brickw^ay away. All 
exterior joints were pointed with mortar. Many baked 
earthen jars and vessels were unearthed, some in a 
wonderful state of preservation. One huge jar (pottery) 
was discovered under a wall, and what my guide called 
a " charity jar," came to light close hj it. In former 
times this " charity jar " rested before the door of a 
privileged person, such as a priest or licensed mendicant, 
and all passers by were invited to throw in any coin, 
grain, or food for the poor man or people the jar belonged 
to. I have drawn the jar one twentieth its natural size, 
(Plate II.) Its weight is about 50 lbs. The inscription I 
have copied, but I cannot make out whether it be Sanscrit 
or a mixture of Hebrew and Sanscrit. 

There were several circular plates with a similar inscrip- 
tion round the edo-es and some blue mosaic work, a soit of 
enamel, perfectly flat, about one foot square, and an inch 
and a half in depth. The circular plates were nine inches 
in diameter and perfectly flat. They measin-ed half an 
inch to an inch and a quarter in depth, and were 
thoroughly well burnt ; some were almost vitrified. A 
brass vase of very elegant workmansliip was discovered 
in the middle of a lot of square and circular plates ; the 
under part and one side is rather damaged by heat, the 
brass having melted, but the side I have drawn is in 
perfect order and intact. The vase stands about eighteen 
inches high, and the drawing rei:»resents it as about one 
eighteenth its natural size. It is about ten inches deep, 
and was intended either for flowers or fruit ; its 


weight is about 35 lbs. The stone objects (1 — 5) are one 
tweh'th their natural size ; the stone is the same as the 
hard blue granite of the Betoch hills. No. 1 is scooped 
out for seven inches in depth ; No, 2 is a ring ; No. 3 an 
oval plate slightly hollowed out towards the centre ; Nos. 
4 and 5 are pounders or jumpers for bruising grain, &c., 
in the vessels 1 and 3. These were found five feet below 
some ruins, among bones and bricks, evidently at one 
time the interior of a house. 

Tlie following brass instruments of torture (1 — 7) were 
found quite by themselves at the opposite side underneath 
a mass of ruins. No. 1 is one twentieth its natural size, 
all the others are one tenth their natural size. No. 1 is 
evidently for the throat, there are two pins to fasten the 
victim in. Nos. 3, 4, and 5 are for the wrists. No. 6 is 
for the thigh or leg. No. 2 is for the small of the back, 
and No. 7 is very likely a mouth and nose gag, to prevent 
the victim from calling out. They are nearly all round 
in section with the exception of Nos. 1 and 2 which stand 
upright. No. 2 is reversed. No. 3 is intended to be driven 
into the ground to fasten the victim out. 

Keturning by way of my camp my men discovered a 
most curious idol, which appeared much damaged, or 
rather it was a sort of tliree idols in one. The sketch 
(No. 8) represents it one thirtieth its natural size and is 
a fac-simile ; it is of the same hard blue granite as the 
pounders. On the opposite side it has a similar repre- 
sentation, the figures being equally hideous and un- 
meaning. The legs and arms are damaged or broken off 
quite short to the stumps. Its weight was about 120 lbs. 
It had evidently been nearly twice its present size. The 
nose, ears, mouth, hps, and sides were almost worn away. 
Such an idol is totally different to anything I ever saw in 
India before, and is not luilike a sketch I once saw, made 
I think by Mr. Gerald Massey, of certain gods and idols 
peculiar to the ancient Egyptians. 

There cannot be the least doubt that in spite of the 
instruments of tortui-e and gods, this place must have 
been in a very floiu'ishing state, and enjoyed (considering 
the time) a very high state of civilization, and judging 
from the Ijuildings and knowledge of order, ideas of 
comibrt and luxury, and appreciation of certain arts, &c,, 


GMV. 4. 

AN-riaui-riEs from the chit-duen wi lderness.n.i, 


that it could not have been in this state less than 2500 
years ago, and it is highly probable that it was known and 
reached a certain degree of importance 4000 years ago. 

From observations taken along the base of this lost 
city, I find there is a gradual fall to^^'a^ds tlie south west, 
and it has a sort of hollow or basin scooped out for some 
distance in that direction. 

There cannot be a doubt that this hollow basin is the 
channel of a river, and that that river is no other than the 
" Lost River of the Indian Desert." It has been clearly 
proved that the Narra or Hakra was not the old l^ed of 
the Indus, and the course of the lost river is traced from 
the Himalayas to the Sea. Evidence is brought forward to 
show that the Hakra did not dry up in consequence of any 
diminution of rainfall or failure of the course ; but that its 
waters, having ceased to flow in their ancient bed, still 
find their way by another channel to the ocean. It has 
also been demonstrated that the missino- river was not the 
Gaggar, nor the sacred Sarawasti, nor yet a mythic 
stream, but was no other than the well-known Satlaj. 
The Dhora Purani may be traced under different names 
from above Halla to the Ranu of Kach. There can be no 
doubt that, as observed by Pottmger, (see "Journal of 
Asiatic Society"), this was the eastern branch of the 
Indus, down which Alexander the Great sailed to the 
great lake and to the sea. 

This also was evidently the eastern or greater arm of 
the Mihran described by Rashid-ud-deen as branching off 
from above Mansura to the east to the borders of Kach, 
and known by the name of Sindh Sagara. (Elhott i, 49) 
This ancient river bed is also identical with the Sankra- 
Nala, which was constituted by Nadir Shah, the boundary 
between his dominions and those of the Emperor of Delhi. 

The coins I have found are certainly of a much later 
date, and show possibly that this country was under the 
power and control of Porus or Plioor, as they bear his 
authority. They may not, however, have been in circula- 
tion, or were j^erhaps brought here by some traveller for 
inspection, so that the evidence they afford is scarcely 

But there cannot be the smallest doubt that the present 
wilderness was at one time under cultivation, that the 


land was as licli and good as elsewhere about, that the 
Satlaj passuig through it watered the whole of the 
surrounding country and produced sufficiently good crops 
for a thriving and industrious population, that vegetation 
Avas abundant and covered the country, and that the 
rainfall was as great as in the present surrounding 
provinces. It is more than probable that at some date 
subsequent to the country being overrun by a victorious 
army, who pillaged the towns, killed the inhabitants, 
and left their route to the flames, the severe 
erosion, always going on in the Punjab streams, 
changed the Satlaj course higher up near the 
Himalayas, and forming for it a new channel, the country 
was left to its fate, and without water everything became 
parched and consequently died. When vegetation was 
gone the rain ceased to fall, and the ten'ilic sand-storms 
from Scind soon laid waste a thriving province and 
changed it into a barren desert. The sub -stratum of the 
vast sandy regions and boundless arid plains in the 
Ajmere direction and again to the north of Bickanneer 
2:»rove that at some period the whole of this country was 
watered by the neighbouring rivers, and most likely much 
of it has been in byegone ages peopled and cultivated. 

Marching northwards towards Montgomery and branch- 
ing off on reaching the high road to Lahore, I came to 
high impenetrable jungles and patches of cultivation, 
Avhere the antelope and ravine-deer, partridges, sand 
grouse, bustard, coolan, and other large game birds 
abounded in number, and where the shooting is very 
good, I had been wandering in the jungles and desert 
for nine months without once seeing a European face or 
hearing a word of English spoken, and was delighted to 
get back again to civilised life. 



I am a second time called by tlie favour of the Institute 
to the presidency of its Historical Section in a part of the 
island which lies far away indeed from that in which I 
had the honour of holding the same office some years back. 
I held it then on a spot which still keeps its British 
name, in a land whicli our formal geography still ac- 
knowledges as part of the land of the Briton, a land from 
which, if the British tongue is fast passing away, it is 
passing away mainly through the immediate circumstances 
of our own day. I am now called to hold that place on 
a spot whose name speaks alike of Roman and of Teutonic 
victory, in a land to which Teutonic invasions once gave 
the name of the Saxon shore, and to part of whicli Teu- 
tonic settlement has given the more abiding name of the 
land of the East- Saxons. It seems a wide step from the 
land of the Silures, to the land of the Trinobantes, from 
Morganwg to Essex, from British Carditf to Saxon 
Colchester. And yet tJiere are points of connexion 
between the two lands and the two spots. Colchester 
has in its earlier days a privilege A^^hich is shared by no 
other city or borough of England. The hrst beginnings 
of its history are not to be found in Britisli legend or in 
English annals ; they are recorded by the pen of the 
greatest historian of Rome. It is in the pages of Tacitus 
himself that we read of the foundation of that veteran 
colony which, swept away in its first childhood by the 
revolted Briton, rose again to life, first to be emphatically 
the Colony of Rome, and to become in after days the 
fortress which the men of the East-Saxon land wrested 
by their own swords from the grasp of the invading Dane. 
But, in the very page in which he records the beginnings 


of the Trinobantliie colony, he l^rlng.s that colony into a 
strange, and at first sight puzzling, connexion with move- 
ments in the far Silurian land. Later on in his Annals, 
he has to record the overthrow of the new-born colony, 
the first of all the siegfes of Colchester. His narrative of 
that stao-e of British affairs brino-s in in its first clause a 
name which, in legend at least if not in history, is held to 
be preserved in the name of the greatest fortress of Mor- 
tfanwfj*. Before Tacitus can tell us how much Suetonius 
did in the ea3t of Britain, he has first to tell us how 
little Didius had done in the west. Now this same 
Didius is, at least by a legendary etymology, said to have 
given his name to Oaerdydd, the fortress of Didius, as a 
more certain etymology sees in the name of the town 
where we are met the name of the fortress of the Colony. 
If then there be any truth in the popular etymology of 
Cardiff, the beginnings of Cardiff and of Colchester must 
be dated from nearly the same time. And, even with- 
out trustino' too much to so doubtful a leo-end, we at least 
find the land of the Silures and the land of the Trino- 
bantes brought close together in our earliest glimpse of 
both. The foundation of a Boman colony in the east 
is directly connected in the narrative of Tacitus with 
patriotic movements in the west. And, as it was in the 
earliest days of which we have any record, so it was in 
the latest days which can be looked on as old enough to 
claim the attention of sucli a gathering as this. If the 
elder Colchester sank before the arms of Boadicea., the 
younger Colchester had to surrender to the arms of Fair- 
fax. And then too warf^ire in the Silurian and in the 
Trinobantine land has to be recorded in the same page. 
In the royalist revolt of which the fall of Colchester was 
the last stage, no part of the island took a greater share 
than the land to check whose earliest revolt Colchester 
was first founded. When the royal standard was again" 
unfurled at Colchester, it had but lately been hauled down 
at Chepstow ; it was still floating over Pembroke. And 
one of the fortresses of the land of Morgan wg, one of the 
lowlier castles which surround the proud mound and keep 
of Ptobert Fitzhamon, saw perhaps the last encounter in 
that last stage of the civil war which even local imagina- 
tion can venture to dignify with the name of battle. The 


fight of St. Fagans does not rank in Englisli liistory along 
Avitli tlie figlits of Marston and Naseljy ; and the siege of 
Colchester, with all its deep interest, military, local and 
personal, can hardly, in its real bearing on English history, 
be placed on a level with the siege of Bristol. Yet the 
siege of Colchester and the war in South Wales were 
parts of one last and hopeless struggle. The remembrance 
of its leaguers and skirmishes lives in local memory there 
as keenly as the last siege of Colchester lives in local 
memory here. And if the name of Fairfax may be 
bracketed in the East with tlie name of Suetonius 
Paullinus, in the West the name of (31iver Cromwell 
has left but small room for the memory of Aulus Didius. 
I have then, I trust, done something to establish my 
point, on that side of it at least which is personal to 
myself, that there is a certain propriety in the conrse 
which this Institute has taken in translating me as it 
were from the Silures to the Trinobontes, from the Caer 
of Didins to the Ceaster of the Colony. But the historical 
connexion between the two districts in tlie earliest stage 
of the history of the two is as clear as it is strange. I 
am not going here to give you a history of Colchester or 
of Essex, or to dispute at large on points ^vliich will be 
more properly argued by other members than ruled by 
the President of the Section. I presume h(jwever that I 
may at least assume that Camulodunum is Colchester, 
and not any other place, in the kingdom of the East- 
Saxons or out of it. I feel sure that, if I liad any mind 
so to do, my East-Saxon hearers would not allow me 
to carry the Colony of the Veterans up to Malton in 
Yorkshire ; and I certainly cannot find any safe or direct 
road to guide tliem thither. I trust too that there may 
be no civil war in the East-Saxon camp, that no one may 
seek to wile away the veteran band from the banks of 
Colne to the banks of Panta. Maldon has it own glories : 
its name lives for ever in the noblest of the battle -songs 
of England ; but I at least can listen to no etymologies 
which strive to give a lloman origin to its purely English 
name. Let more minute philologers than I am explain 
the exact force of the first syllable alike in Northumbrian 
Malton and in East-Saxon Maldon. Both cannot be 
contractions of Camulodmium ; what one is the otlier 



must surely be ; one is the town, the other the hill, of 
whatever the syllable common to both may be taken to 
be. I at least feel no doubt that it is the town in which 
we are now met which has the unique privilege of having 
its earliest dnjs recorded by the hand of Tacitus. 

But if it is Tacitus who records the foundation of the 
Colony, it is not in what is left to us of his pages that we 
find our first mention of the name of Camulodunum. That 
unlucky gap in his writings, which every scholar has to 
lament, sends us for the hrst surviving appearance of the 
name to the later, but far from contemptible, narrative of 
Dio. Claudius crossed into Britain, and went as far as 
Camulodunum, the royal dwelling place of Cynobellinus. 
That royal dwelling place he took, and, on the strength of 
that and of tlie other events of his short campaign in the 
island which men looked on as another world, he enlarged 
the 2^omce)'inm of Rome and brought the Aventine within 
the sacred precinct. Whether the royal dwelling place 
of Cynobellinus stood on the site which was so soon to 
become the Roman colony, I do not profess to determine. 
The Roman town often arose on a spot near to, but not 
actually on the British site. Roman Dorchester — if any 
trace of it be left — looked up on the forsaken hill-fort 
of the Briton of Sinodun. Roman Linduni came nearer to 
the brink of its steep hill than the British settlement which 
it supplanted. I do not pretend to rule what may be 
the date or purpose of the earthworks at Lexden.^ All 
that I ask is that I may iiot l)e constrained to believe 
in King Coel's kitchen. But wherever the British 
settlement was, I cannot ])ring myself to believe that 
the site of the colony was other tlian the site of the 
present town. It was a site well suited for a militaiy 
post, fixed on a height whicli, in tliis flatter eastern land, 
is not to be despised ; it approaches in some faint measure 
to the peninsular position of Shrewsbury, Bern, and 
Besancon, On this site then the Colony of Veterans 
was founded while (Jlaudius still reigned. Wiien he had 
taken his place among tlie gods — Senec.a to be sure liad 

^ It has been suggested that tho ex- time of British icsistanco to Teutonic 
tensive eartliwoiks to bo seen at Li'xdeu invasions. They would be a defence 
are part of a systi^m wliicli toolc in tlu^ raised against the East-Saxons, ns Ware- 
site botli of an okler and a later Caniii- I'lam and Wallingford are defenoes raised 
lodumim, a system belonging to tie/ against the West-Saxons. 


tuiotbur name tor tlio cluiugo in liim — -the tuniple of the 
deitied coiujueror arose within the site which the Koman 
occupied to hold down the conquered jjeople. And now 
conies tlie diiiiculty, the strange relation in wdiich two 
such distant parts of Britain as Camulodununi and the 
land of the Silures a.p|)ea,i' in the narrative of Tacitus. 
The Iceni are sul)dued ; the Cangi Imve their lands 
harried ; the Brigantes submit. But in the East and in 
the West, by the banks of the eastern and of the 
western Colne, another spirit reigns. The Silures, the 
people of Caradoc, still hold out. Neither gentleness nor 
sternness will move them ; notliino; short of reofular 
warfare, I'egular establislnnent of logionai'y camps, can 
bow those stubborn necks to the yoke. AVith a view to 
this warfare in the West, the Colony of Veterans is 
planted in the East. Some have therefore carried 
Camulodununi elsewhere — though assuredly matters are 
not much mended by carrying it into Yorkshire — others, 
more daring still, have sought to depreciate the authority 
of Tacitus himself But, as I read the passage, though 
the connexion is 2)erliaps a little startling, though 
the wording is })erhaps a little harsh, the general mean- 
ing seems plain. In order that the legions and 
their camps might be more easily established among the 
threatening Silures, a feebler defence was provided for 
the conquered Trinobantes. As I understand the terse 
phrases of the historian, the legi(jns w^ere removed from 
the East for the war with Caradoc, and a colony of 
veterans was tli(.)uglit enough to occupy a land where 
little danger Avas feared. How little danger was feared, 
liow thoroughly the land was held to be subdued, appears 
from the defenceless sta.te of the colony eleven years 
after. The colonists lived at their ease, as if in expecta- 
tion of unbroken peace. The town was unwalled ; the 
only citadel, the " ai'x a3terme dominationis," was the 
temple of the deified coiiqueroi-. The mission of the 
veterans was less to fio-ht tha.n to civilize their barbarian 
neighbours. They were sent there indeed as " subsidium 
adversus rebelles " ; l)ut they were sent there also 
" inibuendis sociis ad olhcia leguni." Sterner w^ork than 
this had to be done amono- the hills ^vhere Caradoc was 
m arms ; Ijut those aa'Iio founded the unwalled colony 


luirdly drcaiiicd that, before long, work no less stern was 
to bo done there also. They little dreamed what feats of 
arms Avei'e to Ije done upon the Roman as well as by him, 
in the land which they had deemed so thorougiily their 
own that its capital hardly needed warlike defences 
against an enemy. 

For eleven years the colonists lived a merry life, the 
life of conquerors settled upon the lands of their victims. 
The dominion of law which the veterans set up at 
Camulodumun did not hinder the conquering race from 
seizing the lands and houses of the natives, and insulting 
them with the scornful names of slaves and captives. 
Such doings are not peculiar to the dominion of the 
l\oman ; but it does say something for the Roman, as 
distinguished from the oppressors of our own day, that 
it is from a Roman historian that we learn the evil 
deeds of his countrymen. Tacitus neither conceals nor 
palliates the wrongs which led to the revolt of eastern 
Britain, as wrongs of the same kind still lead to revolts 
before our own eyes, as they always will lead to 
revolts as long as such deeds continue to be done. Crime 
vvas avenged liy crime, as crime ever will be avenged, till 
men unlearn that harsh rule which excuses the wanton 
t)})pi'ession of the tyrant and bids men lift up their hands 
in holy horror when his deeds are returned on himself in 
kind. Fearful indeed was the vengeance of the revolted 
Briton : but when he used the cross, the stake, the flame, 
against his oppressors, he was but turning their own 
instruments of civilization against themselves. 

The tale is one of the most familiar, one of the most 
stirring, in that history of the former possessors of our 
island which so oilen passes for the history of ourselves. 
We see the British heroine, as we might now see some 
matron of Bosnia or Bulgaria, calling on the men of her 
race to avenge her own stripes, her outraged daughtei's, 
the plundered home, (.f the chiefs of her people, the kins- 
folk of their kiivj: dealt with as the bondmen of the 
stra,nger. But we are concerned with Boadicea, her 
Avrongs and her ven'.»;ennce, only as they concerned the 
Colony of Veterans at Camulodumun. The tale is told 
with an Homeric wealth of omen and of prodigy. The 
statue of Victory fell Ijackwards ; strange sounds wei'e 


heard in the theatre and in the senate-house ; frantic 
women sano- aloud that the end was come. The men of 
the defenceless colony, and the small handful of helpers 
sent Ijy Catus Decianus, guarded by no ditch or rampart, 
defended the temple of Claudius for two days till town 
and temple sank before the assaults of the avengers. So 
the first Camulodunum fell, in one mighty flame of sacri- 
fice, along ^vith the two other great settlements of the 
Roman on British ground. London, not adorned like 
Camulodunum with colonial rank, Ijut already the city of 
ships, the place v.'here, as in after days, the merchants of 
the earth were gathered, fell along with the veteran 
colony. So too fell Verulam, doomed again to arise, 
again to fall, and to supply out of its ruins the materials 
for the vastest of surviving English minsters. All fell, 
as though the power of Rome beyond the ocean was for 
ever broken. But theii* fall vras but for a moment ; the 
sword of Suetonius won back eastern Britain to the 
bondao-e and the slumber of the Roman Peace. The 
towns that the Briton had burned and harried ao-ain 
arose : a new colony of Camulodunum, this time fenced in 
with all the skill of Roman engineering, again grew up. 
It grew up to live on through four unrecorded ceiituries, 
carefully marked in maps and itineraries, but waiting for 
a second place in history till the days wlien Roman and 
Briton had passed away, when the Saxon Shore had 
become a Saxon Shore in another sense from that in 
which it bears that name in the Domesday of the tottering 

The Roman then passed away fr(}m the Colony of 
Veterans, as he passed away from the rest of Britain. 
But in the Colony of Veterans he left both his works and 
his memory behind him. V/hen I say that he left his 
works, do not fancy that I mean that he left the temple 
of Claudius behind him. On the grotesque delusion 
which mistook a Norman castle for a Roman temple I 
mio-ht not have thouicht it needful to waste a word. 
Only, when I was last at Colchester, I saw, written up 
in the castle itself, such names as " Adytum," '" Podium," 
and the like, implying that there was still somebody in 
Colchester who believed the story. Perhaps there was 
also somebody who believed that the earth was flat, 


and tliat tlio sun was only a few miles from it. The 
scientific antiquary will give exactly as much attention 
to the one doctrine as the scientific astronomer will 
give to the other.' Of the two stories I should be more 
inclined to believe in old King Coel, in his fiddlers, 
and even in his kitchen. Yet I have come too lately 
from the lUyrian land, my mind is too full both of 
its past and of its present history, to let me believe 
that Helen the mother of Constantine was the daughter 
of Coel of Colchester. The strange likeness between the 
names of the river and the settlement, between the Colne 
and the Colony, accidental as it doubtless is, is, if not a 
puzzle, at least a coincidence. But King Coel will be at once 
sent by the comparative mythologist to the same quarters 
as Hellen and liomulus and Francus the son of Hector. 
Saint Helen, says Henry of Hmitingdon, surrounded 
Colchester with walls. So she did many things at Trier 
which the last and most scientific historian of Trier has 
})idled to pieces in a way which must grievously shock 
some of his brethren. I ti'ust that I shall not shock any- 
body in Colchester l)y disbelieving in old King Coel. I do 
n(.)t think that I shocked anybody in Exeter by declining 
to believe that, when Vespasian marched off to besiege 
Jerusalem, it was because he was bent iq3on taking some 
city, and had found Exeter too strong for him. 

But the walls are there, whoever built them, the walls 
which, at some date between the invasion of Boadicea 
and the invasion of the first East-Saxon settlers, were 
raised to shelter the Colony. And even the legend of 
Helen may be taken as p(jinting to the age of Constiuitius 
and Constantine as the most likely time for their Ijuilding. 
Those walls are, as far as I have seen, unique among the 

' It luaiks how much some branches trovcrsy," u clifFcrenco of opinion where 
of knowledge lag behind others in their there is no room for controversy or 
hold on the popular mind, that since the opinion at all. That Colchester Castle 
Colch(^stcr Meeting, there has actually is a building of Jionian date, that the 
been what is called a "controversy" Cymry were so called from Cmri, king 
about tlie date of Colchester Castle. of Israel, that A.lfred founded University 
That the castle is a Norman, and not a College, arc positions of exactly the same 
Ivoman, building is as certain, to use my scientific value as the position that the 
old illustration, as that the earth is round sun is only three miles from the earth, 
and not flat. lUit when a man has a AVhcn historical knowledge has gained 
craze about natural science, it simply tlie same position as astronomical know- 
passes for a craze ; wlion lie has a craze ledge, they will be treated in exactly the 
on historical or philological matters, ho same way. 
gets a following, and we hear of a " con- 


iiilialjited towns of Britain. Neither York nor Lincoln nor 
Exeter, nor even Chester, can boast of being still girded 
by her Roman walls in anything like the same perfection 
in which Colchester is. Nowhere else in Britain, save in 
fallen Andericla and Calleva, have I ever seen the line of 
the old defences so thoroughly complete. But unluckily 
it is the line oidy. While the circuit of the walls is so 
much more perfect than at Yoi'k and Lincoln, the frag- 
ments ^\'hich still remain at York and Lincoln have kept 
much more of their ancient masonry than can be found at 
Colchester. Still Colchester can show far more than can 
be seen at Chester, where, though the Roman lines are all 
but as perfectly followed by the later defences, little is left 
of the actual Roman \xa\l beyond its ftamclations. As tlie 
abiding wall of a still inhabited town, the Roman wall of 
Colchester is, I repeat, unique in Britain. And a lu^man 
wall I do not scruple to call it. In so calling it, I am flxr 
from meaning to rule that the whole circuit of the existing 
wall actually dates from the time of Roman occupation. 
I have no douljt that the lines are the Roman lines ; I 
have no doubt that part of the wall is the actual Roman 
wall. But I have just as little doubt that it has been in 
many places patched and rebuilt over and over again; one 
great time above all of patching and rebuilding is recorded 
in the days of Eadward the Unconquered. But the wall 
has a higher historic interest, it becomes a more living 
witness of Roman influence, from the very fact that much 
of it is not actually of R<^man date. • This very fact shows, 
far more clearly, far more strikingly, how the arts and tlie 
memory of Rome lived on. Whatever be the date of any 
part of the walls, they are Roman ; they are Iniilt more 
Romano. It is at Colchester as it is at Trier, as it is at 
Perigueux, as it is in a crowd of other places where the 
influence of Roman models had stuck deep. In places of 
this kind the Roman construction lived on for ages. Here 
in Colchester we have actual bricks of Roman date in 
the places where the Roman engineer laid them. We 
have bricks of Roman elate used up again in the construc- 
tion of later buildings. And we have bricks, not of 
Roman date but of thoroughly Roman character, made 
afresh at all times, at least down to the fifteenth century. 
Here, where biick and tind^er were of necessitv the chief 


materials fiir building, the Roman left his mark n]3on the 
bricks, as in some other parts of Britain he left his mark 
upon the stones. Northern England reproduced the vast 
stones of the lioman wall in a crowd of buildings built 
moo'e Romano, with masonry of massive stones. With 
such st(mes again, no less moi'e Romano, did yEthelstan 
rebuild the walls of Exeter. Here at Colchester Roman 
models were no less faithfully followed ; but here the mos 
Ronianus naturally took the form of brick, and to build 
more Romano meant to build with brick and not with 
stone. It meant to build with l^ricks, either taken from 
some Roman building or cast in close imitation of those 
which the Roman buildings supplied. In this sense the 
castle of Eudo Dapifer may be called a Roman building. 
So may the one tower of Primitive Romanesque to be 
found in Colchester, wdiich, while other towers of its type 
are of stone, reproduces in material as v/ell as in form the 
campaniles of Italy. So may Saint Botolf 's priory, second 
only to Saint Alban's as an instance of Roman materials, 
not so much taught to assume new shapes as brought 
l)ack to their true Roman use before Italy began her 
imitation of the arts of Greece But the walls are Roman 
in a yet stricter sense than any of the other buildings 
around them. They are the old walls of the Colony, in 
many places patched, in some, we may believe, actually 
rebuilt. But they have undergone no change which at all 
destroys their personal identity. The wall is not an 
imitation, a reproduction, of a Roman wall ; it is the 
Roman wall itself, with such repairs, however extensive, 
as the effects of time and of warfare have made needful. 
The walls of Colchester are Roman walls in the sense in 
which the walls of Rome are the walls of Aurelian. 

We come then to a time when the walls of the Colony 
were still standing, but when the legions of Rome were 
no longer marshalled to defend them. Was there ever a 
time when those walls stood, as the walls of Bath and 
Chester once stood, as the walls of Anderida and Calleva 
still stand, with no dwelling-place of men within them ? 
That question I will not undertake to answer. I think I 
remember that, in one of his scattered papers and lectures 
—when will they come together to make tlie History of 
tlie Eiiglisli (Jonquest of i>ritahi ? — the great master of 


those times, the (lisco^•e^er of early Englisli history, told 
us that of all tlie towns of England there was none move 
likely than Colchester to have been continuously inhabited 
through British, Tioman, British, and English days. If I 
am right in thinking that Dr. (luest said tliis, he doubtless 
had some weighty reason for saying it. I have not myself 
lighted on any direct evidence eitlier for or against such a 
proposition. It is only in a very few cases that we have 
any direct evidence as to the fate ofthisorthat particular 
town during tlie progress of the English Conquest. And 
of the circumstances under wliich the kingdom of the 
East-Saxons came into being we know absolutely nothing. 
The Chronicles are silent : no legend, no fragment of 
ancient song, is preserved to us hj Henry of Huntingdon. 
We have nothing but a dry list of princes, and that given, 
as miglit seem at first sight, in two contradictory forms. 
We hear of ^rEscwine as tlie first founder of the East- Saxon 
settlement ; we find his remote descendant Sleda spoken 
of as the first East-Saxon kinof. Tn this I see no contra- 
diction. The story of the growth of Essex is doul)tless 
much the same as tlie story of the gi'owth of East-Anglia, 
and of the two Northuiiil3rian kingdoms. Several scattered 
Teutonic settlements were gradually united under a more 
powerful chief; he then deemed himself great enough, as 
the head of a nation and no lono-er the head of a mere 
tribe, to take upon himself the kingly title. Such was 
Ida in Bernicia ; such, we may believe, ^^^as Sleda in 
Essex. But we have no trastwoi'thy details of the East- 
Saxons and their kings till their conversi'>n to Christianity 
in the beginning of the seventh century. We have no 
trustworthy mention of the town of Colchester till tlie 
wars of Eadward the Unconquered in the tenth. All that 
w^e can say is that the Colony on the Colne, like tlie 
Colony on the Illiine, ke])t its name. One was Colonia 
Camulodunum ; one was Colonia Agrippina ; but Colonia 
was name enough to distinguish either. Latin Colonia 
became British Caer Collun ; and Caer Collun appears in 
every list as one of the great cities of Britain. British 
Caer Collvn passed into English Colneceastei', with no 
change beyond that which the genius of the British 
and English languages demanded. In British and 
in Englisli alike it remains the city of the colony. 



From tills preservation of the name I argue, as I argued 
elswliere last year from the like preservation of tlie name 
of tlie sister colony of Lindum/ that, if Camulodunum ever 
was like Deva " a waste Chester ' it was only for a very short 
time. It became again an inhabited chest cr, a dwelling 
place of men, while the memory of its Ptoman rank was 
still living. It was not, as it ^vas for instance at Isurium, 
where the Homan name had utterly passed away, and 
wliere its first Eno-lish settlers, seeino- and wondering; at 
the Koman walls, turning them again to use as the 
shelter of a new settlement, but having lost all memory 
of their former name and history, had nothing to call 
them but the Old Borough, We may be sure from this 
that some considerable time elapsed between the over- 
tlirow of Roman Isurium and its new settlement as 
English Aldlwrough. I infer in the same way, from the 
fact that Lindum Colonia kept its name in the form of 
English Lincoln, that, if Lindum Colonia ever lay in the 
state of a waste cJi ester, it was but for a very short time. 
It was settled ao-ain and named a,o-ain while the memory 
of its old and its old rank were still fresh. And I 
make the same inference in the case of Colchester, though 
A\ith one degree less of certaiiit}^ because I must stand 
ready to have it thrown in my teeth that the town is 
called, not from the Koman colony, but from the river 
Colne. Here is a point on which each man must judge 
for himself I cannot get over the succession of Colonia, 
Caer ColJuii, Colneceaster, I feel that it is awkward to 
say that the likeness of the name of the colony and of 
the liver is purely accidental ; it would be more awkward 
still to liint that the river may have taken its name from 
the colony. But the colony is a fact ; the retention of 
its name is a fact ; and, in the face of those facts, all that 
I can do is to leave the rivei to shift for itself 

It seems likely then that, whether Colchester was or 
was not continuously inhabited through all the revolutions 
of the fifth and sixth centuries, its time of desolation, if 
it had any, was but short. If it did not l)ecome the 
dwelling-place of Englishmen in the first moment of their 
concjuest, it at least became the dwelling-place of 
Englishmen before its British and Roman memories Avere 

' (Sec MttcmUlan's Mnrjazitie, August, 1875, Art, "Lindun Colonia." 


forg'tjttcii. But. as I just uow said, of Colchester itself 
there is absolutely uo meution iii history l)etweeii the 
days of Boadicea to the days of Eadw ard the Elder. All 
that I can find is a dark and mythical reference in the 
story of Haveloc as told by Geoffrey Cxainiar. But we 
must not forget, even within the walls of the Colony, that 
Colchester is not the whole of the East-Saxon realm. 
Colchester is not a city ; it lias never Ijeen the seat of an 
independent bishopric. That was because another of the 
Roman towns wliicli was oveithi'own l^y Boadicea, lowlier 
in rank in those early days, had, by the time that the 
East-Saxons embraced Christianity, outstripped the 
veteran colony. London, already the home of commerce 
before her first overthrow — again, under her new name of 
Augusta, the home of commerce in the later days of 
Roman power — was now, as an East-Saxon city, the head 
of the East-Saxon realm, a^-ain the home of commerce, 
the meeting-place of merchants and their ships. London, 
not Colchester, became tlie seat of the bishopric of the 
East- Saxons, and remained so till the strange arrangements 
of modern ecclesiastical geography gave Colchester a 
shepherd in the realm of Hengest.^ But the very great- 
ness which made London the head of the East-Saxon 
kingdom tended to part London ofi' from the East-Saxon 
kingdom. Amonu- the shiltino-s of the smaller Eno-lish 
kmgdoms, London seems to have held lier own as 
a distinct power, sometimes acknowledging the supre- 
macy of Mercia, sometimes tlie supremacy of Wessex, 
but always keeping somewhat of an independent l)eing. 
She parts off from the main East-Saxon body ; she carries 
oft' a fragment of it along Avith her, to become what we 
may call a free Imperial city, bearing rule, like Bern or 
Venice, over her Tnp'ioiKoi, her Untei'thcutcn, the still 
subject district of the Middle-Saxons.'^ London there- 
fore soon falls out of our special survey of the East- 
Saxon land. But the East- Saxon land can numljer witliin 

1 The creation of the new diocese of has sheriffs — more strictly one sheriff, 
Saint Albans has taken away this singu- though the office is held by two men — 
larly grotesque piece of geography. But who are neither chosen by the Middle- 
Saint Albans is still, both historically Saxons nor appointed by the Crown, but 
and geographically, a strange centre for chosen by the citizens of a neighbouring 
Essex. city, ^Middlesex must be looked on as a 

- I have pointed out more than once district subject to Loudon, 
that, as long as the county of ^Middlesex 


its borders not a few historic sites besides the towns 
which Boadicea overthrew. There is the battle-field of 
Malclon and the battle-field of Assandiin ; there is the 
wooden cliurchof Greenstead where Saint Eadmund rested; 
there is Eail Harold's Waltham and King Ead ward's 
Havering ; there is Barking, where the C/onqiieror waited 
while liis lirst tower was lising over Lv)ndoii, where 
Eadwine and Morkere and perhaps Waltheof himself 
became the men of the stranger, and where Englishmen 
first bought back their lands at a price as a grant for the 
foreigrj King. The East-Saxon land has thus its full 
share among the great events of our early history ; but 
the liistory of the kingdom itself, as a kingdom, fills no 
great place in our annals. Essex supplied n(j Bretwalda 
to bring the signs of Imperial dignity to London or 
C'olchester as Eadwine brought them to York. After 
some flittings to and fro, Essex passed, like the other 
English kingdoms, under the supremacy of Ecgberht, 
and by the division between yElfred and Guthrum, it 
passed under tlie rule of the Dane. It is in the great 
struggle of the next reign that Essex, and especially its 
two great historic sites of Colchester and Maldon, stand 
foi'th for a moment as the centre of English history, as 
tlie scene of some of the most gallant exploits in oiu' 
early annals, exploits which seem to have had a lasting 
effect on the destinies of the Enghsh kingdom. 

It was in the year 913, the thirteenth year of Ead ward's 
reign, the year after he had taken possession of London 
and Oxford, that we hear for the first time of a solitary 
East-Saxon expedition. He marched to Maldon ; he 
stayed thei'e till lie had built a fortress at Witham, and 
had received the submission of many who had been under 
Danish rule. This sounds like the emancipation of all 
Essex south of the Panta or Blackwater. Our next notice 
is nine years later, after Eadward and his sister, the Lady 
of the Mercians, had won back most of the central part of 
t]ic island to Enijflish and Christian rule. We now ao-ain 
ill 1(1 Eadward carrying his sphere of operations into the 
I'^ast- Saxon land, lie first fortified Maldon, the goal of 
liis former marcli, the bjrough which seventy-three years 
later was to behold the valour and tlie death of Th'ihtnoth. 
But (Jolchcstcr was still left iji the hands of the enemy. 


The next year the Danes again Ijroke the peace ; and, 
during the whole former part of the year, fighting went on 
in central Enofland between the Danes and the defenders 
of the various towns which King Eadward had already 
fortified. At Towcester, at Bedford, and elsewhere, the 
English defenders drove off the Danish invaders from 
King Eadward's new fortresses. Towcester was not yet 
surrounded by the stone wall which girded it before the 
year was out ; but the valour of its defenders, fighting, we 
may suppose, behind a palisade or rampart of earth, was 
enough to bear up till help came and the enemy was 
driven away. During all this stage of the campaign, the 
wai-fare seems to be piu'ely local. The Danes attack, the 
Enghsh defend ; tliere is no mention of the King or of 
any royal army. Presently the tables are turned ; the 
local force of various English districts begins to attack 
posts which the Danes still held among them. And now 
comes our first distinct mention of warfare on East- Saxon 
soil. Colchester is still held hj the enemy, Maldon is 
held by King Eadward's garrison. The tale cannot be so 
Avell told as in the lantj^uao'e of the chronicle :-—" There 
gathered mickle-folk on harvest, either of Kent and of 
Surrey and of East-Saxons, and of each of the nighest 
boroughs, and fared to Colchester, and beset the borough 
all round ^ and there fought till they had won it and the folk 
all slew, and took all that there within was, but the men that 
there fled over the wall." Colchester was thus again an 
English borough, won, as it woidd seem, by tlie force of a 
popular movement among the men of Essex and the neigh- 
bouring shires, without any help from the West-Saxon 
king. Then, in the same harvest, the Danes of East-Anglia, 
strengtliened by wilvings from beyond sea, set forth to 
attack the EngHsh garrison in Maldon, In the words of 
the Chronicler, " they beset the borough all round, and 
fought there till to the borough-folk there came more 
force- from without to help them, and the host forsook the 
borough, and fared away from it ; and then fared the men 
after out of the borough, and eke they that had come to 
them for out to help, and put the host to flight, and slew 

' Such I take to be the difference distinguished from " hes;eton " whieh 
hctwcen " ymh&;eton " wliieh is said is said of Tcnisford. 
both of Colchester and of Muldon, as 


of tliem iiKiiiy liiiiidred either tlie aslnnoi^ and others.*' 
Thus, of the two great ponits in the East-Saxon land, 
Colchester was won, Maldon was kept, and that without 
any help from the king. Local energy had done so much 
that, when shortly the Unconquered King came with his 
West- Saxon army, his march was little more than a 
triumphal progress. He came to Towcester ; he girded 
the town with its stone wall, and received the submission 
of Northamptonshire. He marched to Huntingdon ; he 
strengthened the fortress, and received the submission of 
the surrounding country. Then comes the fact which 
immediately concerns us here. That "ilk year afore 
Martinmas fared Eadward king with West-Saxons' fyrd 
to Colneceaster, and i-epaired the borough and made it 
new there where it tobroken was." Here then we have 
a distinct record of damage done and of damage i-epaired 
in the circuit of the walls of Colchester. Part of the wall 
was broken down in the siege, and the breach was repaired 
on the king's coming. It will be for some member of the 
architectural section to point out, if there be any means of 
knowing them, those bricks which w^ere set in their place 
at the bidding of the founder of the English kingdom, and 
not by any earlier or later hand. If we can find the site 
of the breach which Enolishmen made in wiimiiiP: Col- 
Chester from the Dane, Englishmen may look on that spot 
in the Roman wall with the same eyes with which all 
Europe looks on that spot in the wall of Aurelian where 
the newest bricks of all tell us where the army of united 
Italy entered her capital. 

But the two great East- Saxon sieges of this memorable 
year have more than a local interest, Tliey were the last 
warfare of the i-eign of the Unconquered King. After 
Colchester was won and Maldon saved, no sword was 
drawn against Eadward and his dominion. The rest of his 
reign is one record of submissions on the part of his 
enemies. At Colchester itself the men of East-Anglia 
and Essex, who liad been undei- Danish rule, first bow to 
him ; then comes the submission of the Danish host 
itself ; then that of all Mercia ; then that of all North 
Wales. The realm of the West- Saxon king now reaches 
to the Humber. Northumberland, StrathcJyde, Scotland, 

' The incu of llic ships, the wikiugs. 


have as yet been iintoiiclied l^y his arms or his policy. 
But next comes the great clay of all, the crov/ning-point 
of West- Saxon triumph, when the King of Scots and all 
the people of Scots, and Raegnold and Eadv/ulf s son, and 
all that were in Northumberland, Angles, Danes, North- 
men, or any other, and eke the King of Strathclyde 
Welsh, and all the Strathclyde Welsh, Ijowed to Eadward 
at Bakewell, and sought him to father and lord. The 
fights on East-Saxon ground, the storm of C-olchester, the 
defence of Maldon, had taught the whole world of Britain 
that Eadward and his people were not be witlistood. 
The gallant gathering of tlie men of Essex, Kent, and 
Surrey had led t(j the estaljlishment of an English 
kingdom bounded only by the Humber, of an English 
Empire liounded only by the Northern sea. 

Thus two East-Saxon sites, one of them our present 
l^lace of meeting, have won for themselves a foremost 
place in that struggle with the Dane which welded 
England into a single kingdom. And one of those sites 
joins again A\dth a third whose name we have not yet 
heard to form another pair no less memorable in the 
struggle which gave the united kingdom of England into 
the hands of a Danish kmg. If the days of Colchester 
and Maldon stand forth among the brightest days of 
English victory, so Maldon and Assandiin stand out 
among the saddest yet noblest days of English overtln^ow. 
Our last East-Saxon memory showed us the invadmo- 
Dane flying from before the walls of Maldon ; our next 
East-Saxon memory shows us the Dane victorious in the 
hard handplay, and the Ealdorman of the land dyino- in 
defence of the Saxon shoi-e. The fight by the Planta, the 
fight where Brihtnoth fell, lives in that glorious battle- 
song \/]iich, were it written in any tongue but tlie native 
speech ol Englishmen, woidd have won its place alongside of 
the battle-songs of ancient Hellas. The song is plainly 
local and contemporary ; it comes straight from the soul 
of the East-Saxon gleeman of the tenth century. It is 
something to stand on the spot and to call up the pictiu^e 
of the valiant Ealdorman, lighting from his horse among 
his faithful hearth-band, marshalling his men in the thick 
array of the shield-wall, refusing to pay tribute to the 
wikings, and telling them that point and edge shall judge 


between them. 'I'lien we see the dauntless three who 
kept the bridge, Wulfstan, ^Ifhere, and Maccus — 
Wuhstan the Horatius, his comrades the Lartins and 
Herminius, of the hght in which the legend of the Tiber 
was repeated in sober truth by East-Saxon Panta. Yet 
among the crowds to whom the legends of distant lands 
are as household words, how few have ever heard the 
names of the true heroes of our own soil. Then Brihtnoth, 
in his " overmood," in his excess of daring and lofty 
spirit, allows the enemy to pass the water : then comes 
the fight itself, the Homeric exploits on either side ; the 
death-wound of Brihtnoth and his last prayer ; the 
dastardly flight of Godric on the horse of his fallen lord ; 
the fight over the body of the slain chief; the self- 
devotion of the true companions who in death are not 
divided, as they lie " thegn-like " around their lord, their 
Earl and ring-giver. No tale is told with more spirit, no 
tale sets better before us that great feature of old 
Teutonic, and indeed of old Aryan, life, the personal 
and sacred tie which l)0und a man to the lord of his own 
seeking. But the men who fought on that day were 
Englishmen ; the tongue in which their deeds were sung 
was English ; their deeds are therefore forgotten, and the 
sono; which tells of them sounds in the ears of their 
children like the stammering speech of an unknown 

But if the l)anks of Panta saM^ the glorious death of the 
local East-Saxon chief, the banks of another East-Saxon 
estuary saw, not indeed the death but the last struggle, 
of the champion, not only of Essex, but of all England. 
The fiofht of Maldon is handed down to us in the o-lowino- 
strains of native sono- ; the sono- which told of the fio-lit of 
Assandun lias perished : we have only feeble echoes pre- 
served to us in the Latin pages of the historian who has 
kept so many such precious fragments, fi'om the song of 
Anderida to the song of Stamfordbridge. As to the site of 
Assandun, I will not enter on any discussion; I think that 
no one will doubt about it who has been there. There is 
the hill on which Eadmund Ironside marshalled his army 
fbi- tbe last hattle, the hill down whose slope he rushed 
with his sword, as the fjiint echo of the ballad tells us, 
like the lightning-flash, leaAnng in his charge the royal 


post between the Standard and the West-Saxon Dragon, 
and fighting hand to hand in the foremost rank of his 
warriors. We hear from the other side how the Raven of 
Denmark had ah-eady fluttered its wings for victory ; but 
it was only through Eadric's treason — treason which no 
effort of ingenious advocacy can wipe out from the pages 
which record it — that Eachnund, in the sixth battle of 
that great year, found himself for the first time defeated. 
The spot which saw Cnut's victory over all England saw 
also a few years later his offering in his new character of 
an English King. Then arose the joint work of Cnut and 
Thurkill, the minster of stone and lime, whose material 
was as much to be noted in the timl^er land of Essex as 
the material of the wooden basilica of Glastonbury was to 
be noted among the rich stone quarries of Somerset. Of 
that minster the first priest was Stigand, the man who 
won his first lowly promotion at the hands of the Dane, 
and who lived to be hurled from the metropolitan throne 
at the bidding of the Norman, 

But the East- Saxon land contains a memorial of those 
times more precious even than the memories of Maldon 
and Assandun, a memorial too which forms a special tie 
between Eastern and Western England. It was on East- 
Saxon soil, just within the East-Saxon border, on the 
spot to which the willing oxen draw the Holy Cross of 
Lutgaresbury from the place of its first finding in the 
West, that Tofig first cleared the wild forest, that he 
first reared the minster of Waltham in its earlier and 
lowlier form, and gathered round it a band of pilgrims 
and devotees who changed the wilderness into a dwelling- 
place of man. It was on that spot that Earl Harold, 
patron of the secular clergy in the most monastic period 
of our history, patron of learning in a day when the 
light of English literature seemed almost to have died 
away, enlarged the church and the foundation of Tofig. 
It was for the good of that spot that he sought in 
lands beyond the sea, in the kindred land with which 
England had exchanged so many worthies — the land 
to which she had given Ealhwine and whence she had 
received Old- Saxon John — for men to help him in the 
work which he had planned for the good of Waltham 
and of England. It was there that the doomed King, 



marching forth to the great strife for his land and people, 
went to make his last prayers and to offer his last gifts, 
and it was there tliat, as men of his own day believed, 
he received that awful warning which led his faithful 
bedesmen to his last field, standing afar that they might 
see the end. It was there, in his own minster, that his 
bones, translated from their earlier South-Saxon resting- 
place, lay as the most precious among his gifts to the 
house which he had founded. And it was there, when 
his foundation had been changed to another form, when 
a choir in a new style of art had risen over his tomb, 
that the greatest of his successors, the first of a new 
line of English kings, lay for a moment by his side. The 
choir of Wnltham has perished along with the choir of 
Battle ; the place of Harold's tomb, like the place of 
Harold's standard, again lies open to the day ; but if the 
East-Saxon land had nothing to boast of beside the un- 
marked spot where Harold and Edward met in death, 
that alone would place the shire where Waltliam stands 
among the most historic shires of England. 

Among his other possessions in all parts of England, 
Earl Harold held four houses in Colchester. This fact, I 
need not say, comes from the Domesday Survey, which 
tells us how those houses had passed away to the abbey 
of Westminster. The Domesday of Essex is very full, 
Essex being one of the three eastern shires of which we 
have only the first and fuller account, while in most of the 
other shires we have only the shorter form which is found 
in the first volume of the Exchequer Domesday.^ Essex 
was one of those shires which came into the possession 
of the Conqueror, not indeed, like Sussex and Kent, 
immediately after the great battle, but immediately after 
the submission at Berkhampstead. Like Kent and Sussex, 
its men had been in tlieir place in the battle, and it became 
sul)ject to a confiscation only less sweeping than that of 
Kent and Sussex. We do not find in Essex, as we do in 
many other shires, either one or two English landowners 
still keeping great estates, or a whole crowd of them 
kee])ing smaller estates. A few entries of English names 

^ The discovoiy of the " Tnquisitio gives nnothcr shire, of which wo have 
Comitatiis Cant.ahrigiensis,'' hiUAv pub- botli the fuller and the abridged account, 
lislud by Mr. N. E. S. A. llainiUoii, 


towiircls the end of* the record are all. We hear of no 
revolts in Essex after the coronation of William ; the 
strength of the shire, like the strength of Kent and 
Sussex, must have heen cut off on Senlac, and no foreign 
prince offered himself as deliverer to the men of Essex as 
Eustace of Boulogne offered himself to the men of Kent. 
Still there must have been some confiscations in Essex 
later than the time of the i-edemption of lands, for the 
penalty had fallen on one of the very commissioners by 
Avhom the redemption was carried out.^ Engelric, who 
nmst have played much the same part in Essex which 
Thurkill played in Warwickshire and Wiggod in Berkshire, 
as the Englishman who, by Avhatevei" means, rose liigli in 
William's favour, had fallen from his high estate before 
the Survey was made. Another man, English by birtli 
though not by descent, Swegen the son of Robert, who 
took the name of the shire as a surname, he whose father 
had stood hj the death-bed of Eadward and had 
counselled William on his landing to get him back to his 
own duchy, still keep great estates ; but he had lost his 
office of Sheriff. Most of the familiar names of the 
Conquest appear in Essex as well as elsewhere ; but the 
East- Saxon shire enjoys a singular privilege in not having 
had an acre of its soil handed over to the Conqueror's 
rapacious brother, Count Robert of Mortain. But Bishop 
Odo is there, and Count Alan, and the Count of Eu, and 
William of Wai'ren and Hugh of Montfort, and many 
another name of those who found their reward in almost 
every shire of England. Among the names specially 
connected mth the district stand out Geoffrey of Mande- 
ville, father of a line of East-Saxon Earls, Ralph Baynard 
wliose name lives in London city, and the names specially 
belonging to Colcliester, Hamo and Eudo, Of Colchester 
itself the record in the Survey is one of the fullest among 
the boroughs of England. It ouglit to be fully illustrated 
by some one who, to minute local knowledge, adds the 
power of comparing what the Survey tells us about Essex 
and Colcliester with what it tells us about other shires 
and boroughs. A general historian from a distance cannot 
do this ; a dull local antiquary cannot do it ; it needs a 
man on the spot wlio knows the ins and outs of the land, 

^ See Hiiitoiy of the Norman CorKincst, vol, iv., pp. 2G, 72-3. 


l3ut who also understands historical criticism and who 
knows something of other parts of England as well as of 
his own. 

The Survey gives us no such precious notices of the 
municipal constitution of Colchester as it gives us of the 
municipal constitution of Lincoln, Cambridge, and Stam- 
ford. Colchester had been held by the Danes ; but they 
had been driven out too soon and too thoroughly to allow 
of the formation of a patriciate of Danish lawmen. Nor 
do we find any such curious notices of municipal matters 
as we do at Nottingham and Chester. But we see the 
Inirgesses of Colchester already forming a recognized body, 
holding common lands, and claiming other common lands 
as having been unjustly taken from them. We specially 
see them holdino- the land for a certain distance round the 


walls. The walls are thus distinctly recorded in the 
Survey ; but there is no mention of the castle. There is 
therefore no entry of the destruction of houses to make 
room for the castle, such as we find in many other English 
towns. A long list is given of English burgesses who 
kept their houses, followed by a list of possessions within 
the borough which had passed into the hands of Norman 
owners. Among these, of course, aj^joear the Dapifen, 
Eudo and Hamo, and about the latter there is an entry of 
special interest which I trust will be thoroughly explained 
by some one who has local knoAvledge. Hamo, besides a 
house, had a "curia," a rare word whose use here I do 
not fully understimd. And whatever Hamo held had 
been held in the days of King Eadward by his English 
antecessor Thurbexrn. When I was last at Colchester, I 
was shown a building of Homanesque date which was 
oddly described as " Hamo's Saxon hall or curia." Why 
the hall of Thurbearn, if such it was, should be specially 
marked as a hall more Saxon than any other in this Saxon 
land is quite beyond my understanding. But I should 
greatly like to know v\^hat is really meant by the " curia" 
of Thurbearri and Hamo, and what ground there is for 
identifying it with this particular building. The first 
entry of all is also one of a good deal of interest, as mark- 
ing the subdivision of property in Old-English times. The 
houses and other property of Godric — one of the many 
beareis of one of the commonest of English names — had 


been divided among his four sons. They had died on 
Senlac, or had otherwise hrouo^ht themselves under the 
displeasure of the Conqueror. Of the four parts of 
Godric's property the King held two ; Count Eustace 
had the third, and John the son of Waleran the fourth. 
The church of which Godric was patron had passed whole 
to Count Eustace ; but his mill — a most important j^os- 
session, and one always most accurately noted in the 
Siu'vey — was carefully divided. 

Another point to be noticed in the Siu'vey of Colchester 
is that the borough had clearly been, before the coming of 
William, allowed to make a money composition for 
military service in the fynl. In many towns Domesday 
records the number of men which the town was to find 
when the King made an expedition by sea or land. 
Instead of this we find at Colchester a payment of 
sixpence from each house for the keep of the King's 
soldarii or mercenaries, that is doubtless the housecarls. 
It is possible that we have here the key to the fact that 
so many English burgesses of Colchester remained un- 
disturbed by the Conqueror. The l^orough, as a com- 
munity, had served King Harold, not with men but with 
money. It would have been hard even for the astuteness 
of William's legal mind to turn this payment of a 
customary royal due, the last payment of which might 
actually have been made while Eadward w^as still alive, 
into an act of constnictive treason against the Norman 
claimant of the crown. The community then, as a 
community, was guiltless, and fared accordingly. But 
volunteers from Colchester, as well as from other places, 
had doubtless flocked to the Standard of the Fighting- 
Man ; and they, whether dead or alive, paid the forfeit of 
their patriotism. 

Here is a point which touches the general history of 
England. There are other curious entries with regard to 
the customs of Colchester which I leave to local inquirers 
to expound to us. I pass to the Ecclesiastical history. 
The Survey mentions several churches ; but there clearly 
was no great ecclesiastical foundation, either secular or 
religious, within the walls of Colchester. The two 
religious foundations which have given Colchester an 
ecclesiastical name arose after the taking of the Survey 


and Ijeyoiid the ancient walls. They arose on the south 
side of the town, the side away from the river, a fact 
which accounts for the way in which the inhabited town 
of Colchester has spread itself While on the northern 
side void spaces have arisen within the walls, houses have 
grown on the south side round the priory and the abbey, 
covering a large space which hes outside alike of Roman 
Camulodunum and of Old- English Colchester. The great 
al:)bey of Saint John, the foundation of Eudo, rose on a 
height opposite that on which the town itself stands ; the 
priory of Saint Julian and Saint Botolf rose between the 
heights on the low ground just below the hill of 
Camulodunum. The history of Eudo's foundation is told 
in a document in the Monasticon, which in all points 
bearing on general history is highly mythical. Eudo's 
father, Hubert of Ilye, is a well-known man, he who 
sheltered William on his perilous ride from Valognes 
before the fight of Val-es-dunes. But the embassies on 
which Hubert is sent between William and Eadward 
simply take their jDlace among the Norman legends of the 
Conquest. There is also a very mythical air about the 
extraordinary importance in securing the succession to 
William Rufus, which the local story assigns to Eudo. 
We may however accept the purely local parts of the 
tale. Eudo's special position at Colchester, by whatever 
name we are to call it, appears in the story as the gift, 
not of William the Great but of William the Red. This 
at once Mis in with the absence of all mention of the 
castle in Domesday. The castle was not one of the castles 
of the Conqueror ; it was clearly a work of Eudo, a work 
dating from the reign of the second William, and not the 
first. That vast pile, so widely diftering in its outhne 
from the towers of London and R^ochester, will doubtless 
find its exponent in the course of this meeting, though the 
great master of military architecture is not among us.' 
The abbey again gives us in its last days one of the ties 
which connect the East of England and the West. John 
Beche, the last Abbot of Colchester, was one of the three 
})relates who refused to betray their trust. He was a 

^ Mr. Clark was needed very much ; but Mr. Parker's cxposiliun was quite eiiuuyli 
as against tlio Roman craze. 


sharer in the martyrdom of Richard Wliiting on the Tor 
of Glastonbury. 

The great Benedictine abbey began in the later days 
of Rufus ; the priory of Austin canons began a little 
later in the early years of Henry tlie First. It boasted the 
Lion of Justice himself among its benefactors, as appears by 
his charter dated while Queen Matilda and Bishop Robert 
Bloet of Lincoln were still living. The abliey, like that 
of Shrewsbury, arose on a spot where had stood the 
Avooden church of the English priest Sigeric. Of the 
material of the new building the local history does not 
speak ; the foiuidation stones whose laying it records are 
f(uite consistent with a superstructure of brick. Saint 
l)Otolfs, we all know, is built more Romano, more Camulo- 
dunensi, of bricks which are none the less Roman, even 
if some of them may have passed through the kiln in 
the twelfth century. So it is with Eudo's castle also, 
though there brick is not so exclusively the material. 
The colony, like its metropolis, remained in all ages and 
under all masters emphatically a city of biick, and 
happily no one has l)een found to change it into a city of 

I have now reached the point at which I commonly 
find it expedient to bring discourses of this kind to an 
end. 1 do not often attempt to carry on my comments 
on local history beyond the stage where local history, for 
the most part, becomes purely local. I commonly make 
it my business in any district to show what were the 
contributions of that district to the general history of 
England, what part it had in building up the English 
kingdom and nation. The purely local history, municipal, 
ecclesiastical, genealogical, or any other, belongs, not to 
me, but to those who have a special interest in the 
particular district. Such local history is sure always to 
supply some matter for which the general historian is 
thankful ; l)ut it is hardly the business of the general 
historian to seek it out for himself. He accepts it 
with all gratitude at local hands, and then makes use of 
it for his own purposes. But at Colchester I must 
follow another ride, as in some degree I did at Exeter. 
The place of Exeter in English history would be im- 
perfectly dealt with, if we did not bring the entry of 


William the Conqueror into its obvious contrast with the 
entry of William the Deliverer. So at Colchester I 
cannot bring myself to stop at the days of William the 
Ked. I must leap over a few centuries. To many the 
scene which the name of Colchester first calls up will be 
the scene which followed the last siege, the day when 
Lucas and Lisle died on the green between the Norman 
castle and the Roman wall. I have already pointed out 
that there is, in some sort, an analogy between the 
beginning and the ending of Colchester history, between 
the warfare of Boadicea and the warfare of Fairfax. It is 
hardly allowed to me here to speak as freely of Fairfax as 
I can of Boadicea. Of Eudo the Dapifer I can perhaps 
speak more freely than of either. The strife of the 
seventeenth century is so closely connected with modern 
controversies and modern party-feelings that it cannot be 
made purely archoeological ground like the strifes of the 
first century or of the eleventh. I perhaps need hardly 
tell you that my own personal feelings go with the cause 
of Fairfax, though I trust that I am fully able to under- 
stand and to honour all that was good and highminded 
and self-sacrificing on the side of his enemies. But in 
sinnming up the last stage in the long life of tliis historic 
town, I must call attention to one or two obvious facts 
wliich are apt to be forgotten in forming an estimate of 
that great piece of local history. Bemember then that 
the warfare of which the siege of Colchester forms the 
last, and the most striking scene, was a warfare wholly 
distinct from the earlier warfare of Edge -hill and Naseby. 
Colchester was not a fortress which had held out for the 
royal cause ever since the royal standard was first 
upreared at Nottingham. During the whole of the first 
war, Colchester and Essex were hardly touched. The 
men of Colchester were strong for the Parliament, and 
they had shown their zeal, a little too fiercely perhaps, 
against their royalist neighbours at the al)bey. The 
royalist movement of 1648, alike in Essex, in Kent, and 
in South Wales, was in the strictest sense a revolt, a 
vising against an existing state of things. Whether that 
revolt was to be praised or to be condemned I will not 
argue here ; all that I insist on is the plain fact that the 
enterprise of the Earl of Norwich and Lord Capel was not 


<a continuation of tlie war wlucli began at Nottingham, 
but a wholly new war of their own levymg. Before 
Colchester was besieged by Fairfax, it had in truth to be 
besieged, though only for a moment, by those who 
presently became its defenders. Again be it remembered 
that, in the execution of Lisle and Lucas, Fairfax went 
on perfectly good technical grounds. Tliey had been 
prisoners of war, and had given their word of honour 
never again to serve against the Parliament. I am far 
from insisting with any undue severity on the obligations 
of such promises as this. It is a question of casuistry 
Avhether such a purely military promise should or 
should not keep a man back from an enterprise to 
which he deems that loyalty or patriotism calls him. 
But, as a matter of military law, his life is fairly forfeit ; 
the man who has been set free on certain conditions 
cannot complain if the sternest measure is meted out to 
him when he bieaks those conditions. The military 
justice of Fairfax touched those only whose breach of 
military honour had fairly brought them within its reach. 
The escajDe of Norwich, the execution of Chapel — Capel, 
a man worth Norw^ich, Lucas, and Lisle all put together — 
were the work of another power in which Fairfax had no 
share. Wliatever may l)e thought of the political or 
personal conduct of either of the two lords, there was no 
stain on their military honour. The General therefore did 
not take on himself to judge men who, whatever they were 
in the eye of the law, were on the field of Imttle entitled 
to the treatment of honourable enemies. But, " in 
satisfaction of military justice," he let the laws of war 
take their course on men who, whatever may be pleaded 
in their behalf on other groimds, had, by the laws of 
war, lost all technical claim to honourable treatment.* 

One point more thei'e is which brings the last siege of 
Colchester into direct connexion with earlier times, and 
which I may therefore plead as a further excuse for 
carrying my story on into days which I seldom venture 
to touch. The site of Saint John's abbey, the house of 
Lord Lucas within or close to its precinct, play an 
important part in the siege. The gateway, occupied by 

^ Thp. case of Lucas and Lisle has Markham in the FortnUjldhj Eivitiv, 
been fully gone into by Mr. Clements September, 1876. 



the insurgents, was stormed by the parhamentaiy forces, 
and doubtless whatever other remams of the abbey were 
left at the Dissolution, now perished. Saint Botolf's too, 
standing immediately between the batteries of the be- 
siegers and the walls of the town, was exposed to the 
hre of both sides, and became in that siege the ruin 
wliich we now see it. 

I have now brought my tale, and that by somewhat 
of a bound in its last stage, to the latest point which can 
well come within the consideration of the present meeting. 
I have tried to sketch out the chief grounds on which the 
shire of Essex, and, ahove all, the town of Colchester, are 
entitled to a high |)lace among the shires and towns of 
Enofland. It is for others, with more of local knowledsfe, 
to till up that sketch in detail. I trust that among our 
members men will be foimd to do justice to every part of 
the local history, above all in tliose five centuries over 
which the President of the Section has ventiu^ed to })ass 
with a bound. I have exhausted nothing ; I stand in the 
way of no one who has specially mastered any portion of 
East-Saxon history. In the days of Boadicea and in the 
days of Fairfax I may even l)e deemed an intruder. But 
I am no less ready to invite every help, to welcome every 
light, on the times in which I may say that I myself have 
lived. That I have lived in those times makes me know, 
perhaps better than other men, how nuich there is still to 
l)e found out, how many things in them there are that to 
me at least are grievous puzzles. The greatest of English 
scholars, once a dweller in the East-Saxon shire, has made 
the history of tlie Holy Ch'oss of Waltham plain to all 
men. But we still need a worthy commentator on the 
Song of Maldon. Even in those parts of the tale at which 
I have specially worked, I feel, better perhaps than others, 
how much I have left uncertain, how much there still is 
for others to fix by the light of sound and sober historic 
criticism. But, in any case, there is no part of the isle of 
Britain in which one who has lived in the tenth and 
eleventh centuries feels more at home than within the 
walls whicli felt the repairing hand of Eadward the Un- 
conquered, in the land which beheld the exploits and the 
death of Brilitnoth, the land where Eadmund fought the 
last fight of the year of battles, the land where Harold 


knelt before the relic whicli was Lrouglit from the green 
liill of Montacute, the land to which he himself was borne 
from tlie craggy hill of Hastings. It is something that the 
hero of England slionld l)e in this way a common posses- 
sion of the three branches of tlie great Saxon colony, that 
the Saxon of the West, the South, and the East, should 
be all bound together, as 1)y a threefold tie, by the presence 
among them in life or death of the last king of the old 
stock, the king who died on Senlac and who no longer 
sleeps at Waltham. 



That Colcliester occupies the site of the Koman 
CamiUodunum is, I think I may now say with certainty, 
the opinion of ahiiost every antiquary of note. Possibly 
there are still some living who incline to the theory that 
Malclon represents the site, but the absence of any remains 
of buildings there, whilst Colchester abounds with them, 
is conclusive evidence to my mind on the point. But 
although everything at Colchester of the Roman period is 
found to be on a grand scale, especially the walls, it is a 
matter of surprise that so few inscriptions, and those 
nearly all sepulchral, have been found. The only hypothesis 
to account for this seems to be, that every inscribed stone 
foiuid in the middle ages was Titilised by the large popu- 
lation still I'esident on the site, for building or other 
purposes, and hj this means the stones, if ever afterwaixls 
disinterred, were completely despoiled of their insciiptions. 

The first inscription recorded to have been found at 
Colchester is given in the Museum Disneianurn, part i, 
p. 99, fob xlv, fig. 15. It was discovered in 1713, and is 
now preserved in the Disney collection at the Fitzwilliam 
Museum, Cambiidge. It is a tombstone and is inscribed. 




i.e. Considia Veaeria Filia vixit annos in dies xxx 
Considia Natalis Mater vixit annos xxxv. " Considia 
Veneria (the) daugliter lived three years thirty days, 
Considia Natalis (the) mother lived thirty-five years." 

In the "Tesoro Britannico" (1719) by Haym, mention is 
made of a Boman oculist's stamp found at Colchestei', 
sul )sequently described by many authors, amongst them 
l)y Mr. Albert Way in vol. vii of the Archaeological Journal, 
p. 357. It bore the inscriptions, — 




The inscription on the side reads : Q. lull Murrcuii 
meXinuuh ad claritateni. " The melinum (an eye salve) of 
Quintus Julius Murranus for clearness of vision." That 
on the other side is : Q. Ivli Murrani stactuni ojyobalsauiat 
(um) ad ca-(li(juieui). '' The Ijalsamic stactuni of Quintus 
Julius Murranus for weakness of the eyes." 

Morant, in the Colchester volume of his " History of 
Essex," p. 195, aud pi. ii, fig. 10, describes a Roman 
ring " of coarse silver" that had been found previous to 
17G8, inscribed in reversed letters. — 

L V 


N I 

It was then in the possession of Charles Gray, Esq. 
It reads, Luciani, (The ring) of Luciaiuis. The next 
discovery appears to have been that of a marble stone 
(probably an altar), now lost. Morant does not give it in 
his Colchester volume, as it was only found Nov. 14tli, 
1 7G4, but he gave a copy of the inscription to the Society 
of Antiquaries, which is preserved in their miinites. (Vide 
Inventorium Sepidchrah, p. 213). Gough, in his 1789 
edition of Camden's Britannia, vol. ii, }). 58, also })ublished 
it. He read it as follows : — 

N V M I N I D 

A V G 

E T . M E R C V DEO 


V V • C M I 




M A R N I 

D. S. D. 

and calls it an inscription "to a new topical deity." It 
is evident that the fourth, fifth, and sixtli lines arc 
erroneously given, destroying the sense of the whole 
inscription, Avith the exception of the three first lines, 
from which we learn that it was dedicated " To the 
divinities of the Augustus (the reigning Emperor) and to 
the god Mercury." 


Ill 1820 (circa) there was found at " The Turrets" a 
bronze stamp, now preserved in the Colchester Museum, 
bearing the inscription — 

p. F. 
H Y G I N I 

Professor Hlibner (Cv>r/:>?f-.s' laser. Latin., vol. vii, No. 1322) 
sug-o-ests the reading I\ jF'(lavii ?) irijgiui, or in other words 
that it Avas tlie stamp of Pidjlius Flavins Hyginus. 

In 1821, in excavating the site for the (Colchester 
Hospital, there was fomid, near to where the celebrated 
spliinx Avas discovei'ed, the fragment of a Koman tomb- 
stone, the lettering on which was — • 

AE . LIS . 
BIS. > LEC4 
> LEG . Ill . AV 
EG . XX . VAL V 

There are portions of letters remaining in tlie two lines 
which 1 have marked with dots, but they are too imperfect 
to be made out. Professor Hilbner (Corpics Inscr. Latin, 
No. .01) reads the inscription, with the exception of the 
lirst and part of the second lines, as "ceiitai'io lcrj(ionis) 
. . . . centurio le<j[ionis) III Aug[itsUc) {centuriol)c(j[ioiii.s) 
Val(cria) V(ictricis) (Orii(n)chi,s Nicae(a in) (Bithijni) a 

militari(t) (annos) .... (t^ixit aiin{os) " The 

centurial mark > for the word centurio will be noticed in 
the second and third lines. This stone is now in the 
Colchester Museum. 

Anotlier fragment of a sepulchral i iiscrijDtion, found at 
the same time and now preserved in the Disney collection 
at Cambridge, reads thus (free of ligatures) : — 

ERVNT .... 

The hrst line has certainly been D . M for Diis 
Manilms. The ascia or axe is sculptured on the stone 
between these two letters, a fre(i[uent occurence on Pvoman 


tombstoiies. Professor Huljner {Coypits Inscr. Latin, 
No, 92) reads the second and third hnes as ''{hoc t)umuJ<) 
teg(untur)" and "(ossa mi)rahilis ivve {ni.s),'' which is very 
uncertain ; of the remainder nothing can l)e made ont from 
its fiugmentary state. 

These stones were first engraved in Cromwell's History 
of Colchester, 1825 (vol. ii, p. 374), and again descril)ed 
in Wriglit's History of Essex, vol. i, pp. 29 5 -G. 

In 1850 a fragment of anotlier tombstone was found 
bearing tlie inscri])tion — 



Tt w'as the right liand (proper) half of a toml)stone, and 
had Ijeen clamped to another stone, which was not found, 
and which contained the remaining portion of the 
inscription (Journal Brit. Archl. Ass"., voL vi, p. 44G). 

In 1854 there was discovered in the large Roman cloaca 

or sewer, excavated by Dr. Duncan and others, a fragment 

of a marble tablet inscribed in large and fine letters. — 

H I c 

It is now preserved in the Museum. (Vide Proc. Essex 
Arch. Sac, vol. i, p. 210). 

At the meeting of the Institute at Norwich in 1847 
til ere was exhibited a Roman cochlear or spoon found 
near the western wall of Colchester eisfht feet beneatli the 
surface. It was then in the possession of Mrs. Thoi'ley, 
and was inscribed — 


i.e., mayst thou live, Aeternus ! It is not said of -wliat 
metal it was composed,' but the letters were inlaid and 
resembled niello. (Vide Normch vol. of Institute Cata- 
logue, p. xxviii, and plate at p. xxvii). 

At the Chichester meeting of the Listitutein 1853, tlie 
late Lord Braybrooke exhibited a Roman ring found at 
Colchester l)earing the inscription — ■ 

e E P M I A 

The letters were on an intaglio, and l)eneath them was a 
sphinx-like figure. Tlie reading is simply Thermia, 

^ I have since ascertained that it is of bronze. 


Another gold signet ring fonnd at Colchester, and also 
in the late Lord Braybrooke's possession, is engraved with 
two heads facing each other, and above them are the 
letters — 

I . i\r . p 

It is clifficnlt to understand the reading of these letters. 
Tlie ring is described by Lord Braybrooke in vol. ii, 
p. G3, of the Essex Archasological Society's Transactions. 

In 1853 there was discovered on the Lexden road at 
West Lodge, the property of Mr, John Taylor, which 
stands partially upon the site of a Boman cemetery, a 
line cinerary in-n of Durobrivian (Castor) Avare, with a 
cover. It was nine inches in height and six in diameter, 
and contained a " bottle of straw coloured pottery and a 
red ' Samian' dish." It is covered with has reliefs, 
divided into three groups. One consists of two stags, a 
liare, and a dog, with various ornaments introduced ; the 
second consists of two men with a bear between them ; and 
the third of two gladiators fighting. Above the heads of 
these latter is an inscription traced with some sharp 
instrument, and concealed by the lid or cover, until the 
latter was lifted. The inscription is — 


As the thirtieth legion was never in England, these 
scenes must refer to events that happened on the Con- 
tinent. The first two words, I opine, shew that the urn 
was a gift from Secundus to Marius (as Mr. C. Boach 
Smith thinks). It is by no means clear what the meaning 
of the remainder is. If sac, stands for sec. the first 
portion refers to a secutor named Memnon, who had 
apparently been the victor nine times. If the other 
figure be that of a vetiarius, he is the vanquished party. 
In any event his name seems to have been Valentinus, of 
the thirtieth legion. Tliis vase is still preserved in the 
Colchester Museum. 

In 18G5 a remarkable green glass drinking cup of 
the Boman period was found in the same cemetery, on 
the Lexden road. Though only three to four inches in 
height, it bears the representation of four chariots in 
succession, with the names of the charioteers over them, 
the inscription being — • 



Figure of a Roman Centurion. 



The reading being, doubtless, Hierax va{Je) Ohjmpae 
va{le), Antiloce va{le), Cresce{n)s Av(e), thus indicating 
Cremenf< as tlie winner. Tliis cup is now in the British 
Museum, ^vhere I recently inspected it. 

In 1868 Mr. George Joslin, who liad purchased a piece 
of gro\uid in Beverley Koad for the purpose of making 
excavations on the site of a large Roman cemetery existing 
there, discovered a large sepulchral slab of line oolite six feet 
high, two feet four inches wide, and eight inches thick, in 
good preservation, bearing the figure of a Koman centurion 
in a sort of recess, and beneath it the inscription — 

M . FAA'OX . M . F . POL . FACI 
ERYNT . H. S . E. 

i.e. M(arcus) Favon{ius) M{cArci) F{iUus) FoI{h'a) Facili.'^ 
centurio Leg[ionis) vicesimae Verecundiis et Novicius Lib 
{erti)iiosiiernrit. II{ic) S{itus) F{st), or translated, "Marcus 
Favonius Facilis, the son of Marcus of the tribe PoUia, 
a centurion of the twentieth legion. Verecundus and 
Novicius his freedmen placed this. He lies here." From 
the absence of the letters y. v after the numerals of the 
legion, it is probable that this monvunent is of a very 
early date, possil^ly before the insurrection of Boadicea. 
The stone had apparently been purposely broken, and 
the upper portion thrown down on its face at some remote 
period. Tlie lower portion which bore the inscription 
was still standing in .nfu, at a depth of 2|- feet IdcIow 
the surface of the ground. Near it was found a leaden 
cylindrical l)ox with a lid containing the bones. On the 
l^ack of the stone are the letters — 


probably the abbreviation of the sculptor's name (TuUius). 
It is still in Mr. Joslin's possession. Since writing the 
above I have been informed that some antiquaries dissent 
from the idea of the stone being of an early period of the 
Ttoman sway, on the ground of some of the letters of the 
inscription being ligulate. In reply to this I would 
observe that in the pig of lead dated a.d. GO, and l^earing 
the name of Nero, found at Stockbridge, Hants, we find a 
great part of the inscription ligulate, so that ligulate 
inscriptions are not confined to a later period. 



There are one or two other minor inscriptions found at 
Colchester, which I will now refer to. They are — 

(1) (5) (3) ^ (4). 


Tlie lii'st oP these, which WcMits tlie last letter, is on a 
tile at the Museum and reads Pi-imus. The second occurs 
on a Lronze helmet now in the British Museum, and which 
is twice stamped with the letters p p: t r o n i (probably 
the genitive of Petivnius) near the neck. The third occurs 
on the handle of a patella or mmpulum of bronze found 
in a field near the town in 18G3. (Vide Archceologia, 
vol. xxxix, p. 508). Difterent readings of it have been 
given. The Rev. J. H. PoUexfen, in the xirchceologia, 
reads it as simply pomponi, and regards it as the stamp of 
the maker, but Professor Hiibner (Co]pus Inscr. Latin. 
vol. vii, No. 1323) reads it a.s (L) Pomiy(oniu>i) Ni(co). 
The fourth is on a large vase of white ware or olla, now 
preserved in the Museum, the front of which represents a 
human face (very similar to a vase discovered at Lincoln, 
and bearing an inscription to Merciuy, engraved in the 
Proc. Soc. of Anti([., vol. iii, 2nd series, p. 440). The 
letters, which are in l)lack, occur on the back of it, and 
are of good formation, but the inscription being imperfect 
nothino' can be made of it. 

Another bronze Ponian stamp found in Colchester, and 
preserved in the Musemn there, bears the inscription — 


The inscription (which is a barbarous one) was com- 
municated to me in 1873 by Mr. Gunner, the curator of 
the Museum. The same l:)arbarous word occurs in pottery 
found at CJolchester, but its meaning is unknown. 

There have also been found at Colchester a mnnber 
of roundels or tesser® of greyish earthenware l^earing 
barl)arous words, such as etkeron, &c., and on some of 
them are numerals. In one instance xvi occurs, accom- 
panying the figure of a galley with rowers. I have 
rubljhigs of most of tliem, l:)ut until antiquaries are agreed 
as to their being genuine lioman relics, I refrain from 
noticing them. Perhaps some of the members of the 
Institute will eml)race this op]:)ortunity of ins]:>ecting 
them. Witli these exceptions L l)elieve that the whole 
of the Colchester inscriptions are noticed in these 





This exhibitiuu, lield in the months of ^h\y and June last, was, 
tlirough the generosity of the several contributors, an exhibition of 
such unusual excellence, illustrating in so great perfection the genius 
of Holland's greatest painter, that it may fitly be chronicled. Tlie 
Committee, to w]iom was entrusted the selection, made it their chief 
endeavour to bring together the finest procurable examples of the 
Eembrandt etchings, and generally speaking their endeavour was 
crowned witii success ; for although in so extensive a collection there 
were, undoubtedly, several prints of little merit, yet, as a whole, 
the collection well deserved the encomiums of artists and amateurs, 
containing as it did not only early states and impressions excessively 
rare, in some instances unique, but also, what was of far greater 
importance, impressions so infinitely superior to the average of what 
are usually seen, that a standard of comparison was atibrded, by 
which all other impressions might be tested. 

A marked feature of the exhibition was the arrangement of the 
prints in what is boHeved to have been the order of their execution. 
AVlien it is remembered that about one half of what arc attributed to 
the master are undated, and that only about one third of those undated 
prints were hung upon the walls, it will be seen that the Committee 
iiad undertaken no idle task. To place these in order among the 
dated prints it was necessary that the whole series, whether exhibited 
or not, should bo arranged; tlie work M'as surrounded with difficul- 
ties ; but the labour was not ill bestowed, adverse criticisms from 
competent critics were few, and the corrections suggested were of 
value to those who, like ourselves, think the consecutive arrangement 
of a great artists' works a matter of importance. 

A cpiestion of considerable interest was raised as to the extent to 
which the liandiwork of pupils or assistants appears in certain of the 
larger and more elaborate plates. The idea that Eembrandt was so 
assisted is not a new one. P. J. Mariette in his Abecedario refused to 
recognize Eembrandt's hand in the harsh biirin work which contrasts 
so painfully with the finer parts of the " Descent from the Cross." 
The opinion that the master entrusted much of the detail in the 
"Ecce Homo" to another has almost become traditional in the British 
Museum Print Eoom. I have, myself, no hesitation in attributing the 
inferior Avorkmanship in the largo " Eesurrection of Lazarus "to Van 
Vliet ; but in all discussion care must bo taken not to lose sight of the 
fact that only comparatively unimportant parts of the several plates havy 


been thus entrusted to inferior hands, and that we are not called upon 
to rojjiidiate a print, because an artist of less ability has been allowed 
to execute a pait, any more than we shoidd refuse to recognize a 
Eubens, for instance, because we had clear evidence that ho did not 
cover every inch of his vast canvasses with his own brush. 

Among- so many works of the highest class it is difficult to make a 
selection, but for rarity and excellence, or both combined, the following 
deserve to be recorded : — 

Conirihufcd ly S. Addington, JEsg^. — 

The Spanish Gipsy, a finer impression than the one Avhich 
appeared at the Hume sale last year. 

( 'ontribiited ly UenTij Brodhurst, Esq. — 

The second (really the third) state of the '• Ecce Homo," very 
fine impression. 

Lakge Landscape vriTii the Mill 8ail. I onty know one impres- 
sion of the plate which could be compared Avith this, it is in 
the collection of Monsieur Dutuit. Mr. "Brodhurst's Landscape 
WITH Cottage and Dutch Hay Barn is of nearly equal merit. 

Cottage with White Pales, first state, extremely fine and in good 

The Three Tkees, on India paper, of the highest excellence. 

A GiioTTO, first state, a brilliant impression. 

Eembkandt Dkaaving : the late Mr. William Smith considered this 
one of the best impressions of the plate ho had ever met with. 

The Three Crosses, first state, superb. 

The Old Haaring, a finer impression docs not exist. This is the 
impiession with broad untrimmed margin which appeared at 
Manchester in 1857, and again at Leeds in 18G8. 

Contributed by Edward Cheney, Esq, — 

Lu!^ Asselyn, first state, completed in crayon by Rembrandt. 

Jaxvs Lutma, also thus completed. Two very valuable prints 
of the greatest interest and beauty. 

Erom the Colleciion of St. John Dent, Esq. — 

The Angel Appearing to the Shepherds, finished state, perfect. 

The Three Trees, on white paper, a magnificent impression. 

The Presentation, in Eembrandt's dark laauner, unusually rich 
in colour. 

Erom Monsieur Eugene I)utuit''s Collection. — 

The small grey landscape called The House with a Large 
Tree, AVilson 204, Bl. 310. Extremely rare and not less 

" The Hundred Guildek," first state, from the Palmer and Price 

Portrait or Rembrandt on a high and narroav plate, a print not 
known to Bartsch or Wilson, and hitherto supposed to be unique. 


Froia Ituhard Fhhcr, Ehcj^. — 

A very line impression of the I'kk«extatio>^ ix the Vaulted 

Temple, second state. 
Large Landscape with Cottage and Dl'tcii Hay Bat.x, of ecxual 

merit to the one exliibited by Mr. Brodliurst. 
"The HuiTDBED Guilder," second state, of the greatest excellence. 

The Eev. D. Griffiths, JJ'arden of Wudham — 

" The Hundred Guilder," second state, white paper, a singularly 
beautiful impression, without exception the finest I have seen 
in this state, thought by some even superior to the impressions 
of the first state. 
Portrait of Tan Tolling, first state. This came from the collec- 
tion of Baron Verstolk de Soelen. Only four impressions of this 
state are known. 

Atnong those contributed hij F. Sci/niour Haden, Fsq. were : — 

Portrait of Eembrandt with Moustaches, Wilson 2. 

Portrait of Kembrandt leaning on a Stone Sill, first and second 
states, both extremely fine and possessing the additional interest 
of having been worked on in pencil by Rembrandt's own hand. 

Rembrandt's Mill, probably the richest impression existing of 
this plate. 

A AYoMAN IN A Large Hood, AVilson o.53, two impressions. 
Charles Blanc calls this "La femme do Rembrandt malade ;" 
the second impression worked on in bistro b}^ tlie master. 

St. Francis Praying, second state. 

The "Wom-VN with the Arrow, an impression of great excellence. 

From the Collection of R. S. Holford, Esq. — 

Rembrandt in Turned -up Hat and Embroidered Mantle, a most 
interesting and rare impression, with Rembrandt's name and 
age written in pencil by himself. 

Rembrandt in an Oval, first state, the uncut plate, the only 
impression of this state in private hands. 

Great Jewish Bride, first state. 

A Painter Drawing from a Model, first state, unicj[ue. 

View of OMv.Ui, an unequalled impression . 

John Cornelius Sylvius, first state. I have seen no impression 
at all equal to this in any collection. Wilson described it as the 
finest known. 

The Burgomaster Six, second and third states. 

Ephraim Bonus, first and second states. 

" The Hundred Guilder," first state. 

Village near the High Road ; or. The Three Cottages, first, 
second and third states. 

The series of small landscapes ; first and second states. 


Ouii LoKD BEPOiiE Pilate, first state. 

PoKTKAiT OF CorPENOL, Wilsoii's secoud state. All these im- 
pressions were of the very greatest beauty and in splendid 
condition, among the richest gems of the exliibition. 

From the Collection of R. P. Roupell, E^q., Q.G. — 

A Man Meditatikg, in EcmLrandt's dark manner ; this and an 
C(pially fine impression from the same plate, from tlio collection 
of J. Webster, Esq., were hung together. Mr. Webster also 
sent two rich impressions of the (St. Jekojie, in the dark manner, 
first and second states. 

J'Yoii the Collection of the late Daiihy Seijmour^ Enq. — 

The first and second states of Jesus Chbist E>;tomijbd, very fine. 

A superb portrait, in oil, of Rembrandt by himself, was kindly 
contributed by Lord Fortarlincjton ; and a grisaille of the "Ecce 
Homo," the design for the etching, by Lady Eaatlalce. 

Visitors who acquainted themselves with the treasures displayed, 
Avill think tliis list far too short. I am aware that many are omitted 
which miglit well have been introduced, but to enumerate them all 
would have unduly lengthened this notice. Probably such a collection 
has not been seen before or will ever be brought together again. 

©n'gi'nal Documeuls, 

Communicated by JOSEPH BAIN, F.S.A. Scot. 

"A tresnoLle Eoy Dengleterre Sire Edward qe Dieu le garde 
mustrent Jolian Le peiutiir do l5lida Et Beatrice sa fFeme qe eneontre 
la ])ees nostre Seigneur le Roy vint Stefue Attej-ate do Blid le iour 
de la Seint Marie ]\Iagdalene qe drein fat a la meseun le auaunt dit 
Johan et luy dona saut et lay prist par le col et luy lia de sou 
(■haperoLiu et a poy luy avoyt estrangie. et vile3'uement luy detira. 
Yint la femme le auauutd [it] Jolian, beatrice par noun, et deliuera 
son baroun de les mains auauntdit esteuene. Et autre forth vint 
Stefne auaunt nomee le Lundy procliein apres la feste 8[eint Pi] ere 
ad uincula et dona saut a beatrice la ffeme auauntdit Johan et male- 
ment la batyet et la nafrist perilousen .... plusors lues de son corps 
et la mayhema et la lessa com mort. Et estre eestes Esteuene auant 
nomee et Roger le keu son frere manacent les auant ditz de vie et de 
membre Dunt ly auant dit Johan et beatrice sa femnio prient de 
grante et de dreyt le tel trespas pur Dieu et la gratiouse Yirgine 
Marie, et de tons seynz et quil pussent viure in pees." 

(Xo endorsement). 

Tlie above document, supplj'ing contractions, is No. 468.3 of the 
MS. collection of Royal Letters, &c., preserved in the Public Record 
Office. It affords a curious example of the direct access Avhich in tliose 
daj's the liumblest had to the Icing. Blyth in Nottingliamshire was a 
well known halting place on the road to the north, and Edward I was 
no doubt on one of his numerous journeys on Soots' affairs when this 
matter was submitted to him. John the Painter, sitting quietly in his 
house on S. Mary Magdalene's day (22nd Julj'), possibly intending to 
go to church, was violently assaulted, half strangled, and villanously 
handled by Steven Attej^ate his neighbour. His good wife Beatrice 
delivered him, and probabl}- drove Stephen off the premises with some 
houseliold implement. The latter, however, nourished his wrath for 
ten daj's or so, and on the Monday after the Peast of S. Peter ad 
Vincula (1st Aug.) assaulted in a most ungallant manner poor Beatrice, 
and, inflicting many wounds on her body, maimed and left her for dead. 
Moreover he and his brother Roger le Keu also threatened the luckless 
couple with loss of life or member. Quite a case for rcj-al intervention 
and swift justice, which was doubtless administered, though no record 
appears on tlie petition, which seems in all probability to have been 
written by the parson of Blyth on behalf of his aggrieved parishioners. 
It is on a small square piece of parchment, mucli browned by age. 

Tlio next document, fr(;m the same collection (No. ;328()), is from tlie 
Prior and Chapter of S. jNlalo un a different subject. Supplying con- 
tractions, it runs thus : — 

" Serenissimo Principi . . . . E . . dei gi-acia illustris.simo Regi An- 
glornni . . Duci Aquitanie et Gaieusiura principi . . Prior et Capitulum 


ac Officialis Sauoti Maclonis de insula. . iSalutem et paratam in omnibus 
voluntatem ad sua beneplacita et mandata . . Cum intelleximus quod 
vestri preposeti seu justiciarii de Portemue in Auglia nauem Sancti 
Marie de Sancto Maclonio de insula cuius nauis Guillermus Aubant 
riiiis Maeloniensis lator presencium est magister arrestauerunt et 
detineant arrestatam cum vinis existentibus in eadem pro eo quod ipsi 
asserunt ut intelleximus quod nauis et vina predicta sunt liominura 
vestrorum de Vasconia seu pars aliqua eorundem Nouerit vestra 
serenitas veneranda quod dicta nauis est dicti magistri et quorundam 
aliorum ciuium macloniensium. Nee in ipsa naui liabet aliquis de 
Vasconia partem ullam. Et de dictis vinis sunt sex dolia et due pipe 
dicti magistri , . decem dolia Nicliolai pillart . . viginti duo dolia et 
due pipe Iladulplii gonchaii . . unum dolium 8tephani lestoucliie . . 
uuum dolium ioliannis do ( "apella . . unum dolium Eadulplii Dinandi 
. . uiuim dolium Guillermi Lalwe . . unum dolium Alani Oueu . . 
unum dolium iohannis ricliardi . . unum dolium iordani burlion . . 
due dolia iohannis Angliei . . duo dolia iohannis .Tahennis . unum 
dolium Pel rote Eanulphi . . unum dulium robini de Paluel civium 
macloniensium Et quatuor dolia Eadulplii iouuin et ioh.annis eueni de 
dolensi dj'ocesi nautarum dicte nauis de quibus vinis nichil debent 
alicui Vasconi dicti ciues ne predicti magister Nicholaus Pillart 
Eadulphus Geuchon, Stephanus lestouehie Johannes de Capella 
radulphus Dinandi Guillermus Lalote Alanus Cucu Johannes Eichardi 
et Jordanus burlou nobis asseruerunt per sua iuramenta quae super 
hiis recepimus ab eisdom Et ut accepimus a pluribus aliis fidedignis 
quibus fidem super hiis adhibemus Eesiduum vero dietorum sunt ut 
nobis datum sint intclligere quorundam burgensium de Sancto iacobo 
de beuron D^'oeesis Abbrinceusis hominum illustrissimi prineipis 
Domini Eegis Francie et quorundam burgensiun\ de Dinanno Mae- 
loniensis Dyocesis hominum nobilis viri domini Ducis britannie unde 
serenitatem vestram in Domino commendantes Eequirimus et Eoganuis 
quatinus de Serenitati vestro plaeeat dictam nauem et vina j)redicta 
saltem ciuium macloniensium 2:)redictorum facere liberari . . Datae 
apud Sanetuni Maclonium de insula Alannie et in remotis agente 
Eeuerendo in Christo Patre et domino Macloniensi episcopo die 
Veneris ante festum Purificacionis Beate Marie Virginis anno 
Domini M" CC" octogesimo non[o]." (No endorsement). 

This is written in a fine clear hand, the ink a good deal faded 
towards the end. The St. Mary of St. Malo, William Aubant, master, 
had been captured by the Portsmouth authorities under the belief that 
she and her cargo of wines were the property of Edward's men of 
Gascony. The Prior and Chapter state the contrary, and give a 
minute list of the shippers, chielly citizens of St. Malo. The master, 
who is the bearer of the letter to the king, and two of the sailors, are 
also shippers, The name of one of these men, "John the son of 
Evan," shows his Breton origin. Saint James de Beuvron, some of 
the burgesses of which are said to bo part owners of the wine, is a 
border town of Novmaudy on the Breton frontier, and as a fortress 
played an important part in the war which saw the English expelled 
from that province. According to a charter cited by Mabillon, tho 
castle was built by William the Conqueror in 1067. It stood on the 
(ulgn of a steep and narrow valley, and some remains of walls and 
bastions still attest its strength. Dinan, an ancient seat of the dukes 
of Brittany, is better known. 

IPrureetiings; at i^eetings of fte Eopal Strrlj^ological 



In consequence of tlie serious illness of the Honorary Secretary, 
]\[r. Burtt, no IMeetings wore held in November and December, by 
order of the Council. 

VOL. xxsiv. 

Ci)e Hate J^r. JSuvtt 

Among the many losses the Archa-ological Institute has "been called 
of late to sustain there is not one which will have been more widely 
felt and more sincerely deplored than that of its late Honorary 
Secretary, Mr. Joseph Burtt. From his long connection with the 
Institute, of which he was a valued member, and contributor to its 
proceedings for some years before he entered upon his official engage- 
ment as Secretary, few were more completely identified with our body, 
and none have ever laboured with greater diligence, and more zeal 
and intelligence for its welfare. Becoming Honorary Secretary in 
1862, Mr. Burtt was for yeai-s, as has been truly said, "the prime 
mover and guiding spirit" in all the operations of the Society. The 
arrangements for the monthly meetings, and the difficult task of 
securing suitable memoirs for reading, and objects of interest for 
exhibition, devolved upon him, and like all that he undertook, how- 
ever wearisome, was performed with untiring energy and never-failing 
good humour. 

To Mr. Burtt also, after failure of health compelled the late 
Mr. Albert AVay to retire from that duty, was year by year entrusted 
the responsible and anxious task of organizing and carrying out the 
Annual Congresses, and to his tact and courtesy, together with his 
clear head and calm business-like habits, the success of' these gather- 
ings has been mainly due. Few could have executed the preliminary 
duty of visiting the proposed place of meeting, stimulating the languid, 
encouraging the desponding, and awakening a general interest in the 
coming visit of the Institute, with so much delicacy and judgment as our 
lamented friend. The wi-iter of this notice has on several occasions been 
associated with Mr. Burtt in the correspondence and other arrangements 
for the Annual Meeting, as well as in carrying these arrangements 
into effect, and he can truly say that he never knew one with whom 
his unfailing good sense and good nature made it more pleasant to 
Avork, and who impressed one more with the sense of earnest determi- 
nation and hopeful courage. In the face of all difficulties, Mr. Burtt's 
resolve was that each meeting as it came should be a success ; nor was 
ho ever greatly disappointed. 

During Mr. Albert Way's gradually failing health, the task of 
editing the Journal of the Institute was entrusted to Mr. Burtt, who 
became more and more responsible for it, until idtimately the whole 
burden devolved upon him. His untiring energy found a congenial 
exercise in bringing up the arrears of the publication, and making it 
increasingly worthy of the Society, -whoso oi'gan it was. In this 
Mr. Burtt was ably seconded by several leading members of tho 


Institute, and the growing excellence of the Journals during the two 
or three years preceding his decease was most marked. Another 
very laborious work undertaken by him, in addition to his other 
labours, was the preparation of the index to the volumes of the 
" Arclifeologieal Journal," from its commencement. He was engaged 
upon this when his fatal ilhiess began. It is satisfactory to be able 
to state that our lamented friend's unfinished work has been taken 
up by the able liands of Sir John Maclean, and will, it is hoped, be 
before very long in tlie hands of the Subscribers. Tliis Index will 
show how largely the Journal has been indebted to Mr. Burtt's pen. 
But his acknowledged contributions only show a small poi'tion of 
the labour bestowed by him in working up the I'ough material 
furnished by others into a form suitable for appearance in its pages. 

Mr. Burtt was also a contributor of arch?eological articles to the 
Gentleman^ Magazine and the Athenccum. A paper of his appeared in 
the " Archfcologia Cantiana," vol. vi. 

The second vohmie of the "Miscellany" published by the Camden 
Society contains " the Household Expenses of John of Brabant" (son 
of the Duke of Brabant, and husband of Margaret, daughter of 
Edward I) and " Thomas and Henry of Lancaster" (sons of the 
king's brother, Edmund Earl of Lancaster), in the year 1292-3, from 
the original roll in the Cliapter House, from which place the Intro- 
duction is dated " Dec. 18.52." 

"We have spoken of Mr. Burtt hitherto only in connection with 
the Archreological Institute, but it must not be forgotten that his 
archaeological reputation was won in another field, before he became 
officially connected with our body. Born in 1818, he commenced his 
life-work when a lad of foiirteen, under Sir Francis Palgrave in the 
Chapter House at Westminster. " Under that able and learned 
antifjuary," to cjuote an appreciative notice that appeared shortly after 
his death in the Athena?um, "he served his apprenticeship, being 
chiefly employed on work connected with the Eecord Commission 
until the year 1840, when he was appointed to a clerkship in the 
New Record Establishment. He continued his labours for many 
years at the Chapter House, arranging and making inventories of the 
valuable collection of ancient records formerly stored in that depositor3\ 
In August 1851 he was promoted to an assistant keepership of the 
second class, and was made a first class assistant keeper in June 18.59. 
About this time he superintended the removal to the new Record 
Office, and the arrangement therein of the vast mass of documents 
which had been lying (many of them in a state of disorder) for 
centuries in the Old Chapter House." The calendaring of the 
Chancery Records of Durham was a task in which he was engaged 
for many years in addition to his other official duties. 

Mr. Burtt had very few ec[uals as a decipherer of ancient documents. 
The writer of this notice made his first personal acc[uaintance with 
]\rr. Burtt in this character. He was examining some rolls of Isabella 
de Fortibus, connected with her possessions in the Isle of Wight, and 
was baffled by some mediaeval contractions. The document was sliewn 
to some able palteographists belonging to the office in vain, and the 
cry arose, "Send for Burtt, he'll make it out." Mr. Burtt's attendance 
was requested, and withoiit a moment's hesitation the words were read 
off. On another occasion the writer remembers taking to Mr. Burtt 
a dirty crumpled piece of parchment covered with writing by an 


illiterate liand, in pale ink, with the remark " Here's something that I 
think will baffle yon." Bnt the apparently illegible document was 
speedily deciphered, almost as easily as if it had been written in a 
clerkly hand. 

Mr. Burtt Avas always most ready to devote his areluxiological and 
paloeographical knowledge to the service of others. For some years he 
was employed in his private capacity by the Dean and Chapter of 
Westminster in examining and describing the muniments connected 
with that ancient monastic foundation. He also performed the same 
services to a minor extent for the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln 
Cathedral. Some of the interesting historical docixments discovered 
by him in this latter collection have been printed and ilkistrated in 
the pages of this Journal. 

Floriculture was Mr. Burtt's favourite recreation. Both at Brixton, 
and afterwards at Tulse Hill, he was accustomed to devote his mornings 
and evenings to his gaixlen with great success. Chrysanthemums were 
his especial hobby, and he took great pride in the varied hues and 
perfect forms of his favourites, which he tended and sheltered with 
affectionate care. 

As a friend and colleague Mr. I'urtt secured the respect and 
affection of all with whom he was connected. His well-stored mind, 
his genial character, his forgetfulness of self, and readiness to oblige, 
endeared him to all who knew him, who feel that his premature 
decease has left a gap in the circle of the friends that it will be 
impossible ever to fill iip. The loss to the Archaeological Institute of 
one who had its interests so zealously at heart, and who laboured so 
untiringly and intelligently for their promotion, is incalculable; though 
happily not so entirely irreparable as that sustained by his widow and 
large family. 

E. Y. 

Bott'cES of ^rcljaeological Publicatians. 

AXXALS OF WIXniCOilP.E AND SUDELEY, hy Emma Dext. London 
Murray, 1877. 

It is very gi-atifyiug wlien owners of liistoric sites take sucli an 
interest in them as has been so lovingly shewn by ISErs. Dent in her 
" Annals of Winchcombe and Sudeley." Few places have witnessed 
greater vicissitudes than Sudeley Castle. We will not dwell upon the 
pre-historic description of the district, and the evidences of Roman 
occupation so profusely found on tlie .Sudeley estate, as illustrated by a 

Roman villa found on 
Wadfield farm in 1863, 
the ground plan of 
which, together with a 
fine pavement, is given 
by jNfrs. Dent. Nor will 
welinger over the tragic 
history of the Saxon 
rule in AVinehcombe, 
as the capital of the 
kingdom of Mercia, 
Avhere Ofl'a founded a 
nunnery in 787. This 
was soon afterwards 
superseded by a monas- 
tery of the great Bene- 
dictine Order, and the 
legends, traditions, and 
superstitions connected 
with its early history 
are very pleasantly 
related by our author, 
who prints, at length, 
the life of St. Kenelm, 
from the Saxon IMS. in 
the Bodleian Library. 

The early history- of 
SudeleyCastle, in which 
our interest more parti- 
cularly centres, is very 
obscure. It is not men- 
tioned in the Domesday 
Survey, and hence it 
was, probably, one of 
the many adulterine 
castles erected in the 
troublous time of King Stephen. No trace of works so early can 
now, however, be found, unless a jiortion of a low embattled tower, 
now forming a part of a cellar, be of that date, as it was considered 
to be by Sir Gilbert Scott when making a survey of the castle in 18.54. 
The number of castles erected for purposes of offence and defence 

West \\e\v of Embattled Towtr. 



witlxout license during the civil war between the Empress ISIaud and 
Stephen was very great, and many of them were dismantled and 
destroyed in the following reign. Hence it is not surprising that few 
remains of the original Castle of Sudeley now exist. 

Mrs. Dent traces the devolution of the Manor of Sudeley from King 
Ethelred, who being thereof seized granted it to his youngest daughter 
Goda, whose husband, Walter do Nantes, held it "in right of the 
King." From the said Walter it descended to his son Ealph, called 

"the Earl," whose son Harold 
held it at the time of the Domes- 
day Survey. From Harold it passed 
to his son John, who, by Grace 
daughter of William Tracy, had 
two sons, Ealph and William. 
Ralph succeeded his father at 
Sudeley, and William, the younger 
son, who assumed from his mother 
tlie name of Tracy, was one of the 
murderers of St. Thomas (Becket) 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Ealph 
died in 1192, and was succeeded 
by Otuer (usually called Otwell), 
his son and heir, who granted 
certain landsinBlakepitto Winch- 
combe Priory, the charter of which 
is preserved in the British Museum 
with its seal appendant.^ Otuer, 
dying s.p., was succeeded by his 
brother Ealph, whose son Ralph 
siicceeded him having livery of 
siezin in 1!^22. Mrs. Dent favours 
us also with the seal of this Ralph, 
as appended to a charter also in 
the British Museum.- 

From the last named Ralph the 
castle and manor descended to his 
great grandson John de Sudeley, 
who died in 1340, leaving by his 
wife Alianora (called by Mrs. Dent 
" Eleanor") daughter of the Lord 
Scales, an only son of his own 
name, and two daiighters Joan 
and Margery. John died in 1367 
s.p., when Thomas Boteler son 
of his eldest sister Joan, who had 
married AVilliam Boteler of 
AVemme, and Margery j'ounger 
sister of the aforesaid John, were 
foimd to be his nearest heirs. 
In the partition of the estates, 
the Castle and Manor of Sudeley 

1 Sloano Charters xxxiii, 3. 
Seal of Ralph de Sudeley. "^ Addl. Charters xx, 39'). 

Seal of Otuer de Sudeley. 

Poi'tmare lower. 


fell to the share of Thomas Boteler, who, eveutually, by the death 
of liis aunt Margery, became sole heir, but though iuheriting 
the Barony ho was never summoned to Parliament. Ealph son of 
Thomas and Joan, Mrs. Dent tells us, was one of the most illustrious 
owners of the castle. Ho greatly distinguished himself in the French 
wars, and held several high offices of state. In 1441 he was, by letters 
patent, created Baron Boteler of Sudcley. He rebuilt the castle, chiefly 
from spoils taken in the war. Portmare Tower, according to tradition, 
derived its name from the French Admiral whom Boteler had made 
prisoner, and whose ransom was given to him by the king. 

Lord Boteler was also a great benefactor to the neighbouring churches, 
and, among other works of charity, rebuilt the church of Wiuchcombe. 
He was, however, a stout Lancastrian, and after the result of the battles 
of Bamet and Tewkesbury, of course, fell into discredit, and eventually 
was obliged, at the demand of King Edward IV, to convey his castle 
of Sudeley, which he had with so much affection and cost re-edified, 
to certain persons who, the year following, conveyed the castle and 
manor together with the advowson of the church, to Richard Duke of 
Gloucester. Richard in 1478 exchanged them with the king for the 
Castle of Richmond, in Yorkshire, but on his accession to the crown 
they again fell into his hands. After the battle of Bosworth they 
passed to Henry, Earl of Richmond, and were granted to his uncle 
Jaspar Tudor, upon whose death in 1497 s.p., they again reverted to 
the crown. 

Mrs. Dent refers to the great festival in dedication of the Monastery 
of AVinchcombe by King Kenulf when she supposes St. Kenelm 
was baptized, and when Keuulph at the high altar liberated Eadbert, 
who being of royal blood had become professed, but had left his 
cell and assumed the crown of Kent, and had been defeated and 
taken prisoner by the King of Mercia. On the morrow after the 
dedication there was a great hunting party, and according to tradition 
the king finally took leave of his guests on Cleve Down, where a stone 
was erected to commemorate the event. On this stone Camden says 
thex'e was a rude inscription on the upper side, and Mrs. Dent states 
that there is now an inscription on the same side, " seemingly not long 
since cut with a tool, in Roman characters, called ' Huddlestone's 
Table.' " She does not, however, show any connection between the 
Huddlestoue family and this district. This we can suppl}-. 

The manor and castle of Sudeley, &c., being in the hand of 
Henry YII by the death of his uncle, by letters patent, dated 4 Sept. 
1505,' a grant was made to John Huddleston, Knight of the Royal 
Body, for life of the manor and lordship of Sudeley, together with 
the advowson of the church, and lands, &c., in Sudeley, Todryngtou, 
Stanley, Grette Gretton, Catesthorp, and Newnton in co. Gloucester, 
described as late the property of Ralph Boteler and Alice his wife, 
and of a rent of one hundred shillings per annum, payable to the king 
for the herbage and pannage of Sudeley ]'ark ; also all the posses- 
sions of the king within the said manor and villes (the Castle 
of Sudeley excepted) with all courts and all other privileges. He 
was also exonerated from the repair and support of the castle, 
the custody of which was included in the grant. Sir John Huddleston 
died soon afterwards, and it was doubtless some incident during 
his brief occupation which led to the inscription referred to by 

1 Tut. KoUs, 21bt Uuury YII, part 3, m. IG. 



Mrs. Deut. We may also add to Mrs. Dent's accouut tlao fact that 
the lands of Sudele}'^, as above described, being' again in tlie king's 
hands, by letters patent dated 29th March lo08-9,- were gi-anted, in 
mortmain, to Eichard Keddermynster the Abbot and the Canons of 
the monastery of St. Mary and St. Kenelm of Winchecombe, which 
grant was vacated and the patent surrendered on 13th November 1510, 
from which time the lands remained vested in the crown until granted, 
together with the then lately dissolved monastery of Winchcombe, 
to Sir Thomas Seymour, afterwards created Ijord Seymour of Sudeley. 
AVe must here briefly advert to the Abbey of Winchcombe. Among 
the most able of her abbots was Kichard Kidderminster, the last 
but one, whom we have just mentioned, who was appointed in 1488. 
Willis says: "He was a learned man, and by his wise govern- 
ment and his encouragement of virtue and good letters made the 
Monastery flourish so much that it was equal to a little University." 
Abbot Kidderminster was an elocpient preacher, and he vehemently 
opposed the statute of 4th Henry YllI depriving the clergy of certain 
privileges, preaching against it at Paid's Cross. AMiat, however, is 
more to our present purpose, he wrote a History of the Monastery 
from the time King Kenulph founded the Church to the Abbot's own 
day. The history of this work is very singular. After the dissolution 
of the Abbey it fell into the hands of a farmer, who produced it at an 

assize at Gloucester in 
support of some claim 
he had made. Sir 
William IMorton, the 
then Lord of the site of 
Winchcombe Abbey, 
was present, who, by 
some means, got it 
out of the farmer's 
liands, and taking it 
to his chambers in tlje 
Temple it was even- 
tually destroyed in 
the Great Fire of 
London, but fortu- 
nately Dugdale had 
previously made some 
extracts from it. To 
Abbot Kidderminster 
succeeded Eichard 
Ancelme, who with 
his monks in 1539 
surrendered the Ab- 
bey to the King, the 
revenues being valued 
at £759 lis. 9d. per 
annum. The Abbey 
being included in the 
grant to Sir Thomas 

.Seal of Abbot Aucclinc. 

- I'at. lioU, 2-lth Henry 
Yll, part l,m. 18. 


Se3MD0ur, tlie whole of the buildings, except the Abbot's house, were 
by him taken down and destroj-ed, so that scarcely a fragment now 
remains to mark the site of this once famous house, one of the three 
mitred abbeys in the county of Gloucester. 

We must not omit to notice the tomb of St. Kenelm. Leland says 
that : " There lay buried in the east part of the church of the Monastery 
of Wincheombe Kenulphus and Kenelmus, the fatlier and sonne, botli 
Kings of JMerches." In 181.3 Mr. Williams, then of the Abbey House, 
made extensive excavations on what was supposed to be the site of the 
ancient abbey. The foundations of the church were clearly traced, 
and several ponderous stone coffins, containing the remains of human 
skeletoas, were discovered, but the circumstance which attracted the 
most attention arose from the examination of a small stone coffin at 
the east end of the interior of the church, close to the side of another 
of the usual size. Upon the removal of the stone which covered it 
there appeared a skull with a few of the other larger bones, and a very 
loTig-bladed knife, which was a ma^s of rust and fell to pieces on being- 
handled. These were believed to be the remains of the j'oung king 
Kenelm, murdered, as stated in the " Golden Legend," at the instance 
of his wicked sister Quenrida, and of the instrument with which the 
bloody deed was perpetrated ; whilst the larger coffin was thought to 
contain the remains of his father King Kenulf, by whose side, some of 
the chroniclers tell us, the body of his son was buried. 

There is no portion of the history of Sudele}' of greater interest than 
the short time in which it was in the possession of Sir Thomas Seymour. 
Handsome, courth', courageous, ambitious, bold, and, like most of his 
contemporaries, unscrupulous, he was one of the most prominent 
personages of the period in which he lived. A great favourite with 
King Henr}' YIII, he was entrusted, not only with important com- 
mands both by sea and land, but was also employed in difficult and 
delicate missions, all of which he accomplished to the entire satisfaction 
of his capricious master. So great was the king's favour towards him 
that in the dissolution of the religious houses, like other members of 
his family, he shared largely in the pkinder of the Church, and the 
king not only designated him for a peerage, but appointed him one 
of the executors for carrj'ing out the provisions of his will. In 1547 
he was created Lord Seymour of Sudeley, and received, by the gift)t 
his nephew, Edward VI, the Castle and Manor of Sudeley, and the 
possessions of the dissolved Abbey of Wincheombe. His ambition 
led him to aspire successively to the hands of the Princesses Mary and 
Elizabeth, and failing in this, he made advances to the widowed 
Queen Katherine, by whom, as appears from her letter to him, now in 
the Sudeley collection, which is given us in fac-simile by Rh-s. Dent, 
he Avas more than readily accepted ; the Queen avowing, '' My mynd 
was fully bent the other tyme I was at libertye " (that is in her 
previous widowhood) " to marye you before any man I know." 

The marriage having taken place, great preparations were made at 
Sudelej' by Seymour to receive, with fitting splendour, his royal bride. 
The neglected and delapidated castle was renovated, and suitable 
accommodation was carefullj' provided for the expectant infant. Here 
Seymour and the Queen lived in great magnificence, but the period of 
their felicity was very short. Katherine gave birth to a daughter. 
and died in childbed, and Se^-mour, though doubtless turbulent and 

VOL. XXXI v. o 


ambitions, without trial or proof of crime, was sent to the block by 
his weak and jealous brother. 

By the death and attainder of Seymour, Sudeley Castle again 
reverted to the C-rown, and tliough Marj^, Seymour's infant daughter, 
rras restored in blood and honours, she was deprived of all the rich 
possessions of her parents, niiich of which, including Sudelcy Castle, 
was secured to himself l)y lier uncle the Marnuis of Northampton, but 
fell again to the Crown upon his attainder for tlio share he took in the 
cause of Lady Jane Grey. By Queen ISfary it was conferred upon 
Sir John Bridges, who Avas created Lord Cliandos of Sudeley in lool, 
from whom it descended to his grandson, Grey fifth Lord Chandos, 
who died in 1621, leaving George liis son and heir an infant of a year 
old. He becanie of ago upon the breaking out of the great rebellion, 
and was very remarkable for his daring and valour in tlie cause of his 
sovereign. Sudeley Castle was several times taken and retaken, and 
was, at one period, the head cpuarters of the king, who, from " our 
camp at Sudeley Castle," in 1648, addressed his famous letter to the 
County of Cornwall. In the following year Sudeley was in the hands 
of the rebels, and Lord Chandos, who had behaved with great loj^alty 
and bravery throughout tlu^ war, most unexpectedly, and without any 
apparent cause, surrendered himself to the Parliament. He was 
deprived of liis seat in the House of Lords and comjielled to take the 
National Covenant and Negative Oath, and tliough he was admitted 
to compound for his estates Sudelej' Castle was not restored to him, 
and in 1649 the Council of State ordered it to be "slighted," or 
rendered untenable as a military post, and it was soon afterwards 
entirely demolished. Lord Cliandos died in 1(!.35, of the small pox, 
s.p.m., and was succeeded by his brother AVilliam, but the Sudeley 
estate was settled upon Jane his relict, who, by a second marriage, 
carried it to George Pitt, whose groat grand^on, in 1776, was created 
Lord Eivers of Sudeley Castle. 

In 1830 the bulk of the Sudeley estates became the property, by 
purchase, of Messrs. John and William Dent, and subsequently they 
acquired the castle and remainder of the land from the I)uke of 
Buckingham. Through the taste and munificent liberality of the Dent 
family, the Castle and Church of Sudeley have, from an almost 
shapeless ruin, been restored to something like their former beauty 
and grandeur, and Mrs. Dent concludes her annals by saying: " Here 
I end my pleasant task, for pleasant it has been to gather up the 
records of the past, and retrace AViiuhcombe and Sudelej^'s many 
historic paths so often trodden with equal pleasure by those who have 
gone before. Equal did I say ? Nay, that can never be ! for who 
among them all have had the pleasure and the privilege of building 
up the waste places, and seeing life and beauty creep like sunshine 
once more over lier crumbling and fallen walls." 

Mrs. Dent has exhibited in the compilation of her work, extensive 
reading and a vast amount of research, and though we are unable, 
wholly, lo agree in some of lier conclusions, and think the mass of 
matter she has so industriously collected might have been somewhat 
l)etter arranged, we arc gratified in being able to state that we have 
read her interesting and superbly ilhistrated book with great satisfac- 
tion, and consider it a very valuable and important contribution to local 


Geohoe Buwx MiLLETT. Pcnzuuco : 15e;irc and Son. 

The book hero printed embraces the period from 1-577 to about 17U0, 
tliough some few leaves are missing, and, notwithstanding that the 
parish of iNIadron, which is the mother parish of Penzance, was not of 
so much consecjuence during- tlic period over wliich this liegister 
extends as it lias since become b_y the raj) id growth and just popularity 
of this the Madeira of England, the Parish Eegisters are of considerable 
interest, and Mr. Millutt has executed his self-imposed task in a very 
complete, conscientious, and satisfactory manner. 

The volume is printed verbatim ct literatim, except that the constantly 
occurring words, "was baptized," &:c. are omitted. Great care has 
been taken to preserve the varying orthography of proper names. In 
liis valuable preface Mr. ]\Iillett fully describes the MS. he prints, 
which was stated by the vicar of the parish, more than half a century 
ago, " to be decayed, worm-eaten, and perishing," since which time 
it has sufiered much from damp, and still more from having been 
entrusted to an ignorant and unskilful binder, who misplaced the 
leaves and so ciaielly cut the edges as to destroy many of the entries. 
Mr. Millett also mentions in his preface many unusual Christian names 
which occur in the Pegister, and points out that there is now a 
tendency to disguise the sound of ( -^ornish names in such a manner 
that we (Cornishmeu) do not know them with their " foreign ring," 
and he states, what is worth knowing, that, as a rule, in all Cornish 
names the accent is laid upon the second syllable in words of two 
syllables, and on the next to the last on words of more than two. 

Besides printing the Pegisters Mr. Millett has added an appendix 
containing a largo collection of the most important and interesting 
monumental inscriptions in the church ; a list of the incumbents of the 
benefice from the middle of the thirteenth century to the present time ; 
and extended transcripts of various original documents in the Public 
Pecord Olhce, relating to the parish ; and he has also supplied, that 
which greatlj^ enhances the value of a work of this kind, a very full 

Mr. ]\I.illett deserves the thanks of all mIio take an interest in 
Cornish genealogy, and we heartily wish that his book may have such 
a sale as to compensate him for the time and trouble he has bestowed 
upon it, so that he may be encouraged to undertake to edit and publish 
in the same manner the Pegisters of some other Cornish parish. 

^I'djiPOlogical lutflligrncr. 

The remarkable discovery of a Roman castrum at Templeborougli 
lias been so well described by Mr. W. TJiompsoii Watkiu in a letter 
to the Sheffield Indeijendent that o'e gladly reproduce his observations 
for our readers : — 

" The uncovering of a Roman castruin at Templeborougli is an event 
which should create the deepest interest amongst the antiquaries of 
Sheffield and its neighbourhood. For my OAvn part I am quite 
sensible that it will be the means of filling up a considerable hiatus 
iu the map of Roman Britain. Beyond the fact of the existence of 
an earthwork at Templeborougli, generally supposed to be Roman, 
Anglo-Roman antiquaries knew absolutely nothing of interest in this 
neighbourhood, with the exception of a few isolated discoveries of 
coins, and the appearance of small fragments of Roman roads here 
and there. The time has, however, arrived when these disjointed 
fragments of roads can be connected, and an idea formed of their 

"Having long studied Britanno-Romaii topography, I have been 
asked for an opinion as to the Roman name of the newly discovered 
castrum. With this request I will endeavour to comply, but my 
answer must of necessity, at present, be confined to stating proba- 
bilities. Nothing but further discoveries, especially of inscribed 
stones, can fix the name with certainty. 

" In the first place, then, I must at once say that the castruin at 
Templeborough cannot be an Itinerary station. Every station named 
in the Itinerary as being in this neighbourhood has been long since 
identified. Nor does there aj)pear to be any station named in the 
geography of Ptolemy which will correspond. There remain, there- 
fore, the Nutitia Inqierii and Chorography of Ravennas to be consulted. 
In the former there is this remarkable feature noticeable. Its author, 
in describing each section of Britain, gives ihe names of the stations 
either from north to south, or from east to west, and always gives the 
cavalry stations separately (in the same order) excejit upon the line of 
the great -nail, where he names the stations in regular succession. It 
was upon this principle that iu the Arol/ceoloffical Journal, vol. xxviii, 
p. 12t), I allotted the name Concangiuvi to the Roman (Station at Greta 
13 ridge. In section Ixiii this author names first the three cavalry 
stations under the command of the Duke of Britain, before naming 
those garrisoned by infantry. The former are Fraesidium, garrisoned 
hy t\io Uquiteti Dabnatanim ; JJanuni, garrisoned by the Equites Cris- 
paniorum ; and Morbium, garrisoned by the Equiles CatapJiractariorum. 
Now, where were these stations ? We know the site of one of them, 
Dan urn, Avhich the Antoniue Itinerary proves to have been at Doucaster. 
Of the other two, was one to the north of Doucaster, and the other to 


tlie south; or Avas one to the east of it, and tlie other to the west? 
Since the Templehorough discovery, I incline to the former hypothesis. 
" The great station at Malton is known to have heen a cavalry station, 
from an inscription on a tombstone found there, commemorating a 
soldier of the Equitcs Sinrjulares. Some antiquaries have recently 
given to it the name of the Dervenfio of the Itiuerar}^ from the fact of 
its being situated on the river Derwent, but this is in total contradiction 
to the Itinerary itself, which places Derventio at only seven miles from 
York. This Derventio has generally been previously i)laced near 
Stamford Bridge, but wherever it was, it appears to have been only a 
small intermediate station or midatio, and cannot have been as far 
from York as Malton is. I am inclined to consider Malton to be the 
Prccsidium of the JSfotitia, esjiecially as the Emperor's body guard of 
cavalry (Equites Sinffidarc^) were at one time stationed tliere. But 
where was the station south of Doncaster, Jlorhium ? Was it at 
Templeborough 't Singularly enough the great Ilorsley ( though 
apparently on different grounds from those I have mentioned), in 
his "Britannia Eomana," published one hundred and fortj'-fivo years 
ago, placed it there ; and for the reasons above stated I am inchned to 
think there is a prohahilit]! of the newly discovered castrum being the 
site. The Equites Cata2:)hractariorum^\-\\o garrisoned i/o/•3/««^ were a 
body of cavahy, clothed in armour from head to foot. They were 
chielly Sarmatians, i.e., Poles, and their weapon was the spear or 
lance. Their modern counterpart was to be found in the Polish 
lancers serving in the armies of Napoleon I. Should an inscrii^tion 
naming this corps be found during the excavations, no doubt can exist 
as to the name of the castrum. Mr. Poach Smith has correctly read 
the inscription on the tile discovered as Cfohors) IIII G(aUonun), but 
this merely shows that it was the 4th Cohort of the Gauls which built 
the fortress. 

"There is, however, another view which may be taken as to the name 
of the fortress, based upon the Chorography of Paveunas. This author, 
apparently proceeding /VoCT east ^0 west, gives the names of the fol- 
lowing stations between Lincoln and Manchester : — Bamwvalhun, 
Navio, Aqua', Arnemeza, Zierdotalia. In the Archimlogical Journal, 
vol. xxxiii, p. 54, I have shown, from the evidence of an inscription 
on a Poman milestone found near Buxton, and mai-king eleven miles 
from Naoio, that the station bearing that name was probably at 
Brough, near Castleton, Derbyshire ; whilst as to the name of the next 
station, Aqua (The AVaters), there is but one place in the neighbour- 
hood to which it would apply — Buxton. There several Poman roads 
centre, many Poman remains have been found, and the Poman baths 
were only finally destroyed in the last century. The castrum at Brough 
is a fine one, many Poman remains have been foimd, but it has never 
been excavated. It is connected b}' a direct Poman road with Buxton. 
But what of the station (Bannotallum) immediately preceding Kavio in 
the Paveunas' list ? It must have been situated between Lincoln and 
Brough. AVas it the castrum at T'empleborough ? Mr. J. D. Leader 
has shown in his interesting lecture on "Poman Potherham" (and by 
a study of the Ordnance Map, I can confirm his statement), that 
Brough and Templeborough were connected by a Poman road, similar 
to that between Brough and Buxton. There is here strong evidence 
iu favour of JJannovulluin being the Pomau name of Templeborough. 


The termiuatioii of tlio uauie, VaUuiii, (Wall), is siguifioaut when 
viewed iu the light of the receut discoveries. 

' ' It is therefore most proLable^that the name of the station at Temple- 
borough was either Jlorhium or Jyannovallum, bnt the only certain 
method of arriving at the right name will be l>y the discovery of an 
inscription in the castrum itself giving us further particulars. 

"The question may, however, arise, Wliy was not the station named 
in the Itinerary ? To this it may be replied that, of tlie many stations 
named in the Notitia, only toi occur in the Itinerary'. In fact, in 
tracing some of the Iters, especially the first and second, we find some 
very large walled stations existing, of which the Iters take no notice, 
such as Eisingham, Lanchester, Pierse Bridge, and Greta Bridge. 
Why was tliis ? fSimidy because these stations did not exist at the 
time the Itinerary was compiled, circa a.d. 138-140, but were built by 
Septimus Severus at the commencement of the third century. I have 
dwelt upon this at some length in the Arclicvolof/ical Journal, vol. xxviii, 
p. 121. The station at Templeborough ma}'^ have been built by 
iSeverus, or possibly even existed at the date of the Itinerary, but as it 
does not stand upon the route of any of the Itinera (like many other 
Roman stations), until it yields its own history nothing can be said. 

"In the meantime I would press upon those conducting the exca- 
vations tlie importance of exploring the gateways. These were sur- 
mounted by a slab bearing the name of the emperor reigning at the 
time the fortress was constructed, the name of the imperial governor 
of Britain for the time being, and the name of the cohort which erected 
the buildings. These slabs have generally been found at other stations 
either just inside the gateway or amongst the debris in the fosse in 
front of it, and sometimes a little further on the opposite bank of the 

" Such are a few of the suggestions Avhich have forced them- 
selves upon my mind, when reading the account of the excavations 
already made. I shall be glad to hear of further discoveries, which 
certainly cannot fail to be most interesting." 

Since the above remarks were written, a large building, colonnaded 
on two sides, has been discovered ; the excavations are still pro- 
ceeding, a portion of one of the gateways with the remains of a 
guard-house have been laid bare, and more tiles inscribed C IIII G 
have been found. Wo shall look forward with interest to further 
communications from Mr. AVatkin on the subject. 

Mil. Biriix, the author of " Kome and the Campagna," proposes, if 
a sufficient number of subscribers can be found, to publish a relievo 
map of Rome in embossed papier machc, shewing the configuration of 
the site of the city and the course of the Tiber through it. The size 
of the map will be '22 x 2.3 inches, and it will comprise the district 
enclosed by the Aurelian walls and by those of the Trastevere and 
the Vatican. Subscriptions, twenty-five shillings, will be received by 
the Rev. R. Burn, 15, lirookside, Cambridge, up to the end of the 
present year, when the list M'ill be closed. 

^Iii. W. H. IIamiltox Rogers has published by subscription, in 
medium quarto, price thirty- five shillings, "The Ancient Sepulchral 
Eifigies and Monumental and Memorial Sculpture of Devon," from 
12-50 to 1550, illustrated by engravings of about 100 ettigies and monu- 
ments, with 280 smaller illustrations of brasses, details of costume, 
badges, iuscriptions, iS:c. This comprehensive work was begun some 


years ago, and forms a valuable addition to the history of this well 
favoured count}'. With the exception of Yorkshire and Northampton- 
shire no English county contains so large a number of monumental 
effigies as Devonshire, and vre welcome their publication. 

" The Miseheres" of Beverley Minster are in course of publication 
by Mr. T. T. Wildridge in twelve parts, price eleven shillings each. 
Subscriptions will bo received by the Author, Dock Co., Hull. 

A New Archfrological Society for the South West of Scotland, with 
the title of "The Ayrshire and Wigtonshire Archajological Associa- 
tion," has been lately established under the presidency of the Earl of 
Stair, for the purpose of publishing illustrated descriptions of the 
Pre-historic and Medircval Eeniains in these counties, and printing 
Early Charters and other Documents relating to the History and 
Antiquities of the District. 

So little appears to be known now about the artists. Price, who 
restored the window in St. Margaret's Church (see vol. xxxiii, p. 4o4), 
that we venture to give our reader? a copy of their modest advertise- 
ment : — 


" Whei*eas the ancient Art of Painting and Staining Glass has been 
much discouraged, by reason of an Opinion generally received. That 
the Eed Colour (not made in Europe for many years) is totally lost ; 
These are to give Notice, that the said Red and all other Colours are 
made to as great a degree of Curiosity and Fineness as in former Ages 
by William tmdJo.i/iua Price, Glasiers and Glass-Painters, near Ilatton- 
Garden in Holborn, London ; where Gentlemen may have Church- 
History, Coats of Arms, &c. Painted xipon Glass, in what colours they 
please, to as great Perfection as ever ; and draws Sun-d3'als on Glass, 
Wood or Stone, &,c., and cuts Crown Glass, with all sorts of ordinary 
Glass, and performs all kinds of Glazing-work." 

We have evidence that Joshua Price restored the painted windows 
in Denton Church, near Bungay, iov Archdeacon Postlethwaite, in 
1716-19, and like restorers of all periods, he appears to have been 
more anxious to put in his own work than to reinstate the old glass. 
Ho was nevertlieless described as '' the notest man for that art." 


To the Editor of the Archccoloyical Journal. 

Dear Sir, — In the "Journal" of the Archooolog-ical Association 
(vol. xxxiii, part o) Mr. Irvine has made a friendly attack upon me 
on the subject of " Wide-jointed and Eine-jointed Masonry." I have 
long been accustomed to consider this to be a distinguishing feature 
between the eleventh and twelfth century, according to the words of 
AVilliam of Malmesbur}'-, wlio wrote in the early part of the twelfth 
century, and in describing the buildings of Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, 
the greatest bviilder of his time, sa3^s, the walls were so admirably 
built that they appeared to he all of one stone, clearly showing that the 
writer was not accustomed to see fine-jointed masonr}'. Prof. Willis 
also showed the members of the Institute the same thing in his lectures 
at Canterbury and at Winchester, especially the latter, where the outer 
walls of the transepts, whicli are of the eleventh centur}', are all wide- 
jointed, and the parts rebuilt with tlie central tower, after it fell upon 
the body of William Eufus, and therefore early twelfth century, are 
fine-jointed. I have found the same thing in scores of other instances 
both in England and in Normandj'-, where I was generally accompanied 
by M. G. Bouet, who made me drawings of them, and we had an 
Itinerary given to us by the late ]\I. Arcisse de Caumont, my mucli 
valued friend for many years, and the best Norman anticpiary of his 
day. I was the first to give this clue to them, and they verified it on 
many occasions witli the French Archreological Societ}^, especially in 
the two celebrated aVjbey churches at Caen, which they examined with 
much care, and ascertained by means of the jointing of the masonry 
tliat the vaults and clerestoreys are additions of the latter half of the 
twelfth century ; they originally had flat wooden ceilings as at Peter- 
borough. It is therefore evident that this is a useful distinction 
between early Norman and late Norman buildings, and these are usually 
the one of the eleventh century, the other of the twelfth. 

Nevertheless, Mr. Irvine has proved his point as far as it goes ; but 
none of the buildings that he cites are Norman ; they are all of the style 
or type usually called Anglo-Saxon, and the buildings of this hind aie 
more often of the eleventh century than any other period. The Norman 
Conquest made no immediate change of style of building in England. 
For a generation after that to the end of the eleventh century there 
was an ororUtppiny of the .styles ; the Norman had been introduced into 
England he/ore the Concpiest by Edward tlie Confessor at Westminster 
(as we can still see by the remains of his buildings), but this was the 
tietv fashion; many old f/shioned people continued to build in the stjde 
of their fathers; perhaps the Saxon prejudice against the Normans 
added t ) this old fashion. It is certain that many of the buildings 
called Anglo-Saxon are of the time of the Conquest, or oven later. 
The churches in the lower town at Lincoln are well known examples ; 


tlipy arn strictly of the Ang'lo-8axon typo, tlioiig-li Imilt aft or tlio 
Conquest. A larg'o jtroportion of tliis class of l)uil(liiigs is in the 
eastern counties, wlilch were tlie Danes' land in the eleventh century, 
and tliere is every prohability that when the Danes first became 
( 'hristians they were very zealous churcli huilflers, and followed the 
example set hy the King Oaniito (or C'uut), who ordered a stone 
church to be built where a wooden one had been burnt in his wars, 
at Asliington in Essex. But the truth must be acknowledged tliat 
to call the styles of architecture by the names of the centuries, though 
very convenient, and in the main correct, is sometimes misleading, and 
is so in this instance. The width of the joints is a useful distinction 
]>etween early and late Norman buildings ; but a large proportion of 
the building.? of the eleventh century in England are not Norman, and 
the distinction does not ajiply to the Anglo-Saxon buildings. 

Eormerl}', it is true, I did not acknowledge that there was any 
Aiifflo-Sd.t'O/i sfi/Ie. but I am not ashamed to acknowledge that further 
observation during the last forty years has made me see that this was 
an error, tin. ugh the best informed people of that time agreed with 
me, and considered all these pre-Normau buildings as debased Eoman 
onl}'. Itickman and his friends considered these buildings to be hffore 
the year 1000, and overlooked the eleventh century altogether, which 
was a very important building era.' The best authorities in foreign 
countries consider that the debased Iioman continued to the year 1000, 
and after that time the national characters began to be introduced, and 
this seems to be equally the case in England. In the (\arly part of the 
eleventh centuiT tlie buildings were usually small, rude and cliunsy ; 
but a rapid inq)rovement was going on hcforr \\\e Norman ( 'onquest, 
and was stopped by the introduction of the Norman style in England, 
b'lt not so iu (rermany for a much longer period. 

Your obedient Servant. 


Oxford, Nov. 22, 1877. 

' Son Viollft 1p Due, •• Diftionnairc Inral Styles," translated by "S\' f'oUett- 
(le rArohiteetin-e,'' tnr Franco, and Sandais, for Oermanv. 
Roseng-arton, '' IlandlirHilv- i>f Aiehiti e- 

(l\)t 9(vfl)CFalagical 3founial, 

JUNE, 1877. 



The authorities for the history of the memorable Siege 
of Colchester, in the summer of 1G48, are not, on the 
whole, so complete as those for some of the other great 
events during the Parliamentary War. The only eye- 
witness who has told tlie story in anything like satisfac- 
tory detail is Matthew Carter, the Quarter -Master- 
General of the insurgent forces, under the command of 
the Earl of Norwich. He, of course, gives an account of 
the siege from the point of view of his own side. The 
people of Colchester have a very different story to tell, 
which is condensed into the curious tract entitled " Col- 
chester's Teares." This tract, with its quaint title, was 
re-printed in 1843 by Mr. W. Wire, of this town. Three 
tracts, describing separate events in the siege, will be 
found among the King's Pamphlets in the British Museum. 
The particulars of the siege, from the Parliamentary jDoint 
of view, may be gathered from the pages of Pushworth, 
and some additional facts of importance from the Tanner 
MSS., from letters in the Fairfax Correspondence, and 
from Lord Fairfax's own short memorial. The real searcher 
after truth will confine himself to these contemporaneous 
sources of information. I fear that it is too frequently the 
case that Goldsmith or Hume are the authorities of those 
who form and express opinions on events of the Civil 
War, If we desire to do justice to both sides— to the 
besiegers as well as to the besieged— we must banish from 
our minds all political bias ; the two sides must be to us, 
not Royalists and Poundheads, but the forces of Lord 
VOL. XXXIV (No 131). Q 


Norwich and Lord Fairfax, botli ruled by the practices of 
civilized warfare — both enjoyiiig the privileges, and 
subject to the recognised penalties, of martial law. 

In order to understand the positure of afiiairs when tlie 
siege commenced, it will be well to cast a glance at events 
which immediately preceded it. Essex had, with the 
other associated counties, escaped almost entirely from 
the misery of being the theatre of war. Tlie mass of the 
people and many of the chief men, such as Sir Thomas 
Honywood, Sir Harbottle Grimston, and others, had 
taken the side of the Parliament, and the King's jDarty 
had never succeeded in making any head in the county. 
The citizens of Colchester were staunch Parliament men, 
and made short work of the Royalist leanings of the Lucas 
family, which had hitherto possessed considerable influ- 
ence in the tov/n. In 1G44 the zealous townsmen seized 
upon Lord Lucas, destroyed his house on St. John's 
Green, and even broke open the ftunily vault. Tliis 
family of Lucas had been much connected with Colchester 
for nearly a century. John Lucas, the Town Clerk, 
])ought the site of St. John's Abbey after the dissolution, 
and his son, Sir Tliomas Lucas, was Recorder of Colchester 
in 1575. The grandson of John Lucas, also Sir Thomas, 
had fiur children, the eldest born before marriage. The 
rest were, John, created Baron Lucas Ijy Charles [ in 
1G44, whose heiress, Mary, married the Earl of Kent, aiul 
is the ancestress of the present C'Ountess Cowper and 
Baroness Lucas; Sir diaries Lucas, whose name is in- 
dissolubly connected with the siege of Colchester ; and 
Margaret, the literary and eccentric Duchess of New- 
castle. With the exception of the Lucas family and a few 
others, Colchester and the county generally were for the 
Parliament ; and, before the insinrection l:)roke out in 
Kent, in the spring of 1041, it was supposed that the 
arbitrament of battle liad been decided, and that peace 
had been restored to tlie country. The question had been 
fully fought out and settled. 

In calling the men v/ho disturbed this settlement, and 
renewed tlie disturbances, insurr/cnf.'^, T use the word in 
no disparaging sense. I simply wish to express a fact, 
and to make a clear distinction between tliem and the 
l)ellig6rents of the war that had come to an end. This 


was a new insurrection. The outbreak in Kent was 
promptly suppressed by Lord Fairfax, but there were 
plots in other parts of the country, and the time of 
C/olchester's sufferino- liad arrived. Hitherto the war 
clouds had kept clear of Essex, but now, at the last 
moment, they burst suddenly and fiercely over its chief 
city. There was little warning. It was not until the 
middle of J\Iay, 1G48, that the tumults broke out in 
Kent, and in the beginning of June the Earl of Norwich, 
beaten and baffled, fled across the Thames and made his 
way into Essex. At Chelmsford he was joined by Lord 
Capel, Lord Loughborough, Sir Charles Lucas, Sir George 
Lisle, and Col. Farre, witli reinforcements, collected in 
Hertfordsliire and Essex ; and here ten Parliamentary 
Commissioners were seized as hostages. On the lOth 
of June, 1G48, Lord Norwich marched from Chelmsford 
at the head of 4,000 men. This was on a Saturday. 
Late in the afternoon of the following Monday they 
approached tliis city by the Lexden road, and found the 
gate closed, and a body of armed citizens drawn up across 
the road. Sir Charles Lucas, with the advanced guard, 
galloped forward, followed by the main body, forced his 
way through the obstructing citizens, killed one of them, 
and then the gates were thrown open. The intention of 
the insurgent leaders was only to remain at Colchester a 
day or two, and then to march into the Midland Counties, 
where they hoped to receive reinforcements. But the 
rapid approach of Fairfax made them alter their plans. 
They conceived it would be impossible to continue their 
march with so active an enemy in their rear, and resolved 
to stand a siege. This decision was fatal to their cause. 
All the leaders of the insurrection were thus entrapped, 
and the prolongp^tion of the siege only added to the 
suflerings of the people, without in any way rendering 
the prospects of the insurgent leaders more hopeful. In 
a military point of view, the decision to await the result 
of a siege was a gross blunder. A retreat to the Midland 
Counties, even if ending in a hurried flight, would have 
been wiser. 

George Goring, the old Earl of Norwich, was a man of 
wit, and Avas excellent company. But he was no general; 
had been abroad with the Queen during the greater part 


of the civil war, and had little military experience. Nor 
were his officers able to supply the deficiencies of their 
chief. Capel was an honourable and chivalrous nol^lenian, 
who had joined the insurrection at the urgent request 
of the King. He had seen some service in the West 
Country ; and Lord Loughborough headed a regiment of 
" blue coats " at Naseby. But neither had ever shown 
any capacity for command. Sir Charles Lucas had served 
for a short time in the Low Countries, and was at the sack 
of Breda. " Thouo-h brave and a cjallant man to follow in 
battle, he was at all other times of a nature not to be lived 
with, rough and proud, and of an ill understanding. He was 
a mere soldier, unfit for any society but that of the guard 
room." At least so says Clarendon, and we gather much 
the same account from his sister. Yet as a soldier he had 
always failed. Beaten and taken prisoner at Marston 
Moor, he made a weak and unintelligent defence of 
Berkeley Castle ; and was again beaten and taken prisoner 
at Stow-in-the-Wold, on the 23rd of March, 1G4G. He 
then gave his parole of honour never again to take arms 
against the Parliament until regularly exchanged. Sir 
George Lisle, judging from his antecedents, was the best 
officer in Colchester. He was knighted for his gallantry 
at Newbury, and led a brigade at Naseby with some 
ability, where he was wounded, being afterwards taken 
prisoner at Leicester. Clarendon says of him that to his 
fierceness and courage he added the softest and most 
gentle nature imaginable. Subsequently he was Governor 
of Farringdon, and surrendered that town on the same 
terms as Oxford, on June 24th, 1G4G, the officers under- 
taking never again to serve againsfc the Parliament. 

With reference to the events after the surrender of 
Colchester, it must be borne in mind that Sir Chas. Lucas 
and Sir George Lisle had given their words of honour, the 
former at Stow-in-the-Wold on the 23rd of March, and 
the latter at Farringdon on the 24th of June, 1G4G, not 
again to take up arms against the Parliament. They 
had deliljerately })roken faith, and received the punishment 
which, by the laws of civilized warfare, now, as then, was 
due to such an offence. Moreover they were acting in 
this way, witli their eyes open to the consequences. 
Early in June, when Lord Fairfax was at Canterbury, 


he distinctly excepted men who had broken their parole 
of honour from any amnesty. Later in the same month 
he directly warned Lucas, by letter, that he had forfeited 
his honour, being a prisoner on parole, and, therefore, 
was not capable of trust in martial affairs. Lucas could 
not deny the fact. The excuse he made was, that 
he had compounded for his estates since he gave his 
parole. But this act was merely to enable him, by pay- 
ment of a fine, to retain his possessions, on condition that 
he lived peaceably under the new order of things. It was 
an agreement with the civil power, and in no way released 
him from his military obligations. 

Another leader was Colonel Farre, who was a deserter 
from the Parliamentary army. The other leading officers 
of insurgents were Bernardo Guasconi, a foreign adven- 
turer ; Sk William Compton with the remains of the 
Kentish fugitives ; and Colonels Slingsly, Culpepper, 
Tilly, Tuke, and Bard. Matthew Carter was the quarter- 
master-general and liistorian of the siege. The garrison, 
thus assembled, numbered 3,400 foot and GOO cavalry, in 
all, 4,000 fighting men. The ten Parliamentary Commis- 
sioners captured at Chelmsford were retained as prisoners, 
to he made use of as occasion might suggest. 

At the outset. Lord Norwich had the advantagfe of a 
large superiority in numl^ers, and a very strong position. 
Standmg on the summit and side of a steep hill, looking 
to the north and east, with the river Cohie making a 
circuit round its northern and eastern side, Colchester is 
a place of considerable natui-al strength. The walls were 
then complete, forming a parallelogram Mdiich enclosed 
118 acres. They were, and what remains of them are, 
seven to eight feet thick, of large flints imbedded in lime, 
with several courses of Koman bricks, the whole having 
become, in the course of centuries, one solid mass. In the 
centre of the western v^all there was, and still is, a semi- 
circular bastion, called the hallvn ; in which was the 
principal inn of Colchester in those days, with the sign of 
the " King's Head." The north wall, running along the 
base of the hill, and facing the Colne, was of the same 
massive character ; and the eastern wall had small semi- 
circular flanking towers, intended for musketeer or for 
light ordnance. The south wall also appears, from the 


plan in Cromwell's " Hi.stoiy of Colchester," to liave had 
flanking towers. A ditch was carried along the swampy 
meadows at the foot of the north wall, and up the \vestern 
hill side. 

There were four gates and three ])osterns in the walls of 
Colcliester. Near the western corner of the south wall, 
at the end of Head street, was the Head Gate, whence a 
lane turning sharp to the west, called Crouch street, leads 
to the London road over Lexden common. In about the 
centre of the south wall was the Sclterde Gate Postern, 
whence a lane led to St. John's Gate House. Near the 
east end of the south wall was St. Botolplis Gate, which 
opened on to Magdalen street, and the road to the Hy the. 
In the centre of the east wall, at the end of High street, 
was East Gate, whence the road, crossing the river by a 
bridge, led to Ipswich. In the north Avail were the North 
Gate at the foot of the steep North Hill, and the Hye Gate 
Postern, leading to a ford over the Colne, near a water mill 
called King's or Middle Mill. There was also a postern in 
the west wall, opening on St. Mary's Churchyard. On the 
highest part of the town, overhanging the west wall, is 
the Church of St. Mary's ad muros, with a strong square 
tower of the same materials as the town walls themselves, 
havinof massive buttresses at its ano-les. The old castle 
is some distance within the walls, and therefore did not 
come within the plan of the defences. 

The defenders were strong enough to occupy the exten- 
sive ruins of the Benedictine Abbey of St. John's, outside 
the Scherde Gate Postern, and the ruined house of Lord 
Lucas. They also held the Hythe, the port of Colchester, 
and fortified St. Leonard's Church there. They had time 
to scour the surrounding country, and bring in stores of 
provisions ; besides securing large supplies at the Hythe. 
But Fairfax was not a man to let the grass grow under 
his feet. He was close at their heels. On Sunday, the 
11th of June, the day after they left Chelmsford, he 
crossed the Thames at Gravesend, and advanced to Brent- 
wood. Leaving the main body to follow, he then galloped 
across the county to Coggeshall with an escort of ten men, 
where he found Sir Thomas Honywood at the head of 
2000 Essex Volunteers. He was reinforced by Colonel 
Whalley's regiment, and on the 13th, only a day after the 


arrival of Lord Norwich in Colchester, Lord Fakfax 
inarched across Lexden Common, and summoned the he- 
sieofed to surrender. 

A large body of Suftolk Volunteers had occupied Ney- 
land bridge, and the other j^asses over the river Stour, to 
oppose any attempt of the besieged to escape northwards. 
For the siege Lord Fairfax eventually had four troops of 
horse, under Major Desljorough, six troops under Colonel 
Whalley, five troops under Major Coleman, three troops 
under Commissary General Ireton, and two troops of dra- 
goons, in all about 1,200 cavalry. His foot consisted of 
a complete regiment of ten companies, commanded by 
Colonel Barkstead, seven companies under Colonel Need- 
ham, some companies of Ligoldsby's regiment, and half a 
regiment led by ^Vdmiral Kainsborougli. On the 18th, 
Colonel Eure arrived from Chepstow^ with four companies. 
This brought up the ninnber of regular infantry to nearly 
3,000 men, besides the Essex and Suftolk Volunteers. 

Thus commenced the siege of Colcliester, wliich lasted 
from the 13tli of June to the 28th of Auo-ust, an interval 
of 75 days. It may conveniently be divided into three 
periods : — - 

1st, the period duiing wliieh Fairfax was taking up his 
positions froin June 13th, when he summoned the to^^^l, 
to July Gth, wdien tlie besieged made their great sortie l)y 
the East Gate. 

2nd, from July Gth to July 20th, when all the outposts 
of the besieged were driven in. 

3rd, the period of the close blockade, from July 20tli to 
August 28th. 

l.sf Period. Tahnfj up Positions. 

June l3fA to July 10th. 

On the Kith of June, after Lord Norwich had refused 
to surrender, the advanced brigade consisting of the regi- 
ments of Needham and Barkstead, with Whalley 's horse, 
and some Essex Volunteers, assaulted the Head Gate 
with great fury. The defenders, gallantly led by Colonel 
Farre, the deserter, came down Crouch Street to defend 
the approaches, and there was a fierce hand-to hand fioht 
which lasted several hours. The besieged had occupied 
ground called Sholand and Borouc/hjield^ hut at last they 


were driven back, and retreated within the Scherde Gate 
Postern, and the Head Gate, closely followed by Bark- 
stead's men. There was a desperate struggle to close the 
Head Gate, Lord Capel bravely leading on his men on 
foot, pike in hand, and he fastened the gate for the 
moment with his own cane. It was late at night before 
the action was over, when several hundred slain were left 
under the walls. Among those who fell was that gallant 
Yorkshii'eman, Colonel Needham, the companion of Fair- 
fax at Selby and Marston Moor, and in many a hard 
fought skirmish beyond Trent. 

After a careful reconnaissance, and taking into conside- 
ration the formidable defences and tlie great numerical 
strength of the besieged. Lord Fairfax resolved to take 
the place by a regular siege. He, therefore, fixed his 
head-quarters at Lexden, and commenced the besieging 
works by throwing up an earthwork in the Sholand, facing 
St. Mary's Church, which was named Essex Fort. His 
plan was first to open ground along the west side of the 
town, from Essex Fort to the Ptiver Colne near the North 
Bridge, and then to occupy points along the left bank of 
the Piver, and on the south side of the town, finally 
closing in on all sides. After completing Essex Fort, 
Lord Fairfxx steadily continued his siege operations, 
breaking fresh ground every night, and running his 
trenches from one small sconce or redoubt to another, 
until he had completely closed up all approaches to the 
town on the west side, between the Lexden Poad and 
the river. 

The besieged certainly showed great want of enterprise 
in not coming out and giving Ijattle to the Ijesiegers 
before the arrival of Colonel Eure and other reinforce- 
ments. After the General had been ten days before the 
town, the Colony of Flemisli hay and say makers, which 
had been established at Colchester in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, petitioned to have free trade with London 
during the siege. Fairfax, always anxious to mitigate 
the evils of war, considerately agreed to allow these 
industrious cloth workers to hold a market on Lexden 
Heath, \\ith freedom to sell or take their goods back, as 
the case might be. 

On the 20th June the works on the west side were 


completed, and o]>erations were commenced against tlie 
north and south walls. Colonel Eure crossed the Colne 
near a hamlet called The Shepen, and threw up a work in 
front of the North Bridge, called Fort Ingoklshy. Fort 
Ralnshorongh was next thrown up, ojjposite the ford at 
Middle Mill. The hesiegers thus gained a footing on the 
left bank of the river, Avhere they were joined hy 2,500 
Suffolk Volunteers, who encamj^ed on Mile End Heath. 
At the same time Colonel Barkstead was ordered to throw 
up a redoubt across the road to Maldon, facing the Head 
Gate ; and here the defenders made desperate attempts 
to hinder the works. On the 26th they sallied out in 
force, but were driven back beyond their own guard house, 
where the liour glass for setting their watches was cap- 
tured, and carried oft in triumph. By the end of the 
month Lord Fairfax v\^as strong enough to extend his 
operations and occupy the chief positions on the left bank 
of the Colne ; and on the 1st of July Colonel Whalley 
took Greenstead Cliurch, opposite the Hythe, and erected 
a battery in the chm'chyard. The Suffolk volunteers also 
seized 'a water mill at East Bridge. 

'2nd Period. Drlvimj in of the Outposts. 
Jidij 6th to Jidy 20th. 

Lord Norwich now found himself nearl}' surrounded, 
and, in consultation with his officers, a great sally was 
resolved upon from the East Gate. Accordingly, on the 
Gth of July, Sir George Lisle and Sir Charles Lucas, with 
200 foot and 500 horse, marched out of the East Gate and 
down the long hill to the bridge. The Suffolk men fired 
upon them from behind a breastwork at the bridge head 
as they advanced, but their jDosition was carried by a rush, 
and Lucas led his men across the rivei', some running over 
the brido-e, and others wadino- throuo-h the water. Flushed 
with success, instead of securing the important ground 
they had gained, they then charged up the hill towards 
the windmills, where they were met by Whalley 's horse, 
and thrown into confusion. They fled back into the town, 
losing many killed and wounded, and the position at East 
Bridge was recovered by the besiegers. On the 14th of 
July some Suffolk Volunteers took the Hythe with little 



opposition, and made prisoners of the garrison, consisting 
of 80 Kentish fuOTtives. 


On the 15th of July, Lucas and Lisle, knowing that the 
consequences of having broken their parole would be 
serious to them, made an attempt to escape in the night. 
They forded the river at Middle Mill, intending to make 
for Neyland Bridge, and so get away into Suffolk, but their 
guides failed them, and they were obliged to go back into 
the town by the Rye Gate Postern. On the 18th they 
made another attempt to get away, and repeated the ex- 
periment on several succeeding niglits, until the discontent 
of their own followers was aroused. 

After the occupation of the Hythe and the East Bridge 
the General determined to complete the leaguer by driving 
the besieged out of St. John's Gate, and their other ad- 
vanced posts beyond the south wall. The fii-st step was to 
silence a saker, which was planted on a platform in the 
frame of the bells in St. Mary's To\ver, and which caused 
considerable aruioyance by enfilading the trenches near 
Barkstead's fort. Two demi-culverius were brought to 
bear on the Tower, and, after about GO rounds, one side 
was breached. Lord Faiifax then opened fire on the 
position occupied by the besieged among the ruins of St. 
John's, and having opened a breach with two culvo'ins, 
he led Barkstead's regiment to the assault, and drove the 
defenders into the old Gate House. Here they made an 
obstinate stand, and I'epulsed several assaults, At last, 
eight guns were brought into position, imder cover of Avhich 
a storming party ft^dvanced, placed ladders and effected an 
entrance. Thero was then a sharp hand-to-hand fight, 
which ended in the retreat of the surviving' defenders into 
the town throu2fh the Scherde Gate Postern. The besiecjed 
were now closely confined within tlie walls of the town, 

3r(7 Period. The Close BIoch(de. 

Jidy 20th to August 2Sth. 

We now come to the period of the close blockade. After 
the water mills on the river were captured, the besieged 
set to work with and hand mills, and constructed a 
rude wind-mill on the top of the Castle, which was, how- 
ever, knocked over by a shot from Bainsborough's Fort. 
Scarcity now began to be felt, and on the 20th of July 


the a'tirri«<>n commenced tlie eatnio- of horse flesh. The 
trenches were advanced close up to the south wall, and a 
redoubt was thrown up in Beriy Fields, between Magdalen 
street and the East Hill, when a determined sally of* the 
besieged from St. Botolph's Gate was repidsed. On this 
occa.sion Lord Fairfax, who was always somewhat too 
reckless in exposing his person in action, had a very naiTow 
escape. He now removed head-quarters from Lexden to 
the Hythe. As August set in, the sufferings of the be- 
sieged became very severe. They had nothing but horse 
flesh, and eats and dogs. The wretched townspeoj)le were 
worse off than the soldiers, and the cruel treatment they 
Avere exposed to from Sir Charles Lucas and his followers 
is recorded by the citizens in their tract, entitled ' ' Col- 
chester's Teares." Kelief was now absolutely impossible, 
and the prolongation of the misery of tliese people was 
utterly indefensible conduct, from a military point of view, 
on the part of the leaders of the defence. On the 1 1th of 
August the stores were nearly empty, the magazine would 
not maintain two lioiu's' fight, and the clamours of the 
townspeople for a surrender began to be echoed by the 
soldiers. Negociations were attempted, l)ut Lord Fairfax 
steadily adhered to his original terms— quarter for the 
soldiers and subordinate officers, Init the leaders must 
surrender at discretion. Lucas, Lisle, and other officers, 
then determined to make another attempt at escape, in- 
tending to break through on the night of the 25th of 
August and leave the men to shift for themselves. But 
the soldiers became mutinous when they discovered the 
intention of the officers to desert, and agreed to kill them 
if they attempted to stir. Then the clamour for a sur- 
render increased, and the men swore that if conditions 
were not agreed to, they would make them for themselves. 
At last Commissioners were sent out to accept such 
conditions as Lord Fairfax would offer. Before he would 
treat, he insisted upon the liberation of the unfortunate 
Parliamentary (Commissioners. Articles were then agreed to 
and signed at the Hythe on the 27th of August, at about 
ten o'clock at night. All horses, with saddles and bridles, 
were to be collected at St. Mary's Church and delivered 
over at 9 a.m. All arms and colours were to be deposited 
in St. James's Church. All soldiers and officers under 


tlie rank of captain were to have fail' quarter, surrendering 
in Friars Yard, by the East Gate, at 10 a.m. All 
superior oflRcers were to assemble at tlie King's Head Inn 
by 1 1 a.m., and surrender to mercy. The total number 
tliat surrendered was 3,471, of whom 3,067 were common 
soldiers, 324 subordina,te officers, G5 servants, and 75 
superior officers. In reply to enquiries it was clearly 
explained in writing, that fair quarter ensured to the 
soldiers their Hves, clothing, and food while prisoners ; and 
that surrendering to merci/ signified surrender without 
assurance of quarter, the general being free to put some 
to the sword at once and to leave others to be dealt with 
by Parliament. The town was to have paid £14,000, but 
Lord Fairfax remitted £4,000, and £5,000 was levied on 
Royalists throughout Essex, so that Colchester got off 
with £5,000. of which £2,000 was given to the Essex 
volunteers who had left their homes at great incon- 
venience, and £1,000 to the poor of the town. The rest 
(£2,000) was the prize money of the besiegers. At about 
two in the afternoon of the 28tli of August, Lord Fairfax 
entered the town of Colchestei', and rode round it. He 
then returned to his quarters at the Hythe, and a court- 
martial assembled at the Moot Hall to try Sir Charles 
Lucas, Sir George Lisle, Colonel Farre, and the Italian 
Guasconi — -the two first for having broken their parole of 
honour, Farre as a deserter, and the foreigner for piracy. 
Farre managed to escape, and Guasconi was pardoned. 
Lucas and Lisle were found guilty, the facts being noto- 
rious and incontestable, and they were condemned to be 
shot. They were executed on the green on the Dorth 
side of the castle at about seven p.m. Their bodies were 
interred under the north aisle of St. Giles's church. The 
reasons which induced Lord Fairfax to confirm the 
sentence of the court-martial are stated in an official 
despatch dated from the Hythe on the 29th of August. 
They are : 1st, " the satisfaction of military justice ;" and 
2nd, " avenge for the innocent blood they have caused to 
be S2)ilt, and the trouble they have brought upon the 
town, tliis cc»untry, and the kingdom.' 

Connniseration may be felt for the fate of these brave 
soldiers. Sii" George Lisle appears to have been a gallant 
and amiable ollicor : but tlicre is nothing either to respect 


or admire in what is recorded of Sir Charles Lucas. Their 
private characters are, however, quite beside the question. 
An officer who accepts his freedom on parole, on condition 
that he does not serve again, and who is afterwards taken 
in arms, deserves death. This is the military law of all 
civilised nations, as much in the 19th as in the 17tli 
century. It is a law which is observed, and which must 
be observed, for without it all honourable intercourse 
between hostile forces would be impossible. Lord Fairfax 
could not have indulged in any desire he doubtless felt to 
show mercy ; for an example had become absolutely 
necessary, owing to other Royalist officers having broken 
their paroles, among them so well-known a veteran as Sir 
Thomas Glemham, It is higli time to protest against the 
injustice of accusing Lord Fairfax of cruelty, or even of 
undue harshness in sanctioninix these executions. He 
always proved himself, on scores of similar occasions, to be 
the most generous and lenient of victors, and he un- 
doubtedlj'^ felt the confirmation of tlie sentence of the 
court-martial to be a most painful, though a most neces- 
sary, duty. It is no liglit matter that, in order to furbish 
u] ) the sullied rej^utations of mere guard- room soldiers, an 
accusation of cruelty should be brought against a great 
and good man, whose only thought through life was to do 
his duty to his country without one thought for himself. 
The accusation is utterly untenable, and historical truth 
demands that it should cease to be repeated. After the 
executions, the other officers were assured of fair quarter 
as prisoners of vrar. Lords Norwich, Capel, and Lough- 
borough were sent to Windsor Castle, the latter escaping 
on the road, and reaching Holland in safety. In February, 
1G49, the two Lords were tried for their lives. The 
casting vote of the Speaker saved the old Earl of Norwich, 
but Capel was condemned by a majorit}^ of three in the 
House of Commons. His execution was cruel and un- 
iiecessary, and in my opinion, that majority was guilty of 
a judicial murder. 

As soon as the }>risoners had been dismissed, a grand 
review of the besieging army was held on the 29th of 
August. L^nluckily it wajij a very rainy day, but the 
soldiers sliook hands A\ith each other, salutes were fired, 
and the Volunteers returned to their homes. Lord Fairfax 


tlieii devoted some days to his favourite pursuit — ■ 
archa3olocry, carefully examiniug the Koman remains here 
and in this neighbourhood. Eventually, with his troops, 
he marched north from Colchestei', arriving at Ipswich on 
the 7th of September. 

Thus ended this famous siege, and Colchester, bleeding 
at every pore, ruined, impoverished, and half dest]-oyed,^vas 
left to recover gradually, and with the sure aid of time. 
But it was many years before the old city was restored to 
the prosperity it enjoyed before the hery l,ucas broke 
through the weak line of opposing citizens and entered the 
Head Gate. The calamity came upon her suddenly, and 
almost by accident. The war was over, and a month before 
that fateful r2th of June, or even a week before, the horrors 
of a siege seemed almost an inipossible contingency. 
When they did come the people of Colchester seem to have 
borne the extremities of suffering as became brave English 
men and women. Their descendants may look back on 
the conduct of the inhabitants of Colchester, ever 
staunchly faithful to the cause of the Parliament, with 
feelings of pride ; and the memorable siege will for ever 
give a special historical interest to the old city. The 
general outlines are but little altered. Nearly every spot 
mentioned by the narrators of the events of the siege can 
easily be identified and in many instances even the ap- 
pearance of the localities is little altered. So that a 
detailed examination of the positions of tlie l:)esieged and 
of the lines occupied by the besiegers will long continue 
to be a very interesting, as w^ell as a profitable, historical 


By tlie Rev. C. R. MANNING, ^\.A. 

The moniiments to wliich I have tlie pleasure of calling- 
tlie attention of the Archgeological Institute have been 
more or less noticed in the pages of Gough, Bloniefield, 
Lysons, and others, but have never been accurately de- 
scribed, and from the somewhat retired situation of the 
parish where they remain, in a sadly injured and neglected 
condition, are known but to very few. Yet they are tine 
and interesting examples, and in some points present pecu- 
liarities which render them worthy of publication. It 
may add to our interest in them to think that theii* con- 
templation seems to have given to the indefatigable anti- 
quary, Richard Gough, his first impetus to the study of 
this branch of antiquities, a taste which resulted in the 
production of his magnificent work, the " Sepulchral 
Monuments." He says : — " They were some of the first 
objects of my antiquarian contemplation, in the frequent 
excursions to their church at Burgh, with my respected 
friend and tutor, the Rev. Dr. Barnardiston, of Benet 
College, who then served the hving for the late Dr. Green, 
Bishop of Lincoln, Master of the college. They recall to 
my remembrance the many pleasing hours spent in their 
neighbourhood during four years' residence at the Univer- 
sity, now thirty years ago. ' O noctes coenaque Deum.i' " 

Burgh Green is a village in Caml:)ridgeshire, on the 
borders of Suffolk, about two and a half miles from the 
Dullinghani Station, near Newmarket. The C.hurch lias 
now but little in it of interest beyond tliese monuments, 
and has greatly suffered during the worst period of archi- 
tectural neglect. It has a deep chancel, a rather short 
nave, and two aisles, with a south porch and a w^estern 
tower. There was formerly a chantry chapel on the noi-th 
side of the chancel, belonging to the family of De Burgh, 

1 Sep. Mon., L. Ft. ii., p. 220. 


from which, at its demohtion, some of the monuments 
now in the chancel were removed. There was another 
chantry on the south side. The east window of the chan- 
cel is Decorated, of the middle of the 14th century, and 
one window of the same style remains on the south side. 
The only indication of earlier work in the Church is in tlie 
sedilia and piscina, which are Early English. The latter 
is a doul)le one, with round shafts and trefoil arches. The 
sedilia arches are not trefoiled. High up in the walls are 
some remains of battlemented corbels, supports of a former 
roof, which preceded the present ceiling. The chancel 
arch has been destroyed, but the shafts remain, each sup- 
porting an incongruous marble urn. The nave has three 
arches on each side, with Decorated pillars. The aisle 
windows have lost all tracery, and the roofs have been 
modernized, with dormer windows. There is a plain font, 
dated 1672, with a low cover surmounted by a dove. The 
tower is small, and has a good window of two lights at 
the west end. 

The manor of Burgh, before the Norman conquest, be- 
longed to Queen Edith, wife of Edward the Confessor, 
who had large possessions in the county, and as this is the 
only one of her manors where a deer-park is described in 
the survey of Domesday, Lysons observes that "it is most 
probable that she had a palace here for her occasional 
residence." " Near the village, and near to "a wood still 
called Park Wood, within the demesne of the manor, is a 
moat about 12 feet deep and 30 feet in breadth, inclosing 
somewhat more than an acre of ground ; without the 
moat are tlie remains of a keep, and other traces of build- 
ings ; there can be little doubt that this was the ancient 
site of the manor." ' If there are any of these remains to 
be seen now, they would appear wortliy the attention of 
the Cambridge Antiquarifin Society.' The Conqueror gave 
the manor to Alan, Earl of Brittany, and we subsequently 
find it in the family of Burgh. In 1330 Sir Thomas de 
Burgh had tlie king's license to impark his woods at 

' L> sons' Camb. p. 96. 

2 I have since ascertained that the two otlicr similar moats iu the parish, 

moat exists. There are no remains of Burgh Green ll^ill, near the church, is 

masonry within it ; nor of any earthen an old house, with some remains of the 

mound. It is of square form, with an sixteenth ccntui-y ; and probably occupies 

entrance on one side only. Thore arc a more ancient site. 


Burgli/ From them it passed by an heiress to the famil}- 
of Ingoldsthorpe and their descendants and representa- 

There are now three canopied tombs remaining, with 
six effigies, two of them being on the floor at the east 
end, partly bnilt over. Mnch confusion has ensued from 
their removal from the destroyed chapel, and it is some- 
what cUfficult now to identify them. They are thickly 
coated with yellow wash, and the parts nearest the ground 
are a mass of green moidd. All the painting and heraldry 
is now obliterated, unless preserved beneath successive 
coats of wash. In Philpot's Cambridgeshire Collections 
in the College of Arms, some poor drawings of the figures 
are given, with pedigree and arms.- There is also a pedi- 
gree in Pdchmond's Visitation by Camden, 1G19, with 
additions, in the British Museum.' To these I will refer 
in enumerating the different tombs. 

1, The earliest efiigj, which I will call No. 1, now lies 
on the middle tomb of the three. This does not appear to 
be the one mentioned by Gough as that of Sir Philip de 
Burgh on the south side of the north aisle, cross legged, 
under an arch, which seems to have been lost, but of his 
son Sir Thomas. The knight is clad in the armour of the 
middle of the fourteenth century. He wears the usual jupon 
with a baldrick, and the camail, and a pointed bascinet. 
Over his camail is a collar, but any devices on it cannot 
now be made out. His head is much disfigured, and rests 
on his tilting helmet. The most remarkable point in the 
effigy is that his body is half turned on the right side, 
his right arm being being placed on his breast (his left is 
partly concealed by the wall built upon him), and having 
held a tilting spear ; his left leg is crossed over the right, 
and he lies on a bed of large pebbles. The foot rests on 
a lion. Traces of colour appear in various parts. I am 
only aware of two other monuments in England repre- 
senting knights thus lying on a bed of pebbles — one at 
Ingham, Norfolk, of Oliver, Lord Ingham, 1344, and the 
other of Sir Roger de Kerdeston, 1337, at Beepham, in 
the same county. Both these are engraved in Stothard. 
The meaning of the bed of stones has been variously ex- 

' P:it. r.olls, 4tli Edw. TIL - St. George's Visit, of Camh. 1G81. 

' Hail. MSS. l.-)34, f. W2 h. 



plained. Weever, speaking of the Ingham effigy, says 
that " being a great traveller, he lieth npon a rock." 
Blomefield calls it a " mattress,"' In Murray's Guide it is 
"lying upon a rock, as if shipwrecked;" and the half 
turned position is described by another as " ready to 
jump up on his feet." It may have been only a fashion 
of the time ; or a sculptor's peculiarity. Its occurrence 
seems to be only associated with these few examples of 
knights' effigies, half-turned, all of nearly the same date. 
The present instance appears to be about 1345, and is a 
late example of a cross-legged hgiu-e. On the eastern end 
of the arch, under the canopy, are marks of the place 
where the feet of a knight's effigy reached the v/all, the 
figure having been forcibly torn away, so that the impres- 
sion of the soles of the feet as it w^ere remain. This is a 
proof that the figure of Sir Thomas cle Burgh did not 
belong to this tomb or canop)^, and indeed the architec- 
ture of it Avould 1)0 twenty or thirty years later than his 
armour. This can0|)y is 1)eautifully double foliated and 
cinquefoiled, deeply recessed, of ogee sliape, with crockets 
and finial, and side pinnacles. The altar tomb on which 
the effigy rests is lov/, and partly liidden by the raised 
floor. It had three lai'ge shields within quatrefoils on 
the side. On the same slal) with tlie knight is now placed 
an e&igy of a lady, of v\'hicli I v/ill speak under No. 4. 

2. Sir Thomas de Burgh married a Waldegrave, of the 
adjoining parish of Westley Waterless. His son. Sir Thomas 
who married the daughter of lloger, Loi'cl Grey of Ruthin, 
appears to be the one next mentioned l)y Gough as 
" grandson to the founder, Sir Philip," and having a monu- 
ment here representing him with a chain. This I take to 
be the tomb and figure to the east of No. 1. It re]>re- 
sents a knight, apparently in banded mail, with a jupon 
and horizontal baldrick, camail and pointed bascinet, a 
sword and dagger, his head on a helm, and his feet on a 
lion. His hands hold a small object, probably a heart. 
There is novv^ no appearance of a chain. The date would 
be about 13G5. This tomb is liijxlier than the other two. 
It has a lofty cinquefoiled canopy, with a foin-- centred 
arch under an ogee one, with a shield in a circle in the 
spandril. The tomb has no ])anels at the side. 

No. 3. The son of this Sir Thomas was Sir Jolni de 


Burgli. (n)uo-li says, '*' He Avas stately entoinLed at 
Burgh with one of his wives. He gave the advowson of 
Swaftliam St. Cyrlae to tlie convent of Ely, In his will 
dated 7 Kic. II, 1084, he mentions Mary, his first wife, 
buried at Anglesea Abbey, Cambridgeshire. Katharine, 
his second wife, in her will dated 1409, bequeaths her 
body to be buried in Burgh Church, and wills that Sir 
John Inglethorp and his heirs should be lords of Burgh 
and [)atrons of the chantry there." This Katharine was 
an Engain of Stow Quy, (Jainbridgeshire. I suppose the 
tomb to tlie west of No. 1 to be his, although there is no 
second efHgy of a lady there now. He is clad in armour 
very similar to No. 2. He has an escalloped jupon, and 
may well be of the date of 1384. The tomb below is the 
same as that of No. 1 , and the canopy above very similar 
to No. 2. His hands also hold a heart, or other object. 

No. 4 is the lady's effigy lying on the same slab wdth 
No. 1. She is dressed in the sideless garment and mantle, 
with buttons or studs of a square form, from the waist 
nearly to tlie feet. Her hands hold a heart. Her hair is 
coiled in a net, with a fillet above the forehead, very 
much like a small brass at Long Melford. Her head rests 
on a double cushion, supported by a single angel, whose 
wings reach to her shoulders. There is no animal at her 
feet. This costume is of about the year 1410, and it most 
probably represents Katharine, second Avife of Sir John de 
Burgh, whose will is dated 1409. 

No. 5 is the male efhgy on the floor, below the tomlj 
No. 2, This is a rather remarkable one, and there is less 
doubt as to the person represented, or the date. He is 
in armour, but has no camail or gorget, or bascinet. He 
is bare headed, with flowing locks, confined hy a roll or 
band. Appended to this roll was formerly to be seen a 
buckle hanoinof on the forehead, but there is no trace of 
it now. It is so mentioned by Gough, and by Blomfield 
form a note of Le Neve's,' He Avears a jupon and hori- 
zontal baldrick. On the right armpit is a large roundel. 
His feet rest on a lion. Unfortunately this figure is 
divided down the middle by the tomb No. 2. It appears 
that it Avas once on an altar-tomb of its oaahi, described as 
a stately monument on the north side of the Chancel, Avith 

BlomcfiL'lJ, Norfolk, vii., 126. 


statues of himself and his lady ; he in complete arnioiu', 
with a surcoat of his arms, and a collar of S S. about his 
neck.^ This is Sir John Ingoldsthorp, who married Eliza- 
beth, daughter and co-heiress of Sir John de Burgh. By 
his will, dated the Thursday after All Saints, 1419, and 
proved July 8, 1420, he gave £20 to the chantry at 
Burgh, and legacies to the churches at Tilney, Emnetli, 
Rainham, Ingoldsthorp, Snettisham, Norfolk, and S waft- 
ham Bulbeck, Cambridgeshire, in all of which places he 
held lands. 

No. C is the figure of a lady l^eside No. 5. It may be 
that of Elizabeth de Burgh, his wife, but she is a foot 
taller than his effigy, Ijeing seven feet in height, and 
therefore it seems unlikely that she was on the same slab. 
It is a fine figure, of about the date 1420, dressed in a 
lonaf sleeved o'arment with a fallino- collar. Her hair is in 
two large coils, with a jewelled band, supported on a 
double cushion. Her hands are broken oft'. The feet 
rest on an animal. The will of Elizabeth Ingolclsthorpe 
was proved 12 th February, 1421. 

There was formerly another large tomb in the middle 
of the Chancel, as Gough relates, with brasses of the 
grandson of the last named Edmund Ingoldsthorp, son of 
of Thomas Ingoldsthorp of Burgh Green, by his wife 
Margaret, dauQ-liter and heir of Walter De la Pole,, of 
Sawston and Trumpington, Cambridgeshke, who married 
Joan, daughter of John Lord Tiptoft, of Burwell. His 
brass represented him in armour without a helmet, his 
head resting on a bull's head couped, in a coronet, (his 
crest)^ with a Latin inscription, part of which was as 
follows : 

Thomas Bracbtone, Walter Poole, Burgh iucle Johannes, 

His militibus heres fuit ille venustus, 

Sponsavit Comitis de Wyrceter ille sororem 

Anno milleno qiiater et CCCC quoc^ue deno 

Ecce dies bina Septembris quando trina, 

Militis hujis erat.'' 

He died 145G. 

Tlic arms of Burali of Bureli Green were Aro'ent, on a 

1 Ciough and Blomcficlil. - Bloinclicld, vii, 127. 

aiy. paper, Kutlitrfurth Cull. pcuc8 me (11. Gfougli). 


fes.s indented, sable, three bezants ; and those of Iiigolds- 
thorpe, Gules, a cross engrailed, ai'gent. The dra^ving in 
the College of Arms shows this brass, with the arms on a 
bainier, and also those of Neville, Waldegrave, Engain, 
Cromwell, Bradstone, De la Pole, and France and England. 

Gough adds to his account that Mr. Waterton of Walton 
Hall, Yorkshire, (a name since well known 'to a-nti(|uaries 
and naturalists) is one of the heirs general of this family, 
which expired in codreiresses, one of whom married Sir W. 
Assenhall, and the heiress of Assenhall married Waterton, 
temp. Henry VI, who, on the division of tlie Burgh 
property, had the manor of Walton. (See Pedigree.) 

There are stones in the Chancel at Burgh Green to the 
following persons : — Anthony Gage, D.D., rector, died 15 
December, 1G30 ; Anns — 1, a saltire ; 2, two birds 
(swans ?) ; 3, three bulls' heads, couped ; 4, two birds' 
claws and legs in saltire. Vv illiam Wedge, died 29tli 
April, 1850, aged 21. Mary Ann, wife of Rev. C. 
Wedge, rector, died 20th June, 1863, aged 75. Rev. 
Charles Wedge, G9 years rector, born 9tli September, 
1780, died 28th March 1875. In the Nave :— Richard 
Holt, gent., servant to Sir John Gage, Knight, and Sir 
Anthony Gage, Knight, his son, both lords of the manor ; 
died about Gth March, 1G37, in his 77th year, leaving his 
master, Sir Anthony Gage, his sole executor. 















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Carrying out the plan which I first proposed to the late 
Mr, Albert Way, who strongly advised its being put into 
practice, I now publish the first of an annual series of 
papers on the discoveries of Britanno Roman inscriptions 
during each year. 

The late year (187G) has not, with the exception of the 
great "find" at Frocolitia, been very prolific of discoveries 
of this nature. The first one, with which I am acquainted, 
took place near the site of the Roman station at South 
Shields, where, on the 1 9th and 20th February, several 
tombs were exhumed, formed of stone slabs, on ground 
belonging to Mr. James Pollard, near the end of Bath 
street, — which contained bones, &c. Near to these was 
found a portion of a Roman tombstone bearing an inscrip- 
tion. All that could be deciphered was 

D. M. 

the rest being worn away. 

At Charterhouse on Mendip, two inscribed pigs of lead 
were found, the first in June, and the second in July. 
The first bore on its upper surface the inscription 


On the side was also the following inscription : — 


The length of the pig was ]ft. Sin. ; its width at the 
base C) inches, and at the top 5 inches — the slope from the 
inscribed upper side to the base 6 inches, and the weight 
about 143lbs. This is the first pig of lead found entire, 
bearing the name of Vespasian on/y. In the others the 
name of Titus also occurs. We learn from this that the 
date of the pig is early in the reign of Vespasian, l)etween 


A.D. 69 and a.d. 71, in whicli last year Titus became 
associated with his father in the empire. The abbrevia- 
tion VE has not before occurred on any of these pigs. 
Dr. McCaul proposes, for the last three words, the expan- 
sion ex arg(entaria) ve(na) which is probably correct. 
The second pig found in July was of similar weight and 
size to the other, but was only inscriljed 


i.e., Impevatoris Vesjxisiani Augustl. 

In tlie metropolis, during the demolition of some old 
houses in Camomile street in October, a portion cf the 
Rjman wall of London and a bastion were laid bare. 
Built up into the wall were many interesting sculptured 
fragments, and a fragment of an inscribed stone, but un- 
fortunately the only letters visible on it were 




Whilst pursuing his researches at Carrawburgh, (Pvo- 
colitia) during the summer, Mr. Clayton unearthed the 
upper portion of a small altar inscribed 


S. Co. 

and has probably read when entire Matrihus Coli(ors) I. 

Batavorum, C(ni) F(raeest) V(otum) Sfolvit) 

L(ihens) M(erito). Two small fragments of inscribed 
slabs were also found, but the lettering was too faint to be 

In the month of October Mr. Clayton commenced the 
excavation of a small well or reservoir, about 150 yards 
distant from the western rampart of Procolitia, and 
which had been noticed since the days of Horsley (1732). 
It was lined with massive masonry, measuring inside 
8ft. 6in. by 7ft. 9in., and was a little over 7ft. in depth. 
Horsley describes it as being filled with rubbish, nearly 
to the surface, but the water risinaf in it was " a e'ood 

A few years ago owing to some mining operations in a 
lead mine about two miles distant, the spring and a 
rivulet flowing from it suddenly disappeared. 



Within a foot of the surface, the excavator came upon 
a mass of copper corns of the lower Empire spread over 
the whole surface. " Part of a human skull, the concave 
part upwards, was found here filled with coins." Im- 
mediately underneath were a numljer of small altars, with 
broken bowls of 8amian ware and o-lass ; also bones of 

At three feet in depth were found two ornamental in- 
scribed eai'thenware vases, and the coins had reached the 
period of the higher Empire ; with them was a sculptured 
stone representing three water nymphs ; below this were 
more altars, vases, brooches, rings, dice, mixed with 
quantities of coins, continuing to the very bottom, and at 
the bottom was a large inscrilDed votive tablet. The 
earliest coin was one of Claudius, a.d. 42. Many 
thousands of them were secured by Mr. Clayton, but 
visitors attracted to the spot carried away several 
thousands moi-e. They were considerably corroded with 
the exception of about sixty of Hadrian and Antoninus 
Pius, which seemed quite new, and had been preserved 
in the clay at the bottom of the well. The coins of these 
emperors greatly preponderated amongst those of the 
higher Empire, and from their newness seemed to prove 
that the deposit commenced at that period. The coins of 
Claudius, Nero Vespasian, &c., seemed considerably worn. 
The deposit extended as late as the reign of Gratianus, 
and embraced three gold coins and a few score of silver 
ones. Those of the Constantino family and of Gratianus, 
&c., were at the upper surface of tlie deposit, and on each 
side of the votive tablet at the bottom was found a small 
altar. Twenty-four altars in all were found, of which 
eleven bore inscripti(.)ns. Two vases and tlie votive 
tablet were also inscribed. The inscriptions were as 
follows : — 

(1) (^) {■') 

T> I E C ( ) V E D E A E C O D E A E N I M 


V li E L I V S O T V S V T L 15 T I N E Jt A D 

G R T ^' S E 8 S L V I P R O V H V S . G E R M 


V S L M 



D E A E C 
y E N T I N E 
li N O R V 31 

A V R C 



I N E R 

D E A E C O V ^' E N 


N V V S V 

V Y. 

. . .1 

T I N A . A 
G V S T A 

U E C N Y E 



D 1 1 A 1 1 


N A E B E L L I C Y S 

^' . S . L . M . P 


V O T V 
I * Y S S Y 

Y . L . L . M . D 

T N O M A T I 


C Y Y E N T I X A E 
1. BAT. LM 



C Y I 

S A 

T Y 


G A *I 
X I Y S 

G A 
^ IX 

I Y 


Of these I would read No 1 as Dc(a)e Coventine 
Aurelius G)utU6 German{us) : 'To the goddess Coveiituia 
AureUus Grotus a German.' 

No. 2 I read, Deae Coi'c(n)tiitc (Jrotus V(o)t{it)u) 

L{i)he{n)s S{o)lri{t) Fro the close of the mscrip- 

tion being obliterated, though it was probably Se et Suis : 
' To the goddess Coventina Grotus willingly performs his 
vow for (himself and his).' Mr. Clayton reads the end of 
the third and commencement of the fourth lines as Utihes 
and the remainder as S{oIvit I{ibens) i'{otiom) pro [salute). 
It will, I think, at once be seen, that this is an error. The 
dedicator is doubtless the same person named in No. 1, 
Aurelius Grotus. 

No. 3 has one or two peculiarities. I read it as Deae 
Nimfae (for Nymphae) Coventine Madwnus, Germianus) 
Po6((uit) pro se et su{is) V(otuin) S{olvit) L{ibens) M(erito). 


Ill English ' To the goddess Nymph Coventina, Madunus, 
a German, places (this) for himself and his (family). He 
j^erforms his vow willingly to a deserving object.' 
Nimfae frequently occui's in epigraphy as an abl3reviation 
for Nijmpliae. Mr. Clayton reads the name of the 
dedicator as Ma{iillus) Duhus. I think that there is 
little doubt of his name being Madunus, especially as we 
find the name gamidianvs spelt as gamidiahvs in 
an inscription at Birrens, in Dumfriesshire, where the 
first cohort of the Germans were stationed. 

No. 4 I think should be read as Deae Coventine Coli(ori>) 

I CugeDiorum Aiir(eliana) C{ui) {Prae)est Mr. 

Clayton does not venture upon a reading beyond the 
word Cugernorum, which in the original is erroneously 
spelt as Cubernorum. The only other known inscription 
left by this cohort in Britain is on a milestone found on 
the line of the Antonine wall. From the Malpas and 
Biveling diplomas we find, that it was m Britain in a.d. 
103 and in a.d. 124. The discovery of this inscrijDtion 
seems to enable us to give the true reading of part of the 
inscription on the altar to Minerva found at the same 
station in 1875. {ArchcBoJogicalJournal, vol. xxxiii p. 34). 

No. 5 appears to be De[ae) Conventine. Optio 

Cohiprtis I) German{orum). As Aurelius Grotus and 
Madunus are described as Germans, they probably be- 
longed to this cohort, of which we also find traces at 
BuTens, (as I have said previously), at Netherby, and 
near Bowness, on the wall of Hadrian. 

No. 6 is plainly Deae Sanctae Covontine Vincentius 
2)ro salute sua v{otum) l(aetiis) l(ibe)is) m[erito) d(icavit). 

No. 7 is somewhat obscure at its termination. The 
commencement is Deae Minevvae Venico; the next lines 
may be read as j)^'o salute The last line is pos{tiit) but 
the s after it, unless again followed by v (as Mr. Clayton 
considers it to be) is puzzling. 

No. 8 reads plainly Deae Conventinae BelUcus V[otum) 
Siolvit) L^iheiis) M(erito) P{osuit). The use of two I's 
for E is common. .The name of the dedicator " Bellicus " 
occurs on an altar found at Tretire, Herefordshire, 
(Hlibner, No. 163). 

No. 9 is D{e)ae Covcnt(inae) Nomatius V{otum) 
S{olvU) L(ibens) M{erito). Mr, Clayton gives the dedi- 
cator's name as Nomatcus. 


No, 10 can only be read as far as the middle of the 
second Ime — i.e., Deae Covventine. 

No. 11 is still more obliterated, D{eae) Co(ventinae), 
being; all that is visible. 

No. 1 2, wliich is on the large votive tablet fbmid at the 
bottom of the well, is plain, and reads Deae Covventinae 
T(itus) D{omitivs) Cosconianus, Pr{aefectus) Coh{ortis) 
I Baticivoriun) Liihens) m{erito). The first cohort of the 
Batavians by inscriptions and the Notitia hst, appear to 
have been for several centuries at ProcoUtia. 

No. 13 occm-s on one of the vases in four compartments, 
and the lettering is very rude. The second letter in the 
third line of the second compartment and the third letter 
in the second line of the fourth compartment are identical, 
and seem hke an s reversed, with the lower extremity 
widened into a leaf shaped form, which Dr. Hiibner, 
to whom a copy of the inscription was sent, reads as b. 
Dr. Hiibner reads the whole as Covetina A{v)gusta Votu 
Manihus Su{is) Saturninus Fecit Gablnius, and thus 
makes the vase to be dedicated by Saturninus Gabinius, 
and to be the work of his own hands. The chief objection 
to this is, the interpolation of fecit between the two proper 
names, but which ever way the inscription is read there 
appears to be a difficulty. Possibly this is as good a 
reading as can be obtained, but I am not satisfied with 
it, or with my own as pubhshed in the Newcastle Daily 
Chronicle, Dec. 27th, 1876. 

The last of this sei-ies of inscriptions is still more rude. 
It occurs upon another and similar vase. The first com- 
partment 1 have rendered c v, as the first letter seems 
too curved for an i, otherwise this and the letters of the 
next compartment resemble mostly i v | s s i. The first 
letter in the second fine of the seventh compartment is 
the pecidiar one rendered as b in the last inscription. 
From the thu-d to the seventh compartments, inclusive, 
is doubtless to be read as Saturni Gabinius. Is the first 
of these names in the genitive ? If so, and the true 
reading of the first two compartments is i v s s v, we get 
lussu Saturni (iii) Gabinius -with. fecit understood, shewing 
that Gabinius made the vase by order of Saturninus. 
This would imply a different reading for the last inscription, 
which the position of the yyox^ fecit in it seems to justify. 


It will be noticed that various forms of the name of the 
goddess occur in the inscriptions. It is spelt Covetina, 
Coventina, Conventina, Covontina. and Covventina ; in 
one she is called a nymph, in another she has the title of 
Augusta. The former title only occurs in one other 
inscription found in Britain, conjoined with the name 
of the goddess, which is Dcae Nijmpliae Brigantiae 
(Hiibner, No. 875). The title of Augusta has not been 
found previously in Britain as applied to a mjuipli, Init 
several examples occur upon the Continent. 

In his account of the discovery lead before the Ne"\v- 
castle Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Clayton described the 
numismatic portion of this find as the contents of a Koman 
military chest whicli had l^een deposited in the reservoir 
as a place of safety. I immediately published my own 
views of the subject, Avhich were that the Avhole of the 
coins, altars, vases, fibular, lings, &c., were offerings to 
the goddess Coventina. Both theoi'ies had at the outset 
numerous partisans, and this led to a lively correspondence 
in the Newcastle press, but the result, I am glad to say, 
has been in my favor. The number of discoveries exactly 
similar in their nature is considerable, and it requires but 
a knowledge of them, to ascertain at once the meaning of 
the contents of the reservoir at Procolitia. In 1852, in 
clearing out the reservoir at the watering jDlace of Vicarello 
a few miles from Bome, there was found an immense mass 
of Boman copper coins from the earliest Etruscan times to 
the Imperial period. Upwards of 24,000 pounds weight 
were sent to the Etruscan Museum in the Vatican. Out of 
a great quantity of gold coins found, a considerable number 
found their way, I believe, to the British Museum. Votive 
offerings of various descri]3tions occurred, medals bearing 
inscriptions to Apollo as the presiding god of the spring, 
and a series of gold and silver va;Ses, the former being 
preserved in the library of the Vatican, and the latter at 
the Kircherian Museum at Bome. Three of the latter 
^vere inscril^ed with the Itinerary from Bome to Cadiz, at 
different dates. ^ In 1875, at the French Spa of Bourbonne 

^ The culobratcd "Rud^e Cup," found was probably tbrown in as a votive offer- 
in a well at liudf^e in Wiltshire in the ing of this nature. A number of Iloman 
last century, bearing the names of five coins were with it. 
Eoman towns inscribed around its rim 


les Bains, in cleaning out tlie reservoir 4,000 bronze coins, 
300 of silver, and a few of gold were found at the bottom in 
the mud, together with rings, statuettes, l^ronze pins, and 
a number of stones inscribed to a god Borvo and a goddess 
Damona. The coins ranged from Nero to Honorius (see 
Times, February 2nd, 1875), Inscriptions to those deities 
had previously l^een found in the neighbourhood (Orelh, 
No. 1S74, and Henzen, No. 5880) and, like Procolitia, 
the foundations of a temple were visible round the spring. 
At the source of the Seine, similar discoveries took place 
some thirty five years ago, a goddess S(-(iucma being 
worshipped there (Journal of British Archaeological 
Association, vol. ii, p. 404). In June, 1875, at Horton in 
Dorset, at the source of a small brook, a number of vases 
containing coins were found. And at the "Abbot's Well," 
near Chester, where the celebrated altar to the " Nym2:>hs 
and Fountains" was discovered in 1821, vases and coins 
have frequently been found. But these instances of spring 
and river worship were not confined to reservoirs, where- 
ever there was a bridge, a ferry, or a ford, coins, &c. were 
invariably thrown in as offerings to the presiding god or 
goddess of the stream. In this way it was that the 
enormous masses of coins, fibula?, statuettes, &c. found in 
the Thames when new London Bridgfe was beinof built, 
some forty-seven years ago, were formed. Great masses 
of the same nature were found in removing the old bridge 
at Kirkby Thore in 1838, and the ford of tbe Eomanroad 
at Latton near Cirencester has aftbrded a similar yield. 
The sources of the Exe and the Slea have received many 
oft'erings, if we may judge by the coins and vases dis- 
covered, and the site of the old bridge over the Tyne at 
Newcastle has produced a large number of coins. Many 
other instances might lie adduced, but the above will, I 
think, sufiice.' A representation of the goddess seated, 
floating on the leaf of a water lily, is sculptured on the 
votive tablet. She has a l:)ranch of palm in her hand. 

Mr. Clayton, also, recently discovered in a turret of the 
wall between Procolitia and Cilurnum a centurial stone, 
inscribed rudely : — 

' Dr. SlcCiiul, in a letter to me, says, Procolitia. I have never had a doubt 

" You rather surprise me by stating that that they were thrown in, as an oflFcring 

there has been a doubt about the mode to C'ovc/tfina." 
in which the coins got into the well at 


0. A D A V C I 
P VI) 

apparently c(enturia) Adauct[ii) Pud{entis)} 

In the fifth vohime of the Proceedings of the London 
and Middlesex Archaeological Society (Evening Pro- 
ceedings), just published, Mr. C. Poach Smith engraves 
and treats of a Roman leaden seal, found amongst the 
ruins of buildings at Combe Down near Bath. It bears 
on one side, apjDarently, the figure of a deer at rest, round 
it are the letters — 


Mr. Poach Smith reads it F{Iumhum) Br{itannicum) 
S{ignatum). I do not think this correct, but will at 
present (until we have more light thrown on this class of 
objects) refrain from giving a reading. 

Two other inscriptions have also been recently found at 
York, as follows : — 

(1) (2) 


N L I V. S 


A • V E T 


The first is the right hand upper portion of a tombstone, 
and apparently has commemorated Manlius Cresces, a 
veteran of the sixth legion. The second, which was 
presented to the York Museum (where the first is also 
preserved) by Canon Greenwell, was found a few years 
ago, but has remained unpublished. It is on a fragment 
of a small tablet of slate or green stone, finely polished, 
which seems to have been originally enclosed in a frame 
of wood. A most interesting sarcophagus, inscribed to 
the wife of Verecundus Diogenes, has also been found, 
but as the discovery took place in 1877 I must defer an 
account of it to my next. 

A few other previous discoveries remain to be noticed. 
In the Lincoln, Eutland and Stamford Mercury (pub- 
lished at Stamford), July 18, 1845, is an account of some 
excavations in High street, Lincoln, where Poman coins 

^A tombstone and ccntuiial stone aic deferred until my paper on this year's 
have been found on the line of the wall discoveries, 
since the year 1877 eommenccd, bnt they 

r.RTTAXXO-rtO:srAX IXs^•T^T^TT0X^5. 139 

and bases of pillars were found. It is said ; "On Wed- 
nesday afternoon (July 16) the workmen discovered some 
huge worked stones at about four yards from the present 
surface ; these have evidently been plinths to some pillars 
supporting a Koman building. On one is an inscription 
which, as vvell as it could be traced, consists of the follow - 
ino' letters : — 

— VIC II R V r jM E R C V R E S IVM 

Most probably this is incomplete, as in all likelihood it 
was continued along the fellow plinth. All the earth 
above the level at which the stones were discovered is 
made ground." Immediately upon seeing this I conjec- 
tured that another portion of the same inscription was 
that found in the last centurv, readino- — 

P L L I X E S 

and described by Gough in his edition (1800) of Camden's 
"' Britannia," vol, ii, p. 392. It Avas said by Gough to be 
"On the hollow moulding of a stone found in the east side 
of the old Ronian wall l^elow the hill at liincoln, on 
making the new road, 1785, lying near a number of large 
stones, in a situation which seems to imply that they had 
been thrown down from a considerable building." These 
stones were three or four feet below the surface, and some 
had mouldings. I had also no doubt but that the letter 
T was ligulate with the H in the 1845 inscription, so that 
the second word would read thrvpo, a name found in 
several inscriptions in England. On communicating my 
views to Dr. Hiibner, he replied, " If measures, form of 
stone, &c. are corresponding, there is no reason why 
the fragments (a)pollixes(ivm) and vie thrvpo 
MERCVRESIVM should not have been parts of the same 
epistyle of a building belonging perhaps as schola to 
some coll eg ia or sodaliti a Mercuriesiiun et AjooUinesium ; 
societies for the worship of Apollo and Mercury. If it 
was a large epistyle there is no hope to find out a probable 
restitution, vie may be an abbreviation for (deae)vic- 
(toriae). Thrupo thus can be the name of the dedicant 
of a temple to her, and he may have been Mercuricsmm 
et [A)pollines{ium servus) but all this is, of course, very 

At Silchester Mr. J. Wordsworth tells us in the 



Academy, April 18, 1874, there was found a tile bearing 
the inscription scratched on it. — 

B I R G A * 

Is this name Binjaius ? 

In the first volume of the Transactions of the London 
and Middlesex Archseological Society (Evening meetings), 
p. 121, my friend Mr. H. C. Coote described another of the 
leaden seals found at Brough-imder-Stainmoor. On the 
one side it was inscribed — 

On the other- 



V A T. 
D E C 

The two t's in the first inscription, not being perpen- 
dicular, but leaning inwards towards each other, may 
stand for the letter a, but as two I's frequently occur, as 
the representative of the letter e, it Ibllows that the 
inscription may read either ala sab(iniana) or ala 
,seb(oslana). The second portion is evidently VaJfcrius) 
Dec(urw). Another seal which may also hav^e belonged 
(from its inscription) to a soldier of the Ala Sahiniana 
has been found since the commencement of the jjresent 
year at South Shields. It must, however, be reserved for 
my account of this year's discoveries. 

At South Shields also were fnmd in 1873 these grajfiti 
inscriptions on fragments of an amphora ; — 
(1) (-2) 

B E B • S I ]\I JI • V L E S 

From these fraOTnents nothino- can be slathered. 

To the list of " Anuli" must be added a ring of bronze, 
hoop shaped, dug up at Kugby, inscribed within in Greek, 
" Esunera Euneiske." As Mr. Bloxam, who gives the 
account of the discovery in vol. i of the Journal of the 
Associated Architectural Societies, p. 227, does not give 
the text of the inscription, and as I am unable to obtain 
it from him, I have not given any supposed version of it. 
Dr. Hilbner omits it. At the meeting of the Institute on 
May G, 1864, Mr. G. Fortescue Williams exhibited, 
through Mr. Bernhard Smith, a bronze ring of the lower 
Roman empire, inscribed — 

FTDES (U) X r' (» RIM a 


A\itli the device of a fide or hands conjoined within a 
garland ; on the shoulders are the names rvfys and 
VIATOR. Mr. Williams informs me that he is ignorant 
where the ring was found, but it was probably discovered 
in Britain. Dr. Hilbner omits it from his list. 

In the inscriptions given by Dr. Hilbner in his large 
Avork there are a few errors wliich need correcting, and a 
few inscriptions need some su]3plementary remarks and 
emendations, which I think could be introduced in the 
most fitting manner in the present paper. 

There are three inscriptions amongst the list at page 2 
of Dr. Hiibner's work of those which he considers doubt- 
ful, which are certamly genuine. They are numbered 17, 
18, and 19, and are as follows : — 


F R I S I A Y 

Y Y I 


The first was disco\'ered in the Castle Field, Manchester, 
in 1796, and was on a stone fifteen inches long by eleven 
inches broad, surroujided with a border. It Avas described 
by Mr. Thomas Barritt of Manchester in vol. v of the first 
series of the " Transactions " of the Literary and Philo- 
sophical Society of Manchester, p. 675, and plate vii, 
figure 13. It was found in front of the principal entrance 
to the castrum, and was in the possession of Charles 
White, Esq. F.R.S., who died in 1813, since which time it 
has been lost. At the time Mr. Barritt made the dra\Aang 
for the Society's volume he also engraved the inscription 
upon the handle of an amj^hora.' At the place of junction 
of the handle with the vessel he rudely inscribed a 
memorandum of the dimensions of the inscribed stone 
and the year when it was found, thus " 15 by 1 1, 1796." 
This amphora handle after passhig througli several hands 
is now^ in the museum at Peel Park, Salford, where 
Dr. Hilbner saw it and pronounced it a forgery ; he, 
liowever, appears to have known nothing of the description 
or engraving of the original stone. The inscription is a 
very peculiar one, but the drawing by Mr. Barritt and 
the engraving taken from it seem to differ materially in 

1 Chctham Society's rrocccdings, vol. IxTiii, p. -IG. 


tlie tliird line. In the former it looks like vovinwv. 
Is this the centurial mark, followed by qvintiani in a 
ligulate form '? Tlie first and second lines are un- 
questionably CoJi{o)r{s) \ Frisiavo{num). In the last line 
Piedes) xxiiii is preceded by a figure which seems in 
shape like a note of interrogation reversed. 

The second of these, which occurs on a tile found at 
Leicester, Dr. Hilbner says is, " without doubt," the title 
of the sixth legion, instead of the eightli. Having 
inspected the tile, and also having a rubbing of it, I can 
confirm, "without doubt," the reading lviii. In the case 
of the third, which Dr. Hlibner s^iys should probably be 
of the second legion, the discovery of tiles at the same 
place, Caerhun, inscribed leg. xx v v shews that it 
was a portion of one of these latter that had been found. 

In his inscription No. 12, found at Chichester, Dr. 
Hlibner includes Gough's restorations (erroneously), and 
thus makes it appear entire, which an inspection of 
Gough's plate will shew was not the fact. Nos. 67 and 
69 are now preserved in the Gloucester Museum. Nos. 
68, 70 and 71 in the Cirencester Museum ; and No. 74 in 
the wall of a summer- house at Watercombe House, Bisley. 
Nos. 166 and 169 are now in the Chester Museum. No. 
167, which had been reported as lost, I found in 1874 in 
the possession of the Rev. Mr. Prescot, Vicar of Stock- 
poi't. He died in 1875, and his heirs presented the altar 
to the Chester Museum. In the same place also is No. 
168rt, Avhich Dr. Hlibner erroneously gives as deae 
MATiii. From personal inspection I find it should be — 

51 A T R I 

* vs 

. . V M 

i.e. Deab(us) Matrlhus, &c. 

No. 211 was last heard of in the Leverian Museum, sold 
and dispersed in 1806 (Chetham Soc. Proc, vol. Ixviii, p. 
54). No. 284 is in the possession of my friend, T. H. 
Dalzell, Esq., of Clitlon Hall, Workington ; whilst No. 
285 is built up into the wall of the study at Halton Hall 
near Lancaster. The hrst and second lines of No. 415 are 
imdoubtedly from a lithograph of the stone taken when it 
was fiist discovered — 



Lilt tlie upper I'iglit hand corner has, Lord Leconfield 
informs nie, since been consideraljly broken. The above 
reading of these hnes I first published in the ArcJueohxjical 
Journal, Yo\. xxviii., j). 131. 

With regard to Dr. Hlibner's No. 484 a peculiar ques- 
tion arises. In the year 1838, Avhen cutting through the 
Castle Hill at Northallerton, for the formation of tlie 
railway, amongst a number of other Tioman remains there 
was found a stone bearing the following inscription : — 

I N s T A N E 


L E G • V I • V . 

(See Ingledew's "History of Northallerton," 1858, p. 124, 
and the Appendix, in which latter the insciiption is given). 
This stone was lost immediately after it was found, but in 
1841 attention was drawn to a stone built into the 
Chapter House of Hexham Minster, inscribed — 

I X s T A N E 

F L • H Y G I N 

L E G • V I • V . 

(Gent. Mag., Sept. 1841, p. 302). 

The similarity is so remarkable that the c^uestion arises, 
are they one and the same, the inscription having been in 
the first instance badly read ? In the first line of each 
Instante is the word indicated, the second t being ligulate 
with the N. Dr. Hlibner places this stone under the head 
of Hexham, but omits any i-eference to Northallerton. 

No. 5026, which Dr. Hlibner gives under the head of 
Newcastle, being uncertain where it was found, is evi- 
dently the same inscription as that found at Carrawburgh 
(Procolitia) described in Ahhofs Roman Wall (1849), p. 

In No. 513, found at Benwell, Dr. Hlibner adopts 
Baxter's reading whilst giving a different expansion, but 
both Baxter's and Horsley's readings are erroneous. In 
the Ashmolean MSS. (826, fo. 37) in the Bodleian Library 
at Oxford tliere is an account of the discovery of this 
stone, with two drawings of it, one of them being in a 
letter from Dr. Geo. Davenport to Mr. Dugdale, dated 
May 30, 1670, a few months after it was found. In both 


of these co})ies the second, third, and fourth hnes are thus 
given — 




The I in the last hue is hgulate, being formed by an 
upward prolongation of the last stroke of the N, and is 
probably meant for part of the letter e, the rest having 
been obliterated. In any case the correct reading of tlie 
stone is established, showing that the word Felix, instead 
of being a proper name, is used in the same sense as in 
tlie inscription lately found in the forinn at CilarmDH 
(Lap. Sept, No. 943). Dr. Hilbner's No. SG5 found at 
Amhoglanua (Birdoswald), and reported both by him and 
Dr. Bruce as lost, I was foitunate in re-discovering at 
Caton, near Lancaster, in 1873. (Vide Lajj. Sejjt. Ap- 
pendix, p. 474). 

No. 948rt, given inider tlie head of Driunburgh, was 
certainly not found there, but at Kirkby There in 1859 
(Lap. Sept., No. 751). In No, 1021, Dr. Hlibner gives 
tlie third line as ''''aiivn, and Dr. Bruce as falivn. I 
think there is little doubt that the letters are F al tvn, 
and are part of the words Praef (ectus), Al {ae), Titn- 
{grorum). We find the abbreviation al tvn applied to 
this ala in an inscription found at Burgh upon Sands 
(Dr. Hiibner's No. 941). In No. 1047 I take the second 
line to be ti trie mil avg, from Hodgson's engraving of 
the stone, taken when it was much more perfect. The 
first I is formed by the upward prolongation of the upper 
stroke of the t, and the abbreviation trie is formed in 
identically the same ligulate manner, as in the ninth line 
of Dr. Hilbner's No. 1003. In mil, the i and l are both 
formed by upward prolongations of the first and List 
strokes of the M. 

In No. 1055 Dr. Hlibner reads part of the third line as 
COH I DA, but he fails to see that the figure which he gives 
as I simply is a ligulate Fi {Lap. Sept., No. 5G5), and tliat 
it thus forms the word FID A, the prefix to the name of the 
cohort which garrisoned the station. No. 1082 Dr. Hlibner 
will find from the Archwologia, Scotica, vol. ii. p. 1G3, was 
l)uried iiofain amoiio:st the rubbish on the site of its dis- 
covery. The stone No. 1085 I agree in callhig with Dr. 


McCaiil (Brit. Rom. Inser., p. 283), a milestone, and if 
Dr. Hllhner's reading^ of the last line . . monti Mr is 
correct, it evidently marked the number of miles from tlie 
place where it was set up to Trimontium. It is uncertain 
where the stone was found, but it was in the neighbour- 
hood of i\\& Scotch Wall. Trimontium was apparently 
at Newstead near Eildon, in Koxburghshire. Of No. 
11 G8, which is the Tloman milestone, found at Buxton in 
18G2, I have already given the corrected reading [ArclKe- 
olofjical Journal, vol. xxxiii, p. 51). In the Sydenham 
Ta1)ida, No. 1194, I think that in the seventh line the 
cohort of Spaniards named is probalily the tenth, as stated 
by Mr. Lysons in the Reliquiae Britannico Rornanae (ivAYt 
4, pi. i). In Mr. Lysons' plate the x seems plain, but of 
late years every trace of a numeral has been obliterated. 
Mommsen (/nscr. Neap., No. 5024) gives P. Septimius 
Paterculus, who was Pra?fect of the lirst cohort of tlie 
Pannonians in Britain, as Praef. Coh. X ITispanorinn, in 
Cap]jadocia. In the liiveling Tal)ula, No. 1095, tlie name 
of the aid, given l)y Goughin the missing plate (fifth line), 
as QV . . . liv, I think is qv(ado)rv(m). The (^>^^rt(7/ were 
a people who i-esided on the Danul;)e near the Bohemian 
frontier. From a recent inspection of the pig of lead. No. 
1212, found at Chester, I hnd that instead of the last 
letters being vadon they are probal)ly -snadon, or sandon, 
the N in each case beino* reversed. I consider them as 
being the abbreviation of the name of the town sandon- 
IVM, or SAVDOXIVM, given hy Ravennas as existing between 
Conovium (Caerhun) and Dera (Chester), which in a recent 
l^aper read before the Historic Society of Lancashire and 
Cheshii'e, I placed at Croes Atti, near Flint, where im- 
mense heaps of lead scoriae, mixed w^ith lioman coins, 
fibulae, implements, pottery, &c., occur, and many founda- 
tions of buildings.' 

The inscription on the ring, No. 1304 (corrected in 
Additamenta, p. 314j, I would expand as O(ptimo) 
V(iro) N(umerius) V{oturn) S{olui() L{ibens). I con- 

' Dr. Hiibnor's Xos. 1173-4 !iro now Ffarinoton of Wordcn Hall near Pros- 
preserved at LunoclilFo near Ijancaster ton. In the Hisf. of X. IJ'ales liy W. 
by E. B. Dawson, Esq. ; his No. 1170 at Catherall (Manchester, 182H) the first 
Brougham Hall by Lord Brougham, line of Dr. Iliibncr'a No. 11G4 is o-ivcn 
and the only example of the tiles No. as nym.vs instead of xvmc. Is tliis an 
I'i.")" now extant is preserved by IMiss abbreviation oi NKiniids .' 


sider the gift of it, to have been the result of a vow, 
made by Numerius to his intimate friend. 

Of Roman inscriptions which have ])een fonnd in modern 
times, and again l:)e3n lost or destroyed without copies of 
them having been preserved, the following are to be added 
to the list already given : — 

A. Roman urn, "red-like coral, with an inscription," 
was found at Salndy, Bedfordshire, according to Aubrey 
(Ai'cJuooloc/ia, vol. vu, 412). It contained ashes. Another 
inscription on a stone which perished by being exposed to 
the Avet in a frosty season was found at Cirencester, with 
that to Julia Casta, in the last century (Stukeley, Itin. 
Curiosum, p. 63). The liev. Thos. Keynolds, in his Iter 
Bntanniarum, p. 448, says :—" Kil) worth, Leicestershire, 
between Harborough and Leicester. — A stone is said to 
have l^een found with a Roman inscription upon it. — T.R." 
At Exeter fragments of Roman inscriptions appear to 
have been built up into the town walls, in a manner simi- 
lar to those at Bath ; but while copies of those at the 
latter place have been preserved, those at the former have 
entirely perished. Leland says of them (Hearne's Leland, 
17(39, vol. iii, p. GO), " Ther appere 2 fragmentes of inscrip- 
tions of the Romaincs sette by chaunce of later tymes in 
the Town WauU, renewid on the bak side of the House 
sumtyme longging to the Blah Fveren. One of them 
standith in a tower of the Waul, the other is in the Waul 
hard by." 

At t-astleshaw, near Saddle worth, Yorkshire, an in- 
scribed Roman stone was also found and destroyed in the 
last century. — Archceologia, vol. i, p. 236. 

Camden informs us that a numl^er of Roman inscrip- 
tions were found on the site of the castriun, at Over- 
biuTow, Lancashire (Galacuw). They are generally sup- 
posed to have l)een lost again in a vessel in which they 
had been shipped (with some others) by Sir Robert Cotton 
and Camden himself, through her foundering. — Gibson's 
Camden, p. 976. 

At Lancaster, in 1776, a Lar bearing an inscription was 
found and again lost (Archceologia, vol. v, p. 98.) Two 
years previously, at Quernmoor, near that town, a number 
of bronze utensils bearing inscriptions were brought to 
light, but dispersed amongst the residents in the neigh- 


bourhood (ride p. 105, vol. iv, 3r(l series, Transactions of 
Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire). At Kenches- 
ter also within the last foity years inscribed stones have 
been foiuid and destroyed (Wriglit's Wanderings of an 
Antiquari/, pp. 30, 40). At Headington, in Oxfordshire, 
an inscril)ed stone, though much ol)literated, was found 
among the ruins of a Roman villa in 1848-9 (Journal of 
British ArcJueological Association, vol. vi, p. OG). At 
Tilne or Tylney (Notts) there were found in the last 
centmy, A^4th other Roman remains, " several agates and 
cornehans, with inscriptions and engravings" (Beauties of 
England and Wales), vol. xii, pt. I, p. 309). In the Win- 
chester volume of the Congresses of the Archaeological 
Institute, Mr. Hartshorne, in an article on Porchester 
Castle, says at p. 25, "Fragments of Roman inscriptions 
are built into the wall to the right of the entrance into 
the inner baly." As these inscriptions do not appear 
to be visible at the present day, it is to be hoped that 
some copies of them may have been taken by residents of 
the neighbourhood, and that they will publish the same. 
No inscription from this large cast rum has heretofore been 
edited. ' 

Such are the additional inscriptions for the year 187G, 
and those found previously which have remained inedited. 
My additional notes on those already pubhshed seem 
necessary for the completion of the readings of the whole 
series, which I trust are now before the archaeological 
world m as complete a state as it is possible to attain. 

P.S. — Since the above pajDcr was written, Prof Hilbner 
has published in the third volume of the Ephemeris 
Epigrapliica a second supplement to his large work. In 
this supplement, which is entitled " Additamenta Altera," 
the inscriptions found in the well at Carrawburgh are 
included, and as there are a few of them read difterently 
from the copies I have given, it seems needful that the 
readings of Dr. Htibner should be added. In No. 2 Dr. 
Hlibner adds a after the MS in the last line, and expands 
it as m{ea)sa(lute). In No. 4 he reads the fifth line as 
AVR . CAMP, the sixth as ester.. , and the seventh as 

' A portion of a miliary of granite vol. i, p. 5), and some inscribed tiles 

found at Chichester in 1809, with an found in the Roman villa of Roxby, 

inscription " too much obliterated to be Lincolnshire (vol. vi, 2nd series, Froc. 

deciphered" (Dalla way's IVest Sussex, Soc. of Antiq., p. 115) are to be added. 



VET In No. 7 he gives the last line as shnply p.s. 

with a leaf stop between the letters. In No. 9 lie reads 
the second line as vinoma th, the last two letters being 
ligulate, and expands it as Vinomathus, the name of the 
dedicator. Nos. 10 and 11, which are more effaced than 
any of the others, he reads as — 

(10) (11) 

D E A E C V N f ' O V V I N T T 


N V S . . S ^' 

A E T . . . . 

j\I V C , . . I ^' , S • L . 51 
... A X I jM 
I) E D . . . . 

But little or nothing can be made out of these. In 
No. 1 4 he gives the second compartment as CAI. 

I have also to add two iDroken altars, found with others 
uninscribed at the Kingshohn, Gloucester, in 187G. They 
are much worn and cannot be distinctly made out. The 
lower part of each is wanting The inscriptions a'ppear to 
he, to the local anti(|uaries : — 

(1) C^) 

D . "D . E . O 

51 A R T I I N I C H C! V R I 


The first is plainly D{eo) JSIavti. The second, I think, 
may be Deo San{cti) Mercurio, and the name of the 
dedicator Orivendns. 


By G. T. CLARK. 

Among the venerable and, at the least, poetic traditions 
that cluster roinid the older ecclesiastical foundations of 
Christendom, and of which Ireland has a full share, is one 
which explains the origin of the Abbey, ]3est known as 
Muckross, or Mucruss, and the cause of the name of the 
group of limestone rock amidst which it stands. It re- 
lates that Mac Carthy More, the bearer, in the fifteenth 
century, of that distinguished Irish title, being minded 
to found a religious house, was warned in a vision that 
the site of his foundation was to be at ' Carraig-an 
Chiul,' or the ' Rock of Music,' a place to him unknown. 
Those whom he, in consequence, sent forth to search his 
Avestern territory, returning homeward by ' Oirl)healacli ' 
or ' the Eastern passage,' between the lower lake of Kil- 
larney and its rocky boundary, were arrested l^y the 
sounds of music proceeding from a rock, which Mac Carthy 
accepted as the indicated sj^ot, and where he erected liis 

The choice, Ijy whomsoever dii-ected, was an exceedingly 
happy one. The celestial concords indeed no longer 
vibrate in the air, Ijut if the eye, like the ear, be admitted 
to be a recipient of harmony, it must be allowed that the 
site is one to commend itself to all beholders, for around 
the sacred spot, wood and water, mountain and glen, 
verdant meadows and over-arching trees are seen in their 
happiest combination, and if art has contributed to the 
beauty of the scene, its efforts are well concealed behind 
the ample vesture of Nature. 

It appears from a record cited by Petrie that a church 
at Irrelagh was burned in 1192, but of this early edifice 


notliing- else is known. The fbunda-tion of the existing 
structure is flir later, and indeed, as compared with the 
adjacent House of Inisfallen, is but as of yesterday. 
The Four Masters ascribe it to Donnell, son of Teige Mac 
Carthy, who was living in 1340, but O'Donovan, their 
translator, points out that it is Donnell, son of Cormac, 
who corresponds to that date, and that the real founder 
was probably Teige Mac Carthy, described on that 
account in the pecligree of the Sept, as Teige-na-Mainis- 
treach, or ' of the Monastery,' the father of another 
Donnell, known as ' An Dana,,' or ' of the song ;' and he 
agrees with Ware, that the actual foundation was pro- 
bably some years before 1440, but that the work was 
completed by Donnell in that year. Teige Mac Carthy 
was Prince of Desmond, and recognized by the Sept as 
' Mac Carthy More.' The establishment was Franciscan, 
and lasted till 1589, when the brethren were ejected with 
some violence. Probably the violence did not extend to 
the buildings, which, with their modest demesne of ' four 
acres, two orchards, and a garden, valued at IGs. annually,' 
were granted to Capt. IlolDert Collon, also the grantee of 
Inisfallen, in 1594-5. This did not prevent the Monks, 
under Father Holan, from returning hither in 1G02. In 
162G, it appears from a contemporary inscription in the 
choii-, the buildings were repaired by Brother Thadi Ho 
Leni, but only to be inhabited till 1G29, when the frater- 
nity retired, once more, though for a few years only, 
again to return in 1G41. It seems probable, from this 
repeated re-occupation, that the ejected Brethren ever 
lingered about the spot they loved so well, and this may 
account for the unusually perfect condition of the 

The Abbey was naturally the burial place of many of 
the name of Mac Carthy. Mac Carthy More, Earl of 
Clancare or Clancarty, was laid in the centre of the choir. 
Here was also buried in IGOO, Patrick, Loixl Kerry, the 
Earl's nephew ; in 15 GO, Eveleen, daughter of Donnel Mac- 
Carthy, son of Corman Ladhrach, widow of James Earl of 
Desmond, and then of Conor Earl of Thomond ; and, in 
1582, Catharine, daughter of Teige, brother of the above 
Donnell, and widow of Wm. Fitzma.urice, Knight of Kerry, 
a lady who passed her latter days in fear and dread, upon 

MUCKROttri. 151 

the adjacent lake, moving from one island to another. 
Others of, or allied to the family, continue to be buried 
within the walls ; and as late as 1804 the Glencare or 
Clancare gravestone was obscured by a huge ill-placed 
altar t^unb to O'Donoghue More, of the Glens, but very 
partially redeemed by an epitaph by Marcus Hare. 

The Aljbey is in the barony of Magunichy, and stands 
upon the eastern shere of Lough Lean,^ the lowest and 
largest of the Killarney lakes, in the bay of Castle Lough, 
one of the numerous inlets of that enchanted territory, a 
few feet above, and about a furlong distant from, the 
margin of the watei'. The Avails, though roofless and ivy- 
covered, can scarcely be said to be ruined, so little have 
they suffered from time or from violence. The ancient 
name of Oirbhealach, corrupted in Sir James Ware's time 
into Irrelagh, and so recorded in the Irish Monasticon, 
has in these latter days been ill-exchanged for Muckross, 
a word derived from the swine that fed upon the mast 
shed annually by the beech trees, which with the ash, the 
lime, the oak, and the chesnut, there attain almost gigan- 
tic dimensions. 

The walls, even to the gables, remain perfect. The 
roofs have disappeai'ed, with the whole of the timber 
work, but the ground floor of the conventual buildings is 
mostly vaulted, and the stairs of stone, so that the upper 
chambers are still accessible, and the plan and details of 
the whole structure evident to the eye of the visitor. A 
noble yew tree darkens, but gives solemnity to the inte- 
I'ior court of the cloister, and is far more in harmony with 
the character of the place than are the heaped-up and 
inicared-for graves of the MacCarthys, Avhose final spoils 
encumber and disfigure the church, and are out of keeping 
with the ivy-draped Avails and the velvet sward of the 
surrounding grounds. 

The establishment consists of a church and the couA^en- 
tual buildings, built against its northern side, and forming 
with it a tolerably regular block of thirty yards square, 
from Avhich the transept and choir of the church j^roject 
towards the south and east. 

The church, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, is composed 

' Ijuugh Lean Liufhiaclaigh, " Lean name, is derived from Lean, a v/orker in 
of the white teeth," its ancient Irish metal, whose forge was near the lake. 


of a nave, south transept, central tower, a,nd choir. The 
cloister is phiced against the north wall of the nave, and 
the conventual buildings stand outside of and upon the 
cloisters on the three disengaged sides. The church has 
three doors — one at the west end, one from the tower into 
the cloister, and one from the choir into the sacristy. 
The convent has outer doors to the west and north, and the 
upper floor was reached by three staircases in different 
parts of the building. 

The nave is 52 feet by 24 feet, interior dimensions. It 
is entered hy a west doorway, with an equilateral ai'ch, 
exterior dri^:), and mouldings of great delicacy. Above is 
a rather small window of two lights, ogee headed, with a 
flat top and drip, with plain returns. Above is a sort of 
hollow projection, or concave table, l^y means of Avhicli the 
parapet is brought forward about two feet, to give room 
for a rampart walk in front of the gable, as in Scottish 
peel towers. The north wall is blank, save that in its 
upper part is a sort of hagiosco^^e opening from the library. 
In the east end a lofty lancet arch, 7 feet wide, opens into 
the tower, and through the tower into the clioir. Above 
the arch is a square chamfei'ed loop, and above that a rude 
square aperture. Both were within the roof, the jiitch of 
which is marked by a stone weather-moulding, above 
Avliich is a small window with one light, trefoiled, beneath 
a square drip, marking the second floor of the tower. 
Above the north wall of the nave, in a projection from 
the tower, is a small square headed door, opening upon 
the gutter, here a rampart walk. In the east wall are 
three corbels, probably for images. 

The south wall is pierced by a large pointed arch of 13 
feet span, which opens into the transept. The wall piers 
are plain, with slightly chamfered angles. The arch is 
more boldly chamfered, and has besides a central rib or 
member, which springs from two polygonal corbels. East 
of the arch is a small, plain, full-centred doorway, of four 
feet opening, the use of which is not clear. East again 
of this is a very long, narrow, lancet loop, boldly sj^layed, 
Avhich opens between the transept wall and the tower. 

The transept is spacious, 3G feet by 28 feet ; its west 
Avail is blank. In its east end is a window of three equal 
lights, each tall, narroAN, and round headed ; and above, 

MucKROss Abbey. 





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Scale of Feet. 


MUCKr.ORS. 153 

the miillions are interlaced, so as to foim six lights in the 
head. The lights are quite plain, without cusps. In the 
south wall are two tall pointed windows of two lights 
each, ogee headed. Between these are two full centred 
niches, of 2 feet 4 inches opening and 1 foot 4 inches 
deep, rather liigh for seats, and too low for images ; and 
in the wall between there is a deep chase or recess 3 inches 
broad and 2 feet G inches deep, as though to allow a 
screen to be pushed back. 

The tower is placed over the junction of the choir and 
nave, which is carried through it. It is 32 feet wide by 
1 G feet deep, or east and west, and its lofty base is pierced 
east and west by an arch 7 feet wide, and north and south 
by another of 6 feet 1 inches, each l)eing divided into 
two parts by its intersection by the other. The nave and 
'choir arches are lancet, and strengthened by a chamfered 
rib, springing from plain corbels. The north and south 
arches are in fact plain pointed barrel vaidts. At the 
south end this vault is lighted l^y a tall, narrow- loop, 
having a curious crenellated head, very peculiar. At tlie 
north end a door leads into the cloister, Tlie central 
opening of the tower, a space 7 feet Ijy G feet 10 inches 
at the intersection of the arches, is vaulted and ribljed. 
There is a central boss with two ridge ribs, whicli are 
abutted upon by twenty springers, five from a corbel at 
each angle. The vault is pierced for a bell-rope. Above 
the vault are two floors, and above the level of the second 
a string com\se and parapet. This, however, has been 
repau'ed and partially pidled down, so that it is luicertain 
^v'hether there may not have been a third floor. 

The choir, 42 feet by 24 feet, is entered at the west 
end through the tower. In its east end is a large window 
of five narrow lancet liglits, and in the head ten lights, 
the whole very plain and meagre, without mouldings or 
cusps, but a very common Irish window of the 15th 
century. In the north, an equilaterally arched doorway 
opens into the sacristy, and east of this are two full 
centred recesses, G feet broad hj 2 feet deep, containing 
altar tombs. One has been adapted to a modern intruder. 
It is probable that these tombs are those of the founder 
and his son, this being the usual place of sepulture of 
such. High up near the west end a small door opened 


upon a sliort wooden balcony, entered from the dormitory 
and over tlie sacristy door is another small opening, for 
the convenience of the sick, who conld thus take part in 
the service. The south wall is pierced by three windows, 
two of two lights, and one, more westward, of three. All 
are lancet of equal height, quite plain, and placed in splayed 
and low pointed recesses, slightly foiu* centred. Below the 
window cills, next the east wall, is first a double piscina, 
with a central and two Hanking octagonal shafts and ogee 
arches; next is a single recess, with a trefoil liead and 
flanking octagonal shafts, proliably a sedile. West of 
this is a sepulchral recess 4 feet broad by 2 feet deep, 
full centred, an insertion. The choir roof, like those of 
nave and transept, was of timber, with a high pitch. 

The sacrist 1/ is a small chamber, 23 feet by 10 feet, 
attached to the choir. It has a small two-light window 
to the east, and to the west a door, leading by a dark 
passage, 17 feet long and vaulted, to the cloisters. From 
this passage a well stair ascends to the dormitory. 

The cloister is contained within four walls, and com- 
posed of four alleys, 7 feet broad and 44 feet and 4G feet 
long. In the north and east alleys are five arches, in the 
south and west, six arches, all opening into the cloister 
court, which is about 28 feet square. Tlie western alley 
has an acute barrel vault, quite plain. The south and 
east alleys also have pointed vaults, l)ut groined, as has 
the north alley, though Init slightly pointed. There are 
no ribs, and the vaulting shows fragments of reeds im- 
bedded in the mortar with which the centring was thickly 
spread. The arch piers are double octagons, connected by 
a sunk panel, and each stands upon a low parapet, and is 
supported from the court by a buttress 10 inches wide 
and of 22 inclies projection at the base. Each buttress 
has parallel sides, but tapers on tlie front, and finally dies 
into a string course above the top of the arches. The 
arches of the north and east alleys are slightly pointed ; 
those of the south and west full centred. 

The cloister lavatory is a mere triangular bin formed by 
a wall six feet long, which cuts off* the south-west angle 
of the cloister. It is said to have been only a support for 
an image, but for this it is unnecessarily large, nor need 
it have been hollow. Probably above the Ijasin was an 

MUC'KTIOS^^; 155 

image. From the conrt are seen the walls and windows 
of an upper floor resting on the arcades, and it thence 
appears that the range on the north and east are of one 
date and slightly pointed, and those of the south and 
W'est full-centred. Along the top of each arcade runs a 
projecting sti-iug, which carries the upjier wall, and into 
which the buttresses die, so that each arch is enclosed in 
a sort of panel. The string along the south and west 
sides is about six inches lower than that on the other two, 
showing a diflerence in date, though not a considerable 
one, answering probably to the founder and his son. 
The yew tree already mentioned stands in the centre of 
the court, and is remarkable for its clean unbroken stem, 
rising about twenty feet before its branches are given off. 

In the cloisters are seven doorways ; one from the tower 
of the church at the east end of the south wall, and two 
in the east ^Mill, one from the sacristy, and one from the 
eastern vault. In the north wall one doorway leads into 
the northern \'ault, which is also lighted by a narrow 
loop placed horizontally. In the west wall is a pointed 
doorway, opening by a passage Tipon the west front, and 
there are doorways in the passage, right and left, the 
former through a vaulted lobby to a stair leading to the 
kitchen, and to a door in the north front ; the latter into 
a room under the library, which appears to have been 
vaulted, or to have been intended to have been vaulted, 
and which has three loops into the cloister and two upon 
the west front. A second doorway in the west wall of 
the cloister opens into a straight stair leading 1)y eighteen 
steps to the library. The two great vaults were probably 
cellars and store rooms. One of them, 45 feet by 9 i'eet, 
is lighted by four loops to the northward, the other, 
4G feet by 11, has a fire place, a sort of squint or 
oblique loop, and three loops to the eastward. In the 
east wall is a loop, and by its side a small mural gardrobe. 
The loop has probably been blocked, for it now opens into 
a sort of cess -pit which has been added. 

The upper floor is necessarily of the same general plan 
with the gound floor, resting upon it, and the room 
having the additional breadth aftbrded by the cloister. 
Over the sacristy is what appears to have heeu the 
infrrmarij. It has a small door which opened ujion the 



choir, and in the wall is a fire place and a small window 
In the east end is a window of two lights, and in the west 
end a door leading into the dormitory. The fl.oor was of 

The dormitory, 57 feet by 20 feet, stands over the 
eastern vault. It has four loops and an oblique loop 
in the east wall and four others opening upon the 
cloister court. Doors in this wall lead into the refectory, 
and what is called the lavatory. In the south end a door 
opened upon the balcony in the choir. Above, to be 
reached by a ladder, is a small door opening into the belfry. 
In the north end is a narrow tall pointed window, and a 
mural passage opening into a gardrobe. In the passage is a 
window of two lights. The gardrobe is an addition, and 
is a room, nine feet by eleven feet, with walls only two 
feet thick, and a loop to the north. The floor was of wood 
and the basement seems to have been a cess pit. In it is 
a large drain to the east, and above the ground level. 
In the centre of the dormitory, near its south end, is the 
entra^nce of tlie staircase from below, which seems to 
have had a sort of hood, like the companion, or head 
of the cabin stair in a ship. Between this hood and the 
wall a narrow passage, walled off, led into the lavatory. 
The dormitory walls are thick, and the roof sprung from 
corbels along its inner face. The object of this was to 
admit of a broad gutter, for a rampart walk, between the 
roof and the parapet, and in the tower are two small 
doors which opened upon this walk, and upon that of the 
nave. This was, of course, for defence. The dormitory 
must have been very cheerless and cold, receiving but 
little light, and having an east aspect. It has no fire place. 

The lavatory, entered from the dormitory near its 
south end, is a narrow room 25 feet by 8 feet, placed 
over the south cloister. It has two small windows 
to the north looking into the cloister court, and had a 
lean-to roof against the nave wall. In its west end is 
imbedded a large stone trough which conveyed the water 
from the church roof to a spout in the inner court. 
Possibly this was intercepted for the use of the lavatory. 

The refectory stands upon the northern cloister and 
its adjacent vault. It was a cheerful room, 31 feet 
by 20 feet, with two windows of two lights to the 



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D.R.cfcctor\- . 
F.DoT^mitoTy . 





court, and two, one of one light only, to the north or 
exterior face. Between these latter, and in the north 
wall, is a recess of 5 feet 5 inches opening and 
1 foot 6 inches in depth, containing an arcade of two 
pointed arches, divided and flanked by three octagonal 
shafts with bell caps. The recess is six feet high and its 
cill four feet from the ground. This seems to have been 
intended as a station for a reader, whose position must 
have been equally inconvenient whether he sat or stood. 
From this room an east dooi' opened into the dormitory. 
In the west end is a large tire place 7 feet long and 
3 feet deep, with a flat top and a broad mantel piece. 
On each side of it is a door opening into the kitchen. 

The kitchen is 18 feet by 22 feet, resting on the 
vaulted passage and staircase below. Its north and 
south walls are blank. In its east end are two clumsy 
walls of 7 feet projection, 2 feet thick, and 8 feet 
apart, which contained the fire place. This has been 
reduced in breadth to 4 feet 6 inches, by thickening 
the walls. The west wall is G feet thick, and contains a 
loop and a two light window, and in the block between 
them ascends a mural staircase of twenty-one steps from 
the ground floor. This stair opens into the recess which 
contains the two-light window, and in the opposite side of 
the same recess is a door which opens upon the head of 
the cloister staircase, and, with a western loop, leads on 
to the pulpit door and to the door of the library. The 
pulpit doorway is flat -topped and only 1 foot 9 inches 
wide. It opens in the west wall, at the first floor level, 
and led into a small wooden balcony, the holes for the 
beams of which remain. This was evidently to enable the 
Abbot (whose personal dimensions must have been 
moderate), to bestow his benediction ujDon the people, 
assembled in the churchyard below, or possil^ly for 
occasional preaching. 

The library, 31 feet by 23, must have been a pleasant 
room though, like the rest, rather badly lighted. It was 
directly accessible from the cloisters. It had three single- 
light window^s to the west and two to the cloister court, 
and near the south- east corner a fire place. In the south 
wall a hagioscope looked into the nave. This completed 


the suite of the conventual accommodation, Avhich, it will 
be seen, was of a very simple description. 

The Abbot seems to liave lived with his monks, at 
least there is no trace of any private sitting or sleep- 
ing room. The revenues of the monastery were very 
small, and the brethren certainly had no inducement 
to indulge in idleness or luxury. It is to be hoped 
that when the Dissolution came it found them faith- 
ful servants, free from the laxity which certainly 
prevailed at that period in too many of the English 
establishments. Muckross has many points in common 
with other Irish Franciscan Abbeys. The single south 
transept is found also at Adare, Buttevant, Dromahaire, 
Kilconnell, Kilcrea, Hoserick, and Sligo. Irregularities 
in the cloister arches are found at Adare, Askeaton, and 
Quin, and in the centre of the cloister court of the two 
latter is a ye^v tree, making it probable that these trees 
Avere planted before the Dissolution. At Adare every 
fourth cloister pier is buttressed ; but the buttresses are 
not taper as here, but have setts oft', and are stopped at 
the spring of the arch. The central tower is also a common 
feature, and the door from it into the cloisters. 

The building throughout is of mountain limestone, cut 
as ashlar for the windows and a few of the doorcases, most 
of the latter being mere rude apertures. The walls are 
of rul^ble, only occasionally coursed. The west door of the 
church is the only one with any pretensions to ornament. 
It has rather a deep splay, occupied by two bands of ogee 
moulding, separated by a square nook. The doors from 
the choir into the sacristy, and those from the cloister to 
the west and north fronts are also arched and shghtly 
moulded. Others, also pointed, have plain, chamfered 
edges. The windows generally are either square-topped 
loops, or long, slender lights of 8 to 11 inches broad, 
lancet or ogee headed, and, if more than one, of ecj^ual 
height. Probably the small apertures suited the wet 
climate. The whole building seems very nearly of one 
date, but few years intervening between the commence- 
ment and coin])letion of the cloisters. In England, the 
style, so far as it is tliei'c foinid, would be called the very 
Late Decorated, but the larger window of the transept and 
choir, and the full-centred recesses would be later. The 


absence of cusps and quatretbils in the heads gives to the 
two large windows a poverty-stricken aspect. The l^iit- 
tresses applied to the cloister and piers are luiiisnal, at 
any rate, in the taper form. Upon the inner face of the 
north wall of the choir two plates of limestone are thus 
inscribed in relief : — 






It may l)e tliat brother Thady i-epaired the roofs and 
church httings. There is no trace of any decay in or 
reparation of the actual walls. 

This is an excellent example of a small and compact 
Franciscan Abbey, fairly perfect, and in its position and 
siuToundings very favoin-able to the practice of virtue, if 
only " fugitive and cloistered." The silence of the woods, 
the deep shade of the mountains, and the lone bosom of 
the lake exjDanded to the sky, are all favourable to a life 
of contemplation, though there is ample evidence that the 
inhabitants of such places, in Ireland, gave up a portion 
of their time to the pursuits of the arts of jewellery and 
of illumination, as well as to the more strictly religious 
duties of their profession. 

Muckross is fortunate in its owner. Mr. Herbert does 
all that, and no more than, is necessary to keep the ruins 
in their present condition. The only drawback to their 
appearance is the utter want of taste and e\'en of decency 
in the graves and monuments by which the area of the 
church is crowded, a nuisance Avhicli is supported by the 
continued practice of the country, and which probably 
nothing but a general consent could remedy. The area 
should be cleared, the remains deposited, with all due 
•reverence, beneath the surface, the gravestones laid flat 
above tliem, and no more burials allowed, save in the 
exterior churchyard, and there only under restrictions of 
position and dimensions in the monuments. 



This is an island near the centre of Lough Lean, and 
distant about a third of a mile from the point of the 
peninsula named from Ross Castle. It is in area about 
twenty acres, thickly wooded with ash, oak, beech, lime, 
and holly, mostly of large size, and the surface is ex- 
ceedingly irregular, and the shore composed of bays and 
low cliffs, the latter thickly draped with ivy. This broken 
surface or outline, which acids much to the beauty of 
the spot, is produced by the disposition of the mountain 
limestone of which the island is Cr)mposed, and which is 
here interstratified with a number of thin shaly beds, the 
whole arranged vertically. 

Upon the island are two buildings ; one, a chapel upon 
a small promontory at the north-east corner, about 30 feet 
above the Avater; the other a group of walls, a short 
distance inland. They are the remains of Inisfallen Abbey, 
a religious house of great renown in its day. 

The chapel stands east and west, and is rectangular, 
19 feet by 11 feet inside, with walls 3 feet thick. The 
gables remain, and appear to have supported a timber 
roof. In the east wall is a narrow but rather tall loop- 
like window, splayed internally, and with a round head 
cut out of a sinofle stone. The recess is also round- 
headed, and the vaulting is supported by a plain cham- 
fered rib. Near the centre of the north wall is a breach, 
where, probably, was a small window. The south wall is 
much broken down, bat in it also is somethmg like a trace 
of a window. 

The doorway is in the western wall, and though its 
ornaments are weatherworn, it is in substance quite per- 
fect. The opening is 2 feet 9 inches broad, with a very 
slight but perceptible taper of the jambs. The arch is 
full- centred. By way of exterior moulding are two nooks, 
the outer of which is occupied l)y an engaged shaft, cylin- 
drical, with bases and capitals carved in a light and now 
all but effaced pattern. The ring stones are worked in a 
chevron pattern, never deeply cut, and now scarcely visible. 
The head is included in a bold member, of a character 
rarely, if ever, found in English Norman, and not easily 


described. The stones are cut in ridge and furrow, radia- 
ting from the centre, and returned inwardly below, so 
that the pattern is continued in the soffite. It is bold, 
simple, and eftective, and at a little distance resembles the 
chevron moulding, of which it is, in fact, a variety. Above 
is a bold drip or head-moulding, the under or chamfered 
face of which is set with what appear to be small 
leopards' heads, full faced, or, as the heralds describe it, 
" cabossed." It may be that the heads alternate, tln-ee 
and three, with heads of a different animal, 

A fireplace has been inserted in quite modern times in 
the north-east corner of the building, the flue of which is 
worked into the wall. It is an insertion of the last 
century or later. 

The chapel appears to be all of one date, and that, pro- 
bably, towards the middle of the 12th century. The 
masonry is imperfectly coursed rubble, rude but substan- 
tial ; the door and window of excellent ashlar. The peca- 
liar Irish features of the l)uildingare its small dimensions, 
the taper of the doorway, and the variety of the chevron 
moulding round the head. Possibly some of the Irish 
readers of these pages, conversant with the ecclesiastical 
antiquities of their country, can give the saint to whom 
this chapel is dedicated, and some particulars of its 
history, which, from its proximity to so celebrated an 
abbey, is probably on record. 


The island of Inisfallen has for many centuries main- 
tained a great reputation for sanctity, and seems from an 
early period to have been in request as a place of burial. 
Hence there is nothing improbable in the general belief 
that its abbey was founded in the seventh century, or in 
the statement that the name of one of its abbots occurs as 
early as a.d. G40. The Irish annals also make mention 
of " Maelsuthian Ua Cearbhaill, one of the family of 
Inis-Faithleann, chief Doctor of tlie Western World in 
his time, and Lord of JEoghanacht of Loch Lein [the later 
Barony of Magunichy], who died in 1008, after a good 
life," and record that "in 1144 died Flannagan of Innis- 
Faithleann, a distinguished ' Anmchara,'" or counsellor. 
The founder of the monastery is generally considered to 


have been St. Finaii Loblior, founder also of Arcl-Finan 
in Tipperary, a saint wlio died late in the 6th century, 
and whose day in tlie Irish Calendar was the 16th of 

But Inisfallen is known to fame not so much for the 
Saints or Chieftains, with whom it has been connected, as 
for the celebrated annals, ecclesiastical and historic, com- 
posed within its walls, and which are regarded by Irish 
critics as dating from the 11th century, and second in 
antiquity only to the history of Tighernach. They \vA\e 
been attributed to Maelsuthian, whose connection with 
the monastery has already been mentioned, and who was 
j^robably one of many persons who at various periods took 
a share in their compilation. 

Of an establishment so famous in the West, and which 
has contributed so largely to the early history of the 
c<:)untry, it inight be expected that the remains woidd be 
consideralile, or at any rate that their fiagments would 
heiiv Avitness to the taste and magnificence of the com- 
munity. This, however, is by no means the case ; the 
ruins are very restricted in area, were evidently iiever 
more extensive, and are of the rudest description, both in 
material and workmanship. Not therefore the less, but 
much the more, is honour due to a poverty which has 
erected a monument far more important and more durable 
than any material structure. 

The abbey was composed of a church, conventual 
buildino\s a,ttaclied to it, the abbot's house, and a kitchen. 
The church is rectangular, witli no present distmction 
l:ietween nave and choir, and no trace of a tower. Tlie 
door at the west end is at present a mere breach. In the 
fragments of tlie choir wall may l)e seen the southern 
jam!) of the recess of the great eastern window, and 
contiguous to it that of a south window. Both seem in 
the Pei-pendicular style, and contain the only trace of 
aslilar to be found in the buildings. The walls are mostly 
ruinous, but tlie gal^les remain and shew the roof to have 
been of timber. The area of the church was nearly that 
of Muckross without the transept. 

The cloister was on the north side of the nave, and may 
be traced by its containing Awalls. Its arches and inner 
Nvalls ai'e gone. A roofless building on the east side of 


the cloister was probably the dormitory, and another to 
the north the refectory. From the dormitory was an 
aperture to the choir, now closed. There does not appear 
to have been an upper floor. 

A building, detached a few yards from the church, 
westward, seems to have been the abbot's house. It 
resembles a long cottage, and is divided into three com- 
partments, of which the eastern was evidently a chapel, 
and the western a kitchen. The central was ])rol)al;)ly 
the sitting and bed room. 

A few yards north of the abbey refectory is another, 
and smaller, detached building, which contains a large 
fireplace and an oven, and was evidently tlie ])ul)Hc 

The whole structure is as simple and rude as possible. 
Such doorways as remain are mere square headed aper- 
tures with rough unhewn lintels. There is no vaulting, 
no arch, no quoins or dressings of ashlar, save in the 
two frao-ments of windows in the choir. Still tlie rude 
ness has no mark of antiquity, and nothing now remaining 
points to an earlier period than the fifteenth or even 
the sixteenth century. The stones are mere plates of 
shistose limestone, showing no mark of the tool, and 
probably broken by the hammer. Mortar is very freely 
used. The charm of Inisfallen is certainly not in the 
remains of the abbey, which are overgrown with weeds 
and nettles, rude, untidy, and quite devoid of beauty. 
The charm is in the history of the past, and in the natural 
loveliness of the place, which within its narrow and water- 
girdled area includes a considerable variety of scenery, 
rising at one point, which seems to have been the abljey 
cemetery, to near ninety feet. The great attraction to 
Inisfallen is, and ever should be, the monastery for which, 
for centuries, it was famous, but, once upon the island, 
the ruins of that monastery would be the last object to 
engage the attention of an ordinary visitor. 



By the REV. W. J. LOFTIE. 

I HAVE attempted in the following notes to sum up the 
present state of our information with regard to the history 
and remains of our city as it was before the coming of the 
English and Saxons. The task is not an easy one; too 
much, rather than t(3o little has been written about the 
early histoiy of London: and the accumulation of litei'a- 
iture resembles that of the made earth above the old level. 
Full fathom five is it buried, and modern London, stand- 
ing on tlie accumulated ruins of a succession of cities, can 
but peer down into the darkness of twenty centuries, and 
dindy discern a few ]3road facts, while all else is obscured 
by mystery, fable, and ingenious but embarrassing conjec- 
ture. Just as the city of the present day must be cleared 
away, so to speak, before we can find the older city, so 
the early history must be sought by sweeping at once out 
of sight all, or almost all, that we find in the media3val 
and even in the recent works of hishorians, and an attempt 
be made to reconstruct for ourselves a new view of the 
subject, founded upon the few real facts which we can 
find. Lud and Belin, Troy-Novant, and Llyn Dinas must 
disappear, with St. Helena and her wall, Lucius and his 
church, and the Temple of Diana on the site of St. Paul's. 
We must cast aside tradition and everything built upon 
it. We must use theories and conjectures with the 
utmost caution, if at all, and go to work untrammelled 
and very much as if we have never heard of the place 
before. A very few documentary facts are beyond dis- 


pute, and as we proceed it will be easy to luring them in 
wliere they come. 

Upon looking at a map^ we observe that a great many 
of the early roads pass through a point on the northern or 
left bank of the Thames. We observe further that some 
of these roads, contrary to the usual practice, do not come 
straight to the point, but seem to go out of their way to 
reach it. It strikes us at once that there must be a 
reason for this deflection, and a moment's observation of 
the geographical features of the district gives us the 

The narrowest place on the Thames for many miles 
above and below is at a little wharf adjoining Thames 
Street, and just opposite St. Olave's church, on the other 
bank. If the roads had to cross the Thames, it is but 
natural to suppose they would cross it there, and that a 
great city would be likely to grow at the crossing. But 
such a supposition would not be strictly coiTect, because, 
as we have seen, the roads went out of their way to get 
to this crossing. 

Let us take the most remarkable example. The Wat- 
ling Street is still traversed daily by thousands of people 
who have not the slightest idea that what they call 
Edgware Road was a highway at so remote a period that 
it may have been old in the days of Julius Caesar. Now 
if, as we walk down Edgware Road towards the site of 
Tyburn Turnpike and the Marble Arch, we cast our eyes 
forward, we observe that the line of the houses in Park 
Lane runs on, so to speak, with that of the houses in 
Edgware Road. And if we follow the hne thus given we 
find it reaches the Thames at a point in Westminster close 
to the Houses of Parliament, and nearly opposite St. 
Thomas's Hospital. There is an ancient road from that 
point, which traverses Surrey, and which possibly con- 
nected itself with the southern branch of the Watling 
Street from Dover to Canterbury. The point where that 
old road left the bank of the river is still called the Stan, 
or Stane, gate, as the road beyond Avas once called the 
Stane Street. But we are going too far afield, for it is 
worth remarking that all traces of the Watling Street 

^ There is such a map in the fourteenth volume of the A)c/i(Colof/kalJoHnial,m!iile 
bj' Dr. Guest, to illustrate a learned paper ou the old roads. 


cease at the Marble Arch, and that instead we have a 
road which we name Oxford Street, running due east, 
called in the oldest document in which it is mentioned the 
" military way. " It runs eastward until it comes to a 
stream called the Fleet, there it ascends a hill, winding a 
little on the slope, for the convenience of traffic, and then, 
turning a little to the south, it reaches the Thames at the 
place of which I have spoken, namely, Botolj^h's Wharf, 
opposite St. Olave's Church. If we look at a map of 
modern London, we see the only part of the old Watling 
Street which retains its original appellation, and observe 
that it runs along part of a line drawn from the crossing 
of the Fleet below Newgate to the narrow part of the 
Thames at Botolph's Wharf, and that on the opposite 
shore a lane still bears the name of Stony Street. Keeping 
these things, which are not conjectures, but facts, in 
our minds, we must conclude that the Watling Street 
and the Stone Street met across the river at the place 
of which I have spoken, that they formerly met at West- 
minster, but that, at some very remote period, a reason 
came into existence which made it convenient to cross 
the Thames at Botolph's Wharf rather than at West- 
minster. This reason must have been the building of a 
bridge. It has often been pointed out that, instead of 
being narrow opposite London, the Thames was once a 
lagoon or tidal lake, stretching from the base of the line 
of hills on which the city now stands to Nunhead. In 
process of time this lagoon was drained and embanked, 
the shallowest places were selected for driving piles, 
causeways were made from islet to islet, until the lagoon 
became an archipelago, and the archipelago firm ground. 
Then it was that the roads were diverted, the bridge 
built, and a Roman city founded on the south as well as 
on the noi'th side of the Thames. When was this ? 

We are going a little too fast. It must be evident, if 
only from the course of the Watling Street, that in its 
earliest infancy London was not a place of much consider- 
ation. From a mere fishing village by the side of the 
Walbrook it may have grown by commerce — maritime 
commerce only — into a populous little town. It can have 
had no comnuuiication, except by sliij-), with the opposite 
side of the ThameSj and must have been quite apart from 


the course of either the northern or the southeni end of 
the Wathng Street. 

Just here we come upon our first piece of historical 
evidence. We learn from Tacitus"' that in a.d. GI it was 
full of merchants and their wares, but was undefended by 
ramparts, and a place, except for its comparatively large 
population, of little military importance. It is evident 
that this could not have been said of a place which was 
the terminus of several roads, and at which the Thames 
could be easily crossed. 

We are driven thus to the conclusion that there was a 
British town, as indeed its British name, still retained, 
proves, at some place not far from the modern site of 
London, and we learn concerning it that, though it was 
full of merchants and a great mart, it was not a colony, 
and was not M^orth the risk of defending it against 
Boadicea. When I call it a British town, I do so because 
of its name, and because, although it may have been 
largely occupied by Roman merchants, it had not grown 
up exclusively under Roman care. 

As to its size at this time, it is as well to acknowledge 
that we know nothing, except that it must have been very 
small. Tacitus speaks of the massacre of seventy 
thousand people by Boadicea in the three towns of Camu- 
lodunum, Verulam, and London ; and it has often been 
assumed that this expression points to a pojxilation of 
about 30,000. But it is imj^ossible to draw any such con- 
clusion from the text, and it is only certain that London 
was the least impoitant of the three towns. 

From the time of Tacitus history gives us no information 
about London for more than two centuries, and we are left 
to conjecture, from diggings and other investigations of 
the kind, what became of it. That such a place existed, 
in fact, is only proved by the remains which have been 
found. They are of various kinds, and for the most part 
give us few chronological data, for the discoveries have 
seldom been made by people who were not either ignorant 
of the subject or else biased l)y some preconceived theory 
of their own. If I purposely omit references to authorities 
it is because they are too many rather than too few, and 

' Aniial, lib. xiv. c. 33. 


almost every line I write has been, at one time or another, 
the subject of fierce controversy. 

All that appears certain, tlien, is tliat London very soon 
recovered from the ravages of the Iceni, and l^ecame a 
place of greater wealth than ever before. It is evident 
that a strong fortification surrounded it, and that it pos- 
sessed extensive suburbs — that, in fact, it consisted of a 
fort, a harbour outside the fort, and the villas of the rich 

It was still a very little place, and the best way of real- 
ising its features will be to walk round its site, which may 
be done within an hour at most. Let the perambulator 
take it for granted that London Stone marks the site of a 
gate in the western rampart ; for though it has been re- 
moved from the middle of the roadway, it is still not very 
far from its original place. Let him then, with such a 
place as Kichbc^rough in his mind's eye, ascend from the 
valley of the Walbrook to the level of the ground above. 
Turning his face towards the Thames, he finds himself in 
an oblong walled space, extending along the brow of a 
line of blufl[s from what is now Dowgate Hill on the west, 
to the place where Little Tower Street and Great Tower 
Street meet with a bend on the east. A great semi-cir- 
cular bastion is at the south-western corner, extending 
from Scot's Yard beside the Cannon Street terminus, to 
Laurence Pountney Lane. Here the level ground seems 
to approach nearer the river, and the lanes leading down 
to Thames Street to be shorter and steeper. To the east 
there would be a strong wall, to the north another, de- 
fended by a wide and deep ditch full of water. Traces 
of this ditch remained for a thousand years or more in the 
neighbourhood of Lombard Street, and they were often 
looked upon as forming the bed of a stream which ran into 
the Walbrook. Streams do not flow up-hill, and though 
the English called this ditch a " bourne," and the ward 
which it traversed Langbourne, we can have little doubt 
in thus identifying it. The long bourne or ditch ran from 
the eastern end of the city to the declivity of Walbrook, 
all along the northern fi'ont, cutting it ofl* from Fenchurch 
Street and Lombai'd Street, and turning south just behind 
the Mansion House, where Wren's beautiful little church 
of St. Stephen stands iioav. On the west side the ram- 


part overlooked the valley of the Walbrook and the har- 
bour at Dowgate. The whole oblong space was traversed 
by tw^o great streets and a number of smaller ones. The 
mam street ran along the line of Cannon Street ; there was 
probably a market place in the centre, where Great East- 
cheap was formerly, nearly on the site of King William's 
statue, and it was crossed at right angles at the eastern 
end of the market-place by the line of the present Grace- 
church Street, which led up from the river, where tliere 
may have been a ferry — possibly even a bridge — but it is 
absolutely uncertain when the bridge was made. 

As the town grew, the origmal fortified position became 
relatively smaller ; the whole surrounding district was 
covered with villas, pavements were laid down, and hypo- 
causts made as far out as Camomile Street on the north 
and Paternoster Row on the west. All kinds of remains 
have been dug up within the boundaries of the fortifica- 
tions — all kinds except one. No interments were made 
Avitliin that space ; no urns containing ashes, no coffins or 
bones are to be found, for the obvious reason that under 
Roman rule it was unlawful to bury within the walls of 
a city. The moment we get outside those walls we find 
sepulclu-al remains. They occur at St. Dunstan's Church 
on the east, they are frequent in Lombard Street, and the 
w^estern bank of the Walbrook had several. In some 
places these graves have been covered with a mosaic pave- 
ment, or a roadway has been made across them ; and 
when the j^resent cii^cuit of the city walls took in a space 
so much greater than that surrounded by the previous 
wall, numerous cemeteries were included. It is evident 
that the Roman or British inhabitants kept the law only 
in the letter and broke it in the spirit. It was proVjaljly 
just as hard to enforce sanitary regulations in the third 
century as it is in the nineteenth. The great size of 
the suburbs, their irregidarity, the heterogeneous popula- 
tion gathered in them, must have been difiicult elements 
to regulate. The Roman citadel frowned from the eastern 
hill, but diggings make it likely that oj^posite to it, on the 
western side of the Walbrook, were the huts of the abori- 
ginal natives, who probably formed a troublesome class, 
excitable and fierce, and long in coming to that joitch of 
civilization of which the Roman boasted. 


There are many traditions as to public buildings in this 
earlier Roman London, but we may safely set them all 
aside. We do not know where any great temple stood, 
and we may conclude from the absence of an amphitheatre 
coupled with other reasons, that the military element in 
the population was not great, and probably kept itself very 
much apart and within its fortifications. A great bath was 
near the river -side, and may have been a public institution, 
but no forum, no basilica, has been identified. Where the 
main street and that which led from the bridge, if there 
was a bridge, intersected each other, there may, as we have 
seen, have been a market-place. It has been observed that 
the Churches now or lately standing within this area bear 
the names of saints of the British and Roman Churches. 
But these names are common all over the later and larger 
London, and it would not be safe to conclude that they in- 
dicate the presence of a Christian community. That there 
were a few fine buildings is, liowever, proved. In the 
remains of the later Roman wall sculptured fragments are 
often found, indicating not only the existence, but the early 
destruction of the buildings for which they were originally 
executed. One reason for the disappearance of almost all 
vestiges of this kind must be sought in the universal use 
of wood for houses, and another in the probable use of 
brick only for buildings of a more permanent character. 
Whenever we find Roman remains in the city a layer of 
black ashes is above them, and sometimes there are two 
such layei's. Fires frequently raged, and even without 
supposing that London was ever burnt like Canterbury or 
Anderida by the English invader, it is easy to understand 
that wooden houses would gradually disappear ; while in 
a place devoid of building-stone brickwork would be 
constantly pulled down, and the old bricks used again in 
fresh buildings, until by degrees the older bricks would 
disappear, or be pounded up to make the new. 

London up to the third century, then, like London at 
the present day, was essentially a city of suburbs. The 
long security of Roman rule had made it unnecessary to 
live within fortifications, and in this respect London has 
almost always differed from the great cities of the Conti- 
nent. It is needful to bear this flxct in mind if we would 


understand the second historical fiict which we have 
about it. 

Before we go on to notice this fact, it may be worth 
while to attempt, if we can, to realise wdiat London looked 
like at the end of the third century. 

The two hills, of which the western is ]iow crowned by 
St. Paul's, and the eastern by the Exchange, w^ere then 
covered with houses, not so thickly set as now, but low 
villas of one story in height, surrounded by trees and 
gardens ; on the eastern hill was the citadel, and close to 
it, and within its w^alls, the nucleus of the Roman city, 
with its market-place. On the western hill, and down 
the slopes of the Walbrook, were the fishing and ship- 
building part of the population ; a poor quarter, probably 
using the little creek at Dowgate, while the greater mer- 
chants had their cpiays beloAv the bridge and at Bilhngs- 
gate. To the north, Cornhill and Threadneedle Street 
contained the better sort of houses, some being placed by 
the side of the great road which is now Bishopsgate 
Street, though not exactly on the same site, and some 
more irregularly on the two banks of the upper course of 
the Walbrook, which here wound through a deep ravine. 

We may picture the lloman maidens tripping down the 
steps to the water's edge to fill great jars of Kentish 
pottery with their woollen skirts tucked close about them, 
where nowadays bank clerks hurriedly descend from 
Threadneedle Street to Broad Street and never think of 
the reason which makes the steps necessary. We may 
visit the market-place and see, at the point where now 
the Sailor King's granite pedestal forms a refuge fi*om the 
wheels, some foreign slave merchant higgling with the 
driver who has brought a gang of wretched children from 
l)eyond the northern forests. We may perhaps be wit- 
nesses to a dispute l^etween the merchants from Gaul and 
the Frankish mercenaries who were now frequent in the 
Roman service, and the guard may be called out, and the 
ringleaders of the disturbance taken before the centurion 
or the proprEetor, who perhaps sends them on to York for 
trial, and writes with them such a letter as Claudius 
Lysias wrote to Felix. Or we may go on towards the 
liver and get our money ready to pay the toll. The 
bridge is made of great beams, su^^ported on piles, and we 
VOL. xxxiv. z 


must be careful lest our coin slips from our fingers as it 
will fall through the gaping boards into the stream. At 
the Southwark side we shall find fresh fortifications, a few 
houses, and the road to Canterbury banked up at both 
sides and defended by wooden walls against the inunda- 
tions and the marshes. 

Such was probably Roman London during a full half of 
the period of its existence. It is not the picture usually 
drawn : for we are accustomed to talk as if lioman London 
was always the same, and to forget that it underwent 
many changes, and only acquired the walls which still in 
part survive towards the end of the Roman occupation. 
That the bridge crossed the river very early and long 
before the greater circuit of the wall was completed there 
can, I think, be little doubt. When the foundations of 
the old bridge were taken up a complete line of coins, 
ranging from the republican period to Honorius were found 
in the bed of the river. Some of them may have been 
thrown in as a kind of religious ceremony, but many must 
have been dropped much in the way I have indicated 
above, and the completeness of the series found, comprising 
as it does, specimens elsewhere scarce, can only be ac- 
counted for on the supposition that the bridge, preceded 
perhaps by a rope or chain ferry, was very early thrown 
across the Thames. 

And now we find London once more upon the page of 
history. And it is characteristic of the place that the 
mention of a great fog is the means of removing the mist 
which has so long hung over it. It was almost at the 
close of the third century, and Diocletian was emperor, 
and had associated Maximian with him in his government. 
Britain had long been under the power of Carausius who 
called himself " emperor," and trusted in the fleet which 
he had constructed at Boulogne, and with which he con- 
trolled Southampton, where his pier still exists, and other 
Channel ports. But the lieutenant of the emperors, the 
Caesar Constantius, laid siege to the dockyards at Bou- 
logne, and Carausius fled with his ships into Britain. 
There he was murdered by one of his oflicers, AJlectus, 
who with an army formed from various sources, and com- 
prising some Franks, endeavoured to defend his claims to 
the empire. But the general under Constantius, Asclepi- 


odotus by name, eluded the vigilance of the fleet of Allectus 
by going to sea in a fog, landed in the west, and marched 
to meet the usurper. Allectus, thinking Asclepiodotus, 
if he came at all, must come through Kent, was waiting 
near London, and when he heard of the landing had only 
time to assemble some of his troops before Asclepiodotus 
was wpoTL him. He was defeated and killed, and his 
Franks were driven back upon London. Had we any 
idea given us where the battle took ]:)lace, it might help 
us to determine several (Questions as to the condition of 
London at the time. But we are in the dark, and can 
only conjecture as usual. Conjecture, then, leads us to 
suppose that if Allectus watched for the coming of Ascle- 
piodotus through Kent, and if he had London open behind 
him, he must have been somewhere in Surrey, or along 
the line of the Old Kent Road, and must have marched 
westward, perhaps as far as one of the fords, Wallingford, 
or some other. There are remains of " Caesar's Camp " on 
several hills west of London which would point to such 
occupation, and just as Belgium has been called the battle- 
field of Europe, so the country l^etween London and 
Windsor merited at an early period the name of the 
battlefield of Eno'land, 

When the Franks in the pay of Allectus found them- 
selves free on liis death, they made for London ; and some 
historians have been surprised to find that they broke into 
the city easily and plundered the inhabitants. But we 
need not feel any surprise in the matter, if we remember, 
first that Allectus was in fact emperor till his defeat, and 
had London in his power, possibly in his occupation ; and 
that, even if the citadel held out against liim, which is 
very improbable, the whole of the vast suburbs were un- 
defended, and lay open as a prey to the barbarous Franks. 
They amused themselves plundermg and burning in mere 
wantonness, for they could have but little hope of ultimate 
escape from Asclepiodotus and Constantius, though it is 
asserted that they proposed to sail away with their spoils. 
However, the Roman general overtook them in the 
streets of London, — another fact which indicates its de- 
fenceless state, — and slew the most of them ; no wonder 
that we read of the joyful rece^^tion given by the citizens 
to Constantius and his army, for order and strong govern- 


ment must have been necessary to tlie mere existence of 
such a city. But Constantius did not stay. York was a 
place of much greater importance than London, and the 
Picts and Scots had begun to be troublesome. So of 
London we hear little or nothing in history for a second 
long interval. It is not so long as the first, but about 
half a century elapsed before the journey of Lupicinus, 
the lieutenant of Julian, who came over to repel an inva- 
sion of the northern barbarians. He started from Boulogne, 
landed at Bichborough, and marched to London, but what 
he did further we do not know. 

And now, once more, we must return to the diggings 
for our information : and they ofier us one of the greatest 
of all the great puzzles which beset the early history of 
London. What is the age of the outer wall ? Is it true 
that the wall and gates which came down to recent times 
accurately represented those of Bonian London ? 

To both of these questions very positive answers may 
be found in most of the London histories ; but if we say 
that the wall was built by Constantine, we say what may 
or may not be true ; while if we say that the mediaeval 
wall represented, in its situation, the Boman wall, we 
may be still nearer the fact ; but if we go on, thirdly, to 
say that the gates, and the roads through them, were the 
same under the Bomans and under Edward the Fourth, we 
shall be almost certainly mistaken. 

To save time I will refer you for what has been said and 
may be said on these questions, to the papers of Sir 
William Tite, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Wright, Mr. Boach Smith, 
and the late Mr. Black, all of which are in tlie ArclicEologia, 
as well as to some separate tracts by Mr. Smith and Sir 
William, and will myself pass on to give my own conclu- 
sions without making further reference to the grounds on 
which they are founded. 

We may, I think, assume with tolerable certainty that 
the present line of the wall was marked out about the 
time of Constantine and his family ; and about the same 
time the name of the city, which must, after the building 
of the wall, have been one of the greatest in Britain, was 
changed to Augusta. In other words, London became 
for tlie first time an important Boman station, a centre of 
the civil and military organization inaugurated by Con- 


stantine, and possibly, but not certainly, the occasional 
residence of the Vicar of the Emperor. We find a mint 
and money coined in London, and although the name 
Augusta hardly appears in history, and never without a 
reference to the older name, its existence proves at least 
that a great change had suddenly taken place in the esti- 
mation of the city. It is not likely that a new name 
would be given to an old city unless it had in some way 
been renewed ; and if we could get the exact date at 
which the name was conferred, we might be able to assign 
an approximate one to the wall. This we cannot do, but 
by a comparison of two passages in Ammianus, it seems to 
have been somewhere between 350 and 369, that is to say, 
between the reio:ns of Julian II and Valentinian. This 
date answers very well to the coins found in and near 
the wall, which we may safely place, therefore, in the 
second half of the fourth century. In places where the 
foundations of the wall have been disturbed, as at Camo- 
mile Street, remains of a more ancient kind have been 
discovered underneath. Interments and pavements occur 
not only under the wall itself, Ijut in many places Avithin 
its cu'cuit ; and all must be attributed to a period before 
the wall was built and the city boundaries extended. 

It is only by looking at a map that the great increase 
in the size of the city, since the building of the inner wall, 
can be estimated. The modern boundaries are almost 
precisely those which existed in the fourth century ; for it 
is only by courtesy that Fleet Street can be reckoned in 
the city. This remarkable fact can be accounted for on 
one of two suppositions ; either that the wall took in a 
great deal of ground not then covered by buildings ; or 
else, that already the population to be protected was so 
large as to make London one of the greatest cities in 
Britain. But we must remember that the houses were 
probably only one storey in height, and that they may liave 
spread over a large space of ground, especially as many of 
them partook rather of the character of villas than of town 
houses, and that some were no doubt surrounded by gar- 
dens and other grounds. 

The wall commenced at Bilhngsgate, where probably 
there was a dock or water gate, for the ground on which 
the Tower now stands must then, and for long after, have 


been under water. Signs of a wall have been seen along 
the edge of the Thames to the bridge, from the bridge to 
Dowgate at the mouth of the Walbrook, and thence to 
Blackfriars, or rather Ludgate ; which, as its name 
imports, was then and long afterwards, a water gate. No 
Koman remains have ever been found along the line of 
Fleet Street and the Strand. A great fen extended from 
the mouth of the Fleet river to the site of the new Hol- 
born Viaduct, and was not crossed by any Roman road. 
The only road to the west, that which, as I have said, 
was called afterwards the " military way," emerged from 
the city somewhere near Newgate, descended the deep 
(Snow) hill, crossed the river by the Holborn bridge, and 
ascended the ojDposite (Holborn) hill. The road may 
have early assumed that zigzag chai'acter which it long 
retained, but the exact site of the gate cannot now be de- 
termined. Until lately, indeed, its existence was denied; 
but remains, found a year ago, make it certain that some- 
where between what is now Newgate Prison and the site 
of the old Compter in Giltspur Street stood the piincipal, 
perhaps the sole, western gate. Through it the Watling 
Street entered London, and made its way towards the 

From the bridge also another great road took its way 
to the north. Whether the northern gate of London was 
at Bishopsgate, or a little to the south-east, it is impossi- 
ble to say. The extensive remains found on several 
occasions in Camomile Street, make it very possible but 
by no means certain, that when the wall was repaired in 
the middle ages, as it was on more than one occasion, the 
Roman gate was abandoned and Bishopsgate built instead. 
The opening of Aldgate may have been a sufficient reason 
for this alteration. Let us, however, for convenience, 
speak of Bishopsgate as the northern entrance, and we 
shall see that two country roads came up to it, and meet- 
ing there passed on to the bridge through Bishopsgate 
Street and Gracechurch Street, or a little to the eastward 
to suit what was then the position of the bridge. 

One of these two roads, when it left Bishopsgate, took 
its Avay nearly due north to Lincoln and York. The other 
tending eastward, crossed the Lea at Old Ford, which at 
that period was the lowest point at which a ford was safe, 


and went onward towards Colchester. The modern road 
runs ahnost over the same ground, but shortens the way 
by crossing a Httle lower down at Stratford. 

A]\ round about this ancient gate was the great ceme- 
tery of the later Roman London. Graves have been 
found in the Minories, in Mile End Road, and in Spital 
Fields. One or two which have been discovered on Hoi- 
born Hill show that the Romans passed that way, but the 
passage of the Fleet probably made it inconvenient to 
carry their dead so far, and they are comparatively rare. 
But in Hounsditch, Finsbury, Shoreditch, Moorlields, 
Goodmans Fields, Whitechapel, and especially just out- 
side the wall in Eldon Street, Liverpool Street, and 
Bloomfield Street, interments of all kinds have l^een 

This may be the proper place to inquire as to the 
Christian Church in London under the Romans. A great 
deal of legend and invention has been spent on this as on 
other sul)jects connected with the early history of our 
city. But it is important to note that among the hun- 
dreds — I might, perhaps, correctly say, thousands — of 
interments found in and about London, not one bears 
distinct marks of being the burial of a Christian ; and that 
among all the remains of other kinds, only a few bone pins 
Avith cruciform oi-naments and a stamp or seal, found in 
the Thames, can be classed as having Christian emblems 
on them. A British bishop, Resti tutus, said to be from 
the city of London, was at the council of A.rles, in 314. 
But if there were Christians in London, they can hardly 
have been either niunerous or influential. St. Peter's 
upon Cornhill is traditionally said to have been the seat 
of Bishop Restitutus, and the fifteen predecessors and 
successors assigned to him by the mediaeval historians; 
but I am here endeavouring to deal only with what has 
been ascertained to be true, and it is remarkable that of 
the sixteen names alluded to above, not one occurs as the 
titular patron of a church. The existence of a church in 
Roman London, is therefore, a thing to be classed among 
those unproved possibilities, perhaps it would be safe to 
say probabilities, alx)ut which nc^tliing positive can be 

And now we come to the last documentary mention of 


London by the Roman historians. In 368, Theodosins 
was sent into Britain to repel the Picts and Scots, who 
had begun to threaten London, and were phuidering the 
surrounding country. Theodosius landed at Ilichborough, 
and finding the barbarians scattered about, defeated them 
in detail, restored the booty they had taken to its owners, 
and, reaching London, was joyfully received by the citizens 
who opened their gates to him. He rested his troops in 
the city for a short time, and then marched northward to 
complete the destruction of tlie savage invaders. These 
events took place in the reign of Yalentinian. Theodosius 
was father to the empei'or of the same name, who died in 
395 ; and it was in the time of his successor Honorius, that 
the Koman legions, the second, posted at Caerleon, the sixth 
— which with the ninth — was at York, and the twentieth, 
which had its head-quarters at Chester, were withdrawn. 
The feeble emperor wrote a letter to the cities of Britain, 
exhorting them to guard themselves as best they could ; 
and we have no further information. Although it is hkely 
that until the last a very strong force was constantly in 
London, we know little for certain, and cannot even tell 
from which of the legions the troops of the proprietor were 

London is not heard of again in history until after tlie 
arrival of Augustine, if we except a passage in the Englinh 
Chronicle which makes it the refuge of the Britons 
defeated by Hengest at Crayford. 

How the city fared during the great Anglo-Saxon 
invasion, we have little evidence, and that of a negative 
kind. That it enjoyed some years of comparative security 
after the departure of the Komans, we may perhaps con- 
clude ; but the history of its fate has yet to be written. 

Although I have endeavoured to piece together the 
historical and monumental liistory so far, I fear that my 
attempt has been chiefly of a destructive character. If I 
have succeeded at all, it is only in showing that we know 
very little beyond the mere existence of the place. That 
it was ever the capital of Britain, as so many have 
asserted, can only be doubtfully proved for the period 
succeeding the reorganisation of the empire under Con- 
stantino and his successoi's. The remains discovered, 
plenty as they are, tell us very little in comparison with 


what we know of other Roman towns. But we know 
enough to show us that far beneath the feet of the busy 
throng which presses every day the pavements of modern 
London, there exist the traces of an ancient city, buried 
in places to the depth of a dozen yards below the 
present surface ; and if a conjecture may be hazarded, 
it is that, from the days of Tacitus until now, there has 
been no cessation of that concourse of merchants, that 
crowd of foreign peoples, that activity and bustle, which 
have made it during nearly two thousand years a thriving 
commercial city, and rendered it at length, in the words 
of a foreign poet of the seventeenth century, 

" Cunctas celebrata per oras, 
Cor muncli, mundique oculus, munclique theatrum, 
Annulus Euvopes, pra^signis adorea terrre." 

— Wenceslai dementis Trinohantiadei>, lib. 1. 


©n'rjinal Ii0cumcnt5. 


Communicated by Gr. T. CLARK. 

The following charter is one of a large collection of similar docu- 
ments and of private letters relating to the estates and family of the 
Verneys, still preserved at Olaydon House, their ancient seat. The 
charter seems to have come into the possession of the family as one of 
the title deeds of the manor of Pendele or Pendley in the parish of 
Tring, which was the inheritance of Margaret Wiiittingham, who 
married John Verney in the reign of Edward IV, and was by him 
ancestress of Edmond Verney, who sold the manor in the reign of 
Elizabeth. It has been selected for publication on account of the 
strong local interest which attaches to it, for it contains the names of 
very many persons and places, mostly of and in the Hundred of 
Dacorum in Herts, and near to Tring. Had this document been 
known to Chauncy or Clutterbuck it would have enabled those 
industrious writers to give a far more perfect account of the descent of 
landed projDerty in that division of their coimty. 

Earl Eichard, as Lord of the Honour of Berkhampstede, was chief 
lord of a sort of cape of the county of Hertford, about five miles broad 
at the base, and which extends to the north-west about eight miles 
into Buckinghamshire. Berkhampstede Castle stands at the base of 
this district, the parishes of Puttenham and Long Marston at its apex, 
and the town of Tring is included within it. 

Mainly within this area a certain Eafe de Gey ton' had acquired 
divers lands by charters from their owners, and as they were all also 
within the Honour of Berkhampstead he brought tlieir charters, six 
in number, before the over-lord for his confirmation, which, with the 
recitation of each of them, is here given. 

Eichard Plantagenet Earl of Cornwall and Poictou, better known 
to posterity by his later title of King of the Eomans, wan the younger 
son of King John and brother of Henry III. He was born in 1209, 
and only eiglit years old at his brother's accession, by whom nine 
years later lie was created Earl of Cornwall and Poictou. He was for 
a time heir to the throne, and always exercised great influence ia the 
affairs of the kingdom. In the earlier part of the reign he sided with 
the Mareschals, and took up arms in their cause, marrying Isabel, 
daughter of the elder William Earl of Pembroke and widow of the 
Earl of Gloucester. He was a far wiser man than his brother, who 
seems to have consulted him on many occasions, although tliej' were 
often at variance. No doubt his weight was much augmented by his 

1 Probably of Gayton near liliswoith, fine effigies of Philip do Clayton (died 

where a family bearing the local stir- 13 10) and his wife Scholastica, and a 

name was flourishing in the thirteenth diminutive figure of a child, in Gayton 

and fourteenth centuries. There arc Church. 


immense wealth, a part of wliicli he squandered in bribes to the 
German electors. To the Castle and Honour of Berklianipstede, the 
caput of his Hertfordshire possessions, he attached great importance, 
excepting the castle from the estates settled by him in clower on 
Saunchia of Provence. Wallingford, however, whence the charter is 
dated, was his chief seat, where lie lived with great splendour. 

The charter bears date the year before he became King of the 
Eomans. In his latter days Earl Eichard took part with the king, 
and commanded at Lewes, where he was made prisoner. Subse- 
quently, after the surrender. of Kenilworth, his counsels, in conjunc- 
tion with those of Prince Edward, compelled Henry to be merciful, 
and laid the foundation of the good order by which the new reign was 
ushered in. 

The Earl died at Berkhampstede April 2, .1272, a little before his 
brother. Henry, his eldest son, died either before or just after him, 
childless, and Edward, his successor, died also childless in 1 300, when 
the titles became extinct. 

The charter contains thirty-nine lines, and is written upon a skin of 
parchment eighteen and a half inches broad by seventeen and three- 
quarter inches long, polled at the top and folded at the bottom to 
carry the cord of the suspended seal. It is written in a clear hand, 
with good black ink, with the usual abbreviations, which are here, for 
the most part, expanded. It is quite perfect, save that in the twentieth 
line a strip of the membrane, about five inches long and a quarter of 
an inch wide, has been cut out, and is replaced by a slightly larger 
strip, which is neatly sewn in all round. Although this inserted strip 
is blank, the top of the letters of the following line run into it, and it 
is pretty evident that the whole defect is as old as the charter, and 
was caused by the clerk having made some blunder in the writing 
which he coidd not erase, and for the sake of which he did not care to 
begin his work over again. Probably the Earl's chancery clerks found 
their own parchment. 

The seal is imperfect, but what remains is weU cut and clear. It 
has been circular, three and one-eighth inches in diameter, of dark 
i-eddish wax, and about one-third of its most important part remains. 

On the upper side, that which corresponds with the face of the 
charter, is a knight on horseback galloping to the proper left. He 
wears a loose plaited surcoat, girdled at the waist, and with the skirt 
flowing freely backwards, shewing the right leg from the knee in 
armour, apparently mail, with a prick-spur. The right arm, in mail, 
is extended backwards, and holds upright a long straight sword. 
Above the upper edge of the surcoat is seen the throat, closely fitted 
with mail, and on the head a flat-topped helmet. The left arm is 
covered by a heater shield, which conceals the breast and bears a 
rampant lion, with probably a border. The saddle is raised before 
and behind, and the two girths cross saltire fashion under the horse's 
belly. Over the knight's right shoulder is a narrow embossed belt, 
for sword or dagger. The horse is cut with great freedom, and does 
not appear to be in armour. The legend is: " siGiL[LUAr ricardi 
COXITIS corxu]bie." 

Upon the obverse is a large, bold heater shield, about two inches high, 
bearing a lion rampant within a plain border, charged with fourteen 
roundels. Eound and behind the shield is scroll work of an early 


English, character. Tlie legend, in place of the usual cross, commences 
with a crescent " sig[illvm] ricardi comitis[oorx]ubie." 

The seal is foi*med upon two plaited silk cords, either gilt or made 
with gold thread. The upper bend passes through four holes in the 
parchment, the lower ends are unravelled as tassels. A not very 
accurate engraving of Eichard's seal is given by Saudford. 

It is remarkable that Eichard did not bear the arms of England, 
but took those of Poictou, " Argent, a lion rampant gules, crowned or," 
which he placed within '' a border sable, bezantee," derived from the 
old Earls of Cornwall, and thus, as was not unusual, represented both 
his earldoms on his shield. 

The present writer, not being familiar with the district, has failed 
to identify many of the persons and places named in the several 
charters. Almost all belong to the district, but most of the persons 
are tenants of the Earl, not tenants in capite, and consequently do 
not appear in the inquisitions or other records of the realm. Many of 
the places were those of private estates or farms, not of manors or 
parishes, and have been lost, and unfortunately there is no inquisition 
extant giving Earl Eichard's estates at his death, and in which most of 
these local names would have appeared. What have been recovered 
have been found in Chauncy and Clutterbuck, in the Close, Patent, and 
Hundred Eolls, in the Testa de Nevile, and in similar records of the 
reign of Henry III. No doubt a further search on the spot, into 
parish terriers and estate maps, vrould shew many more of these 
names. — 

" 0:mnibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, Eicardus Comes 
Cornubie et Pictavie, salutem, noverit universitas vestra nos iuspexisse 
cartam quam Galfridus de Lucy fecit Eadulfo de Geyton in hec verba. 

" SciANT presentes et futuri c[uod ego Galfridus de Lucy dedi con- 
cessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Eadulfo de Geyton, pro 
homagio et servicio suo, unam virgatam terre et dimidiani; et unam 
acram prati et climidiam, in feodo meo de Wygenton ; scilicet, illam 
terram cj^uam Willielmus Basset, cj[uondam de antecessoribus meis, 
tenuit in Wygenton ; et predictum pratum sicut presci'iptum est in 
LoUeseye ; habend: et tenend: de me et heredibus meis sibi et 
heredibus suis aut suis assignatis, exceptis viris religiosis et Judeis, 
bene et integre, paciiice, cum suis pertinenciis, reddendo inde annuatim 
ipse et heredes sui mihi et heredibus meis sex solidos et octo denarios 
ad quatuor termiuos anni, scilicet ad Festum Beate Marie in m .... o, 
viginti denarios, et ad INativitatem Sancti Baptiste, viginti denarios, 
et ad Festum Sancti Michaelis, viginti denarios, et ad Nativitatem 
Domini, viginti denarios, pro omni seculari servicio, salvo forinseco 
domini regis, quantum pertinet ad tautam terram in eodem manerio, 
pro hac aiitem donatioue coucessione et carte mee confirmacione dedit 
in manibus dictus Eadulfus viginti marcas in Gersinnam. 

" Et quia ego Galfridus de Lucy et heredes mei dictam terram et 
prenominatum pratum dicto Eadulfo et heredibus suis sicut predictum 
est contra omnes nomines warautizare debemus, hanc cartam sigilli 
mei impressione roboravi, hiis testibus, Johanne de Merston, Eoberto 
fratre suo, luliano do Chenduit, Symone de Bisevile, Will'mo de 
Audebur', Will'mo de Wederore, Alexandre de Wygenton, Waltero 
de Beledon, Ead: de Nevile, et aliis. 

" Inspeximus et cartam quam Sylvester de la Grave fecit predicto 
Eadulfo iu hec verba. 


" SciANT presentes et futuri quod ego Sylvest: de la Grave dcdi 
concessi et hac present! carta mea confirmavi Ivadulfo de Geyton pro 
liomagio et servicio suo totain terrain meani quam liabui vol habere 
potui in villa de Piclieleston apud Yseleye cum omnibus suis per- 
tineueiis in aliquo retenemento. Ilabend: et tenend: eidem Radulfo 
et heredibus suis vel euicunque eam dare vel assignare voluerit de me 
et heredibus meis, libere quiete integre et pleuarie, imperpetuum. 
Reddendo inde annuatim pro me et heredibus meis capitalibus dominis 
feodi illius, quatuor solidos et sex denai'ios ad tres terminos anni, 
scilicet ad Festum S'ti Audree octodecim donarios et ad Festum S'ti 
Marie in m. . . . octodecim denarios et ad Festum S'ti Petri ad vincula 
octodecim denarios, pro omni servicio, salvo forenseco servicio, et ego 
Silvest: et heredes mei warantizabimus predicto Radulfo et heredibus 
suis vel ejus assignatis totam predictam terram cum omnibus perti- 
nenciis suis conti'a omnes gentes imperpetuum. Pro hac autem 
donacione et presentis carte mee confirmacione dedit mihi predictus 
Radulfus novem marcas argenti in Gersinnam, et ut hec mea donacio 
concessio et carte mee confirmacio rata et stabilis imperpetuum 
pleverit sigilli mei appositione eam roboravi. Hiis testibus Rad': 
Marescal':, Rob'to de Dalinghen; Rad': de Eston, Will'mo de Wyl- 
besnade, Henrico de Dagenliale, Simone de Danevile, Adamo de 
Danevile, Will'mo de Audeburi, Rad: de Bratton clerico, et aliis. 

" Inspeximus et cartam quam Frater Albanus Martel milicie Templi 
iu Anglia minister fecit predicto Rad': in hec verba. 

" Omnibus et fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Frater 
Albanus Martel milicie Templi in Anglia minister humilis salutem in 
domino. Sciatis quod nos de communi consilio et assensu capital! 
uostri in Paseh: apud Dinesle concessimus et hac present! carta con- 
firmavimus Rad': de Geyton et heredibus suis totam terram illam in 
villa de Pandele quod appellatur la inlande, cum to to Grascrofto et 
PinnokeshuUe, et cum omnibus aliis pertinenciis suis, et illud mes- 
suagium quod fuit Alfred! de Woderore cum crofta que pertinet ad 
idem messuagium, et croftam illam que appellatur Gierke's croft, 
similiter croftam illam c[uam appellatur Miistelescroft, et croftam illam 
que appellatur la Stane, et totum, assartum in villa de Audeburi, quod 
est inter terram cj^ue fuit Will'mi fill! Hugonis de la Grave ex una 
parte et les Hores ex altera similiter pasturam illam cjue jacet inter 
predictum assartum et fossatum quod se extendit ad Wyngate ot inter 
les Hores ex una pai-te et Aylmerecrofte ex altera parte, et pasturam 
illam que jacet inter dictum fossatum quod est in superior! parte et 
viam cj[ue appellatur Pottereswey ex inferior! parte et vocatur pastura 
ilia Saywedune et incipit a fine de Godwinstune et durat usque la 
Wyngate et de la Wyngate versus vallem usque ad pruam spinam, et 
de prua spina descendeudo usque ad viam que ajDpellatur Potteresweye 
videlicet usque ad illam locum ubi via que appellatur MuUesweye 
intrat in viam que appelatur Potteresweye et pratum illud quod est de 
quatuor acris in Lullesey et jacet inter aquam de Lullesey et pratum de 
Wingrave et circuitur ex omni parte de prato de Wengrave, et preterea 
totum jus quod habuimus de dono Hawysie de Bovill in communi 
bosco ub! Abbas de la Feveresham et dominus Galfrid: de Lucy com- 
municantur ; concessimus et eidem Rad: et heredibus suis quietum 
de pannagio in bosco de Audeburi quum dedit nobis predicta Hawisia, 
et preterea decem solidos de dimidia hyda terre in villa de Chetendon 
que fuit Eadulfi de Chetendou ot homagium de terra Eicavdi filii 


Will'mi Meynardi. et duos solidos et corpus suum et cousuetudiues 
cum tota sequela sua de terra Bartholomei de Beininden, duos solidos 
et quatuor denarios et corpus suuiii et cousuetudiues cum tota sequela 
sua de terra Hugouis Grom, sexdecim denarios et corpus suum et cou- 
suetudiues cum tota sequela sua de terra Will'mi filii Godwiui, 
quinque solidos et corpus suum et consuetudines cum tota sequela sua 
et totam terram illam quam appellatur Edithecrofte quam Willmus de 
Wederore tenuit, et totam terram illam quam Alfredus de Wederore 
tenuit, et totam terram quam Alfredus Juveuis tenuit, et totam terram 
quam Willmus de Bonteslje tenuit, que terre jacent inter dominacium 
antiquum ct terras hominum de Pendele, et dimidiam virgatam terre 
quam Bad: de Bonteslye tenuit et corpus smim et sequelam suam, que 
scilicet omnia predicta tenementa habemus ex dono predicte Hawisie. 
Habenda et teuenda predicto Ead: et lieredibus suis cum omnibus 
pert's, libere cjuiete et integre ; reddendo inde annuatim domui nostre 
quinque solidos ad duos anni termiuos scilicet duos solidos et sex 
denarios ad festum S'ti Mich's et duos solidos et sex denarios ad 
Pascli: riorum: et uos omnia predicta predicto Ead: et lieredibus 
suis warantizabimus. Hiis testibus, domino Galfrido de Lucy, Ead: 
de Glanvile, Rad': marescal, Radulfo milite de Piclielestorn, G:: 
milite de ejusdem ville, Gregorio de Lembur', Alano de Hyda, 
Symone de Frangleye, Roberto de Marisco, Alex: filio Fulcher, 
Samuele de Wygenton, Jolianue de Merston, et aliis 

"Inspeximus et cartam quam Eicardus Maresc: fecit predicto Eadulfo 
in hec verba. 

* ' SciANT preseutes et futuri quod ego Eicardus Marescal' dedi concessi 
et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Domino Eadulfo de Geyton et 
heredibus suis vel cui dare vel assignare voluerit et quando, totam 
terram meam quam liabui in villa de Magna Linford, in dominicis et 
redditibus in homagiis serviciis releviis et escaetis in pratis et pastui'is 
in viis et semitis in boscis et planis et omnibus aliis dicte terre perti- 
uentibus, vel que dicte terre pertinere possint pro bomagio et servicio 
suo et pro sexaginta marcas argenti quas milii pre manibus dedit: 
tenend: et habend: de me et heredibus meis sibi et lieredibus suis vel 
aut dare vel assignare voluerit et quando in feodo et hereditate, libere 
quiete bene et in pace ; reddendo ipse annuatim milii et heredibus 
meis ?eptem denarios, videlicet ad pascham, pro omni seculari con- 
suetudine secta curie evictiones et demandas salvo forinseco servicio 
domini regis quando scutagium evenerit, scilicet quantum pertinet ad 
terciam partem uniua feodi militis do proprio feodo de Morteyn ; et 
ego predictus Eic: Maresc: et heredes mei warantizabimus acquietabi- 
mus et per predictum servicium defendemus predicto Ead: de Geyton 
et heredibus suis et eorum assiguatis totam predictam terram cum omni- 
bus suis i)ertinenciis nominatis et non nominatis contra omnes homines 
et feminas in perpetuum: et ut hec mea donacio concessio warantizatio 
et presentis carte niee couhrmacio firma semper permaneat et stabilis 
eam sigilli mei impressione roboravi. Hiis testibus, Domino Stephano- 
de Chenduit, Ivone de Picheleston, . . . orante de Piclielestorn, Eic: de 
Molend', AVill'mo de Audebur', Will'mo filio Philippi, Willmo lilio 
Willmi Thuriet, et aliis. 

"Inspeximus et cartam quam Eogerusfilius Eicardide Duneslo fecit 
predicto Ead: in hec verba. 

"SciANT presentes et futuri Cjuod ego Eogerus filius Eicardi de 
Duuesley dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea connrp-vavi Ead: de 


Geytone et heredibus suis pro servicio suo, climicliam virgatam terre 
cum capitali mesuagio in Diinesle inparochia tie Trenge, similiter cum 
capitali mesuagio in IJunesle similiter cum capite illius acre terre que 
jacet inter mesuagiuni predictum et mesuagium Eadulfi Clerici de 
Dunesley et se liabutat versus magnam viam in Dunesle, et etiam 
nnam denarium redditus quam recipere solebam de Eicardo Coco de 
Dunesle de feodo predict! Eadulfi, sine aliqiio retenemento mihi vel 
heredibus meis de se vel heredibus suis : habend: et tenend: sibi et 
heredibus suis vel assignatis, libere quiete bene integre plenarie in 
pace et honorifice, in viis ssmitis pratis pascuis et pasturis et in omnibus 
locis, faciendo ipse Radulfus et heredes sui vel assignati capitali 
domino debitum servicium ; pro hae autem donaciono concessione et 
presentis carte mee confirmacione dedit mihi predictus Eadulfus sex 
marcas et octo solidos et octo Denarios pre manibus; et ogo supradictus 
Eogerus et heredes mei vel assignati predictam dimidiam virgatam 
terre cum capitali mesuagio et capite aera et denariis rodditus predicto 
Eadulfo et heredibus suis vel assignatis contra omnes homines et 
feminas inperpetuum warantizabimus ; et ut hec mea donacio firma sit 
et stabilis huic presenti carte sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus, 
Johanne Blundel, Thoma de Pluntendon, AVill'mo de Wedebore, 
Johanne Forestario de Trenge, Will'mo de Audebur', Will'mo Coco, 
Johanne de Dove, Willmo de Hamel, Ada Serviente de Pendele, 
AValtero Clerico de Wygentou, et aliis. 

" Ikspeximus et cartam quam Ricardus de Habintou fecit predicto 
Eadulfo in hec verba. 

" SciAXT presentes et futuri cj^uod ego Eicardus de Habinton dedi 
concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Eadulfo de Geyton pro 
homagio et servicio suo totam terram meam quam Gilbertus ealvus 
advuneulus mens tenuit in Seybroc, in Pitcheleston, in Chetendon, cum 
omnibus pert's ad predictam pertinentibus: tenend: etliabend: de me et 
heredibus meis dicto Ead: et heredibus suis vel assignatis, exceptis 
viris religiosis, libere cpiiete integre hereditarie; reddendo inde annuatim 
Simoni de Stukeli et heredibus suis ipse et heredes sui vel assignati sex 
solidos et octo denarios, scilicet ad festum St'e ]\[arie in M. . tres 
solidos et quatuor denarios, et ad festum S'ti Michaelis tres solidos et 
quatuor denarios, et mihi et heredibus meis vel meis assignatis unum 
par cyrotecarum pro omni servicio, salvis duobus solidis solvendis pro 
quolibet scutagio C[uam scutagium currit per preceptum domini regis ; 
et ego predictus Eicardus de Habinton et heredes mei vel mei 
assignati warantizabimus per predictum servicium dicto Eadulfo et 
heredibus suis vel suis assignatis totam predictam terram cum omnibus 
suis pertinenciis contra, omnes homines et feminas : pro hac autem 
donacioue et concessione et warantizacione dedit mihi predictus 
EaduJfus C£uinquaginta marcas argenti et ut hec mea donacio et con- 
cessio et warantizacio rata sit et stabilis presenti scripto sigillum 
raeuui apposui. Hiis testibus, Gileberto Greinvile, Johanne de Merston, 
Will'mo de Bello Campo, Nicholao Burdun, Militibus ; AValtero de 
Belenden, Eoberto de Merston, AVill'mo de AVederore, Will'nK) de 
Audeburi, Will'mo de Hamele, et aliis. 

" NOS vero dictas donacioues et confirmaciones i-atas et gratas 
habentes eas predicto Eadulfo heredibus et assignatis suis C|uibuscun- 
que, exceptis vii'is religiosis, pi-o nobis et heredibus nostris confirm a- 
\'imus ; habendas et tenendas prout predicte ante evident: us et plenius 
protestantur ; in cujus rei testimonium presenti scripto sigillum meum 


apposuimus, Hiis testibus, Stephano de Chenduit, Eogero de Amari, 
Will'mo Eussell, Milone de Belio Campo, Will'mo de M'le, Eoberto 
de Esthall, Will'mo Blundel, Will'mo Thiuiet, et aliis. Datum apud 
AValingeford septimo die Julii anno grade millesimo ducentesimo 
quinquagesimo sexto." 

It will be seen that the charter commences and concludes witli Earl 
Eichard's con^rmation of the contents to Ealpli de Geyton, styled in 
one place Dominus, whom, however, he does not directly address. Of 
the Earl's witnesses, Stephen de Chenduit -was the head of a family 
who had long held Charwelton and Middleton-Chenduit, corrupted 
into C'heyney, in Northamptonshire, and were tenants of the Honour 
of Berkhampstede. Hulian or Julian do Chenduit granted his manor of 
Ashridge with Pilston to Edmund Earl of Cornwall. In 1215 King John 
ordered the Constable of Berkhampstede to give to Eafe Chenduit seizin 
of his lands. The Amari family held lands under Wallingford, as did 
the Eussells, in the fee of Mortaine, in Northamptonshire. Eoger 
Amari held half a fee in Thornbury of the Earl of Warwick. Miles 
de Beauchamp held land at Lavenden, Bucks. Blundel was from 
Devon, and received from the elder Eichard, Henry Ill's uncle, lands 
at Binstardeley, co. Northampton, which passed to his brother Eobert 
as " Scutellarius" in the reign of Henry III. AVilliam Blundel is 
described as *• Cancellarius domini comitis." 

The Earl's part of the charter is very brief, and is confined to the 
introduction and conclusion, and a line introducing each of the six 
recited charters, to which his confirmation was necessary as over-lord 
of the Honour of Berkhampstede. All are in favour of Greyton. 

Geoffrey de Lucy, the first grantor, conveys lands in W^vgenton, and 
a meadow in Lollesey. He was a Baron of the realm, of Newington 
in Kent, the son and father of other Geoff'ries, the first and last Barons. 
He died 12th Edward I. They held Wj'genton, and in Bucks lands 
in Chetendon. They also gave name to the manor of Lucy's in Little 
Gaddesden, which they conveyed to Earl Edmund when he founded a 
religious house at Ashridge. AVygenton is a parish and manor near 
Tring. Lollesey was near Albury. The Merstons of Merston, Beds, 
were local gentry. The Belendens were tenants of Feversham Abbey 
in Herts. AVm. Basset was probably of Adestoke, Bucks. 

Pitcheleston or "torn" and Yseley, in the second charter, are, the 
one a parish, now Pichelestorn or Pitston, and the other a manor. 
De la Grace occurs at Chalfont St. Giles and in Gloucestershire. 

Albau or Alan Martel, who grants the third charter, was in 1224 
Master of the Temple in England, and Dinsley was one of their 
Preceptories. Of persons, Ealph de Glanvile was a Crevequer tenant, 
and the Hydes were an old family in Albury. The places named are 
probably in Tring parish. Chetendon or Cheddington, and Audeburi, 
Al- or Aldbury are parishes and manors near Berhhamputede. Wen- 
grave is Wingrave, a manor in the Honour, but near Aylesbury. 

Eichard IMareschal. who grants the fourth charter, was of Great 
Linford near Newport Pagnel, as was Ealph, wlio was ordered in 
] 223 to hold Berkhampstede Castle. Eafe Chenduit was conjoined 
with him. 

Dunesle or Dunsley, the land granted by the fifth charter, was in 
Tring. De Hamelo held lands in Herts under Feversham Abbey. 

Of the persons in tJie last charter, Nicholas Burdun held Kings 
Teignton in Devon, and lands in Wilts, Gloucester, and Northampton. 
Ho was probably connected with Eichard's earldom of Cornwall. 

Proceetnugs at imeetmgs; of tlje Eopl (^rdjaeological 


February 2, 1877. 
C. P. E. FouTxrar, Esq., F.S.A., V.P., in the Chair. 

At the opening of the New Session the Chairman adverted in 
feeling terms to the great loss the Institnte had sustained in the 
death of Mr. Burtt. His intimacy with the method and the require- 
ments of the Institute, and his extensive acquaintance throughout the 
kingdom, gave him a power which was long and ably devoted to the 
interests of the society. After referring to the course which had been 
adopted by the Council to mark tlieir esteem for their late friend, and 
their sympathy with his ^idow and famil}', the Chairman alluded to 
the retirement of Mr. Banking, and explained the arrangements which 
had been made for the Secretariat of the Institute by the appointment 
of Mr. Albert Hartshorne and Mr. William Brailsford. As to the 
condition of the Institute, it was most satisfactory. The Colchester 
Meeting had been eminently successful ; much cordiality was evinced 
by the inhabitants, and the papers read were of great interest and 

"With regard to the inconvenience arising from the present restrictions 
upon the gratuitous access to Wills in Her Majesty's Court of Probate, 
Sir JoHX Maclean proposed the following resolution : — 

" Tliat this Society should unite with the Society of Anticiuaries and 
the Camden Society in making a representation to the Judge of Her 
Majestj^'s Court of Probate of the inconvenience suffered by authors 
under the present restriction upon the gratuitous access to Wills, and 
in a petition that free access to those documents for imreJij literary 
purposefi be extended at the Chief Probate Court and allowed at the 
Local Probate Courts." This was seconded by Mr. Sodex Smith, and 
carried unanimously. 

Mr. E. C. Davey then read a memoir " On the recent discovery of a 
Eoman Villa at Cranhill near Wantage." The author, who illustrated 
his remarks by maps and plans, compared it with one at AVheatley, 
whicli it closely resembled, and gave a detailed account of the liyper- 
caust and the antiquities which had been found on the spot and in the 
neighbourhood. Mr. Tucker f^Rouge Croix) made some remarks upon 
the Roman antiquities in the district which he had lately visited. 
!Mr. Davey's paper is printed in Vol. xxxiii, p. 382. 

]Mr. Haktsiiorxe read a paper " On a Monumental Effigy at Hugh- 
enden, Bucks, attributed to Richard AVellesbourne deMontfort," which 
will be printed in a future number of the " Journal." Mr. Waxleh 



made some observasions on tlie extreme interest and grandevir of the 
effigy and tlie very puzzling heraldiy exhibited on the shield and 
surcote. The little coats of arms on the scabbard were, he thought, 
those of personal friends. Mr. Tucker (Eouge Croix) said that the 
peculiarity of the heraldry had often been discussed at the College of 
Arms. He saw no reason to doubt the statements of Lipscombe, tlie 
historian of Buckinghamshire, which was based upon a record left by 
a vicar of Hughenden in the early part of the seventeenth century, that 
the effigy was intended to represent Richard de Montfort. The occur- 
rence of a crescent repeated three times at the feet of the figure 
remained unexplained. 

Antiquities antJ Morhs of Urt ^xljifeitcti. 

By Mr. E. C. Davey. — Maps and plans in illustration of his paper, 
some bronze celts and a gold coin of Tincomius found near Wantage. 

By Mr. Haktshorne. — Three full-size drawings of the effigy at 

By Sir John Maclean. — E-ubbings of a cross now at Trevena, 
Tintagel, formerly at Trevillet. This example of a Cornish cross of 
the tenth century, ineasuring 3 ft. in length, 1 ft. a in. in width, and 
9 in. in thickness, is inscribed on one side in Romano-Gothic charac- 
ters : -|- MATHEiTS maecys lyoas ioii ; on the other, telnat -f fecit 


By Mr. II. F. Church. — A collection of silver and bronze brooches 
and six rings from the Island of I^ewis in the Hebrides, collected by 
Mr. "W. S. Parker. In remarking upon these objects, Mr. Sodex 
Smith said that they bore in their forms the ti'aditions of a very early 
period, and were in fact the degenerate descendants of the ancient 
Celtic brooch. He described the various kinds shown, remarking 
upon the difference between a brooch proper and the " brocf} of gollJ full 
sljfne" worn by Chaucer's Pjioress on her arm, which was a pendant 
jewel. Some of the examples shown were very late, one brooch being 
dated 1704. The fashion of wearing pendant brooch-jewels about the 
arms continued long after Chaucer's time. Such decorations appear 
in great elegance on the beautiful effigy, in Harefield church, of Alice 
Countess of Derby, the "sweet Amaryllis" of Spenser, and to whom 
he dedicated his Teares of the Muses. 

By the Rev. Hugh Pigot.— Cloth, probably of Persian needlework, 
formerly in use as the Altar-cloth in Stretham church, Cambridgeshire. 
This was of blue silk, quilted, and backed with linen The centre 
contained a representation in tent-stitch of a pelican feeding her young, 
surrounded by peacocks and other birds, the whole being contained 
within a border of wild beasts and hunting scenes, similar to what is 
often seen on circular Oriental shields. The employment of such a 
covering as this for the altar of Stretham church is a curious and 
perhaps unique fact, and worthy to be chronicled. 

By Mr. O. C. Pell. — A fine example of a stone hammer and thi'ee 
beads found at Stretham. 

By the Rev. C. 11 IU^rnham. — An altar cloth of needlework of the 
time of Elizabeth in an intricate pattern and delicate shades, but now 
in a great state of dilapidation ; and two other pieces of needlework of 
the same peiiod, from Cogenhoe church, Northamptonshire. 

Scale of Inches 

— ^ ^ ^ 



By Mrs. Duffield. — Samplers of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
century in fine needlework. 

By Miss SiMsox. — A tasselled cushion, said to be for the exhibition 
of relics, representing Adam and Eve, in needlework upon a ground of 
silver wire; and an embroidered "Maccaroni" coat and waistcoat. 

By Miss Meaes. — Samplers, including one dated 1662. 

By Mr. Brailsfohd. — Embroidered waistcoat of the time of Greorge I. 

By Mrs. Willoughby. — Portions of a lady's dress of the close of the 
seventeenth century ; and pieces of embroidery of the early part of the 
eighteenth century. 

By Miss HoPKiNsox. — Embroidered purse of Charles I. 

By Mrs. Barnwell. — Two French flower pieces delicately worked on 
satin, dated 1770. 

By ^Mrs. Carlilk. — An eighteenth century porte-monnaie. 

By Mr. B. M. Eaxking. — Two pieces of ecclesiastical embroidery 
representing saints, probably sixteenth century French work. 

By Mr SouEN Smith. — Leather flask found at the depth of twelve 
feet in excavating in the parish of St. George's-in-the-East in 1876. 

March 2, 1877. 
Sir J. Sibbald D. Scott, Bart., F.S.A., V.P, in the Chair. 

The Chairman spoke of the loss that the Institute had sustained by 
the death of Mr. Talbot Bury, one of the earliest members of the 
Institute, and for many years an active and valuable member of the 

In pursuance of a resolution passed at the meeting on Feb. 2nd, — 
"That this Society should unite with the Society of Antiquaries and 
the Camden Society in making a representation to the Judge of her 
Majesty's Court of Probate of the inconvenience sufi'ered by authors 
under the present restriction upon the gratuitous access to Wills, and 
in a Petition that free access to those documents for purely literary 
purposes be extended at the Chief Probate Court, and allowed at the 
Local Probate Courts," — Mr. Bbailsford read the following corres- 
pondence : — 

" To the Right Honourahle Sir James Rannen, Knt., Judge of 

Her Majesty's Court of Prolate. 

"The Memorial of the Eoyal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain 

and Ireland. 

" Sheweth, — That the advantages which have resulted to historical, 
genealogical and biographical literature through the liberality of your 
predecessors, judges of the Court of Probate, in allowing to historical 
students free access to Wills proved in the Prerogative Court of Canter- 
bm-y before the year 1700, without payment of fees, are conspicuous 
in the greater degree of accuracy in works of those classes. Many 
years have elapsed since this privilege was first granted, and it 
appears to your memorialists that the time has come when its exten- 
sion may be granted with corresponding public advantages to literary 
students. Your memorialists, therefore, respectfully beg that you 
will be pleased to take the subject into your favourable consideration, 
and they venture to hope that you will see fit to take such steps, and 
give such orders, as will insure access, for purely literary purposes, to 
all Wills proved and Administrations granted, prior to the end of the 


reign of King George II in the Chief Court of Probate and also in the 
District Courts, the documents in whichlatter are scarcely less valuable 
for literary purposes than those in the former, whilst reference to them 
is barred by so much expense as to render them almost inaccessible for 
the purposes above-mentioned. 


''Feb. 16th, 1877." 

"The Probate Court, Westminster, 

"Feb. 21st, 1877. 
" My Lord, — I am directed by Sir James Hannen to acknowledg3 
the receipt of the memorial of the Eoyal Archajological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland bearing your lordship's signature, and 
dated the 16th inst., and to state that Sir James Hannen considers 
that the period during which wills are permitted to be examined for 
literary purposes may properly be extended from a.d. 1700 to a.d. 
1760, and that Sir James will give directions accordingly. 

" I am, my lord, 

' ' Your obedient Servant, 
(Signed) " JAMES C. HANNEN, 

" Secretary.''^ 
" To the Eight Honble. 

" The Lord Talbot de Malahide, President," &c., &c. 

On the motion of Mr. Octavius Morgan, seconded by Mr. C. S. 
Greaves, a cordial vote of thanks was passed to Sir James Hannen 
for his compliance with the recj^uest set forth in the memorial. 

Mr. Hartsiioene read " Some Observations upon the Venus di 
Medici and the Works of NoUekens," which will be printed in a 
future number of the " Jourual." 

Mr. Oldfield spoke at some length upon the early sources of Greek 
art. He alluded to the first introduction of the nude figure by the 
preference of the people of Cnidos for such a statue of Venus by 
Praxiteles, a draped Venus by the same artist being chosen by the 
people of Cos. The idea of the Venus di Medici seemed to have been 
derived from the statue at Cniclos, but each of the works of Praxiteles 
were frequently copied. With regard to the fancy that the Medicean 
Venus was the model of the height and proportions of a female figure, 
the Greeks had no such canon of excellence ; but seven feet, the height 
of the Apollo Belvedere, and of the Venus of Milos, had been distin- 
guished as the heroic standard. With regard to Nollekens, he was 
not an antiquary or a poetic sculptor. 

Mr. Waller considered that the restorations to the Venus di Medici 
were not admirable ; he thought the head was by a sculptor of the 
decadence, an opinion in which Mr. Oldfield did not coincide, the ears 
of the figure being pierced, 

Mr. Greaves, speaking generally as to the idea the Greeks had of 
great size and stature, said, they ever considered these attributes as 
an excellence, as much in women as in men. This ^vas clearly 
shewn in the works of Aristotle, Theocritiis, and other Greek authors. 
In the "Odyssey" Minerva is described as making Penelope taller 
and plumper, in order to make her more admired, and Eurymachus 
afterwards lauds her for excelling other women in size, amongst other 


Antiquities anti Movks of ^rt ISiIjibitctj. 

By Mr. A. HAIlTSHOE^'E. — Four original drawings of tlio Venus 
de Medici, by Nollekens, with, autographic attestations. 

By Mr. Henderson. — A Persian shield of steel, damascened iu gold 
with horsemen engaged in the chase. An Indian shield of rhinoceros 
hide, formerly in the collection of Lord Canning. A battle-axe from 
Oude of great beauty, and five similar weapons from Delhi. 

By Mr. W. NivEX. — A thurible of bronze found at Pershore in 
18.56, among a heaj) of old metal in a founder's yard, and said to have 
been dug up near the Abbey church. This had been considered by 
some antic[uaries as of Danish origin, but Mr. Micldetliwaite thought 
it was English work of the twelfth century. He called attention to its 
general characteristics, and particularly to the special and unusual 
arrangement of its details, to prevent the entanglement of the chains. 
It does not appear that the directions of Theophilus (De Diversis 
Artibus seu Diversarum Artiam Schedula), written pi'obably in the 
early half of the 11th century, have been adhered to in this particular 
example. There must have been a vast number of thuribles in 
existence in the middle ages, and, although their workmanship is 
often rude they are always thoroughl}^ practical, considerable ingenuity 
being exercised in adapting them for their special purpose. 

By Mr. S. Tucker (Eouge Croix). — Three small Roman intaglios in 
cornelian, viz. : a head of Bias set in a ring ; a head of Hercules, and 
a fine head of a female, in gold seals ; and a cameo in amethyst of a 
comic mask perforated at the mouth, and set in a gold ring. 

By Mrs. Jackson Gwilt. — Rubbing from a brass at Isleworth, with 
the following inscription : "Margaret Dely, a syster professed yn Syon, 
who decessed ye viii. of October, loGl," and an engraving of the City 
Arms of Grosseti, from the church of 8. Lorenzo in Florence. 

i^oti'ces of ^rcl^accilogtcal publications. 

MiDDLETox. London : Johx Wilsox. 

The collection of Eembrauclt's etchings, which was held this year at 
the Burlington Fine Arts' Club, formed a very remarkable exhibition, 
and one which every one ought to have seen. It is probable that, 
although it included several works of doubtful authenticity, a more 
complete collection was never brought together. By the juxtaposition 
of different " states" it was made specially interesting and instructive, 
and while it served to spread a better knowledge of Eembrandt's work 
amongst amateuis generally, a rare opportunity was afforded to experts 
of pursuing their study of the master. Any one of the more important 
plates of the great artist who " rendei-ed even darkness visible" is, no 
doubt, sufficient to astonish and to fascinate, and to illustrate, in the 
fullest manner we can imagine, the capabilities of etching; but to study 
seriously the master himself it is necessary to trace the chronological 
order of his work. If Eembrandt had dated and signed all his works 
a great deal of time and labour would have been saved to his admirers ; 
but, out of about 350 plates that have been attributed to him, at least 
half of them are undated; 152 are not signed, and three or four 
different modes of signature were adopted in the remainder. The 
comparison of works of dubious authenticity with those undoubtedly 
genuine, the examination of signatures, and the collecting of all avail- 
able evidence in order to distinguish the work of Eembrandt from 
that of his followers, and originals from copies, and to fix with some 
accuracy the dates of the undated plates, is no light or easy task, and 
one which is by no means accomplished yet. 

In "Notes on the Etched Work of Eembrandt," published since the 
exhibition in Savile Eow, by the Eev. C. H. Middleton, we find a very 
useful contribution to the fund of Eembrandt lore. This is we under- 
stand to be followed by a more complete woi*k on the same subject 
now in progress ; but we have in these "Notes" the results of much 
investigation of the disputed plates, and while awaiting the appearance 
of the larger work we content ourselves M'ith a brief allusion to this 
first instalment. Amongst the independent tlieories regarding some 
of the plates we ma}' mention the suggestion that the portrait of an old 
man in Jewish dress marked No. 15 in the catalogue may have been a 
portrait of the artist's father Harman. Concerning the " Eesurrection 
of Lazarus" (No. 18) Mr. Middleton argues that, as also in the 
" Jacob Lamenting," wo have " the design of Eembrandt, and 


probably some of his actual work, but that the greater part of 
what we see is the work of Van Vliet. '' " The Good Samaritan " he 
believes to have been designed and partly executed by Rembrandt, 
and finished by a pupil, differing from Mr. Haden, who attributes the 
plate to Bol. In his remarks on the plate traditionally called the 
" Great Jewish Bride," and which hay generally been considered a 
portrait of liis wife, the author remarks that Rembrandt's genius did 
not lie in accuracy of likeness. We confess we do not see that the 
fact of his so frequently idealising his models proved his incapacity 
for accuracy when that was the equality most to be desired. His large 
painted portraits were certainly accurate to the life. 

The " Flight into Egypt " Mr. Middleton holds, witli the catalogue, 
to be not a work in which Rembrandt has borrowed from another, but 
one in which he has taken an already engraved plate raid altered it to 
his own purpose, the group of the Holy Family with some part of the 
foliage behind them, and parts of the foreground only being his. In 
reference to the peculiarity of the foliage in this print, consisting of 
" dots more or less thickly spread, differing in their form and tone, 
while the few strokes that can be discovered appear rather to have 
been added as an after-thought," Wilson's rather wild conjecture is 
quoted, namely — " If in spreading the varnish on a plate we bear 
hard with the dabber we find, on removing it, that the varnish has been 
penetrated, producing an infinite number of minute holes. . . . We 
may imagine that Rembrandt resorted to this manoeuvre with effect, 
and that the masses of foliage were expressed, in the first instance, by 
the movement of the dabber, and completed by a second operation, 
preserving the lights from the corrosion of the acid by a brush dipped 
in liquid varnish." — [Descriptive Catalogue, p. 21). It is by no means 
certain that Rembrandt used a dabber in laying his grounds. He 
may have hit on a more convenient plan, as many etchers have at the 
present day, but we do not think that it is characteristic of him to trust 
to such a very haphazard process for his effects. 

THE CHURCHES OF KENT. By Sir SxEriiEx R. Gia-xne, Bart. 1877. 
London : MrnuAV. 

It was said of Sir Stephen Glynne, that he had visited every church 
in England, and those who talked with him on this, his favourite 
pursuit, became aware that he had not only visited and accurately 
observed a vast number of churches, but that he remembered their 
particulars with a readiness and correctness that was little short of 
marvellous, and not unfrequently besides the architectural details of 
the building he knew the name and something of the character of tlie 
incumbent. The note books in which he recorded his observations were 
a part of the man. Probabl}' he never left home without one, and it 
was understood that he had accumulated a vast number of these 
records of his experience. But, though all knew the extent of his range, 
and the acuteness and accuracy of his power of observation, it is 
probable that few supposed his records to be so full, or were at all 
aware that his notes upon above 5,530 churches were so entered up as 
to be fitted for publication. Whether he himself contemplated such 


publication is not known, even to his family. He was a man of a 
veiy shy and retiring disposition, very averse from any personal display, 
and it is not improbable that he merely wrote up his notes, as he did 
every tiling else, with a sense that he ought to do his best. However 
this may be, all will, we think, applaud his distinguished brother-in- 
law, INIr. Gladstone, for the publication of the present volume, which 
proves to the world that the reputation enjoyed by Sir Stephen as an 
ecclesiastical antiquary, so far as church architecture is concerned, 
rests upon a very solid foundation. The selection of the county of 
Kent lor the subject of the volume is judicious. Archdeacon Harrison 
and the Rev. Scott Robertson have given it the benefit of their revision, 
and have added the illustrations by which the work is graced. Mr. 
Gladstone's introduction is just what was to be expected from so 
loving and so accomplished a kinsman, and all, and no more, than was 
suitaible to the occasion. 

The notes themselves are a model of what such notes should be, 
they are clear, comprehensive, show a thorough knowledge of church 
architecture, a very rare accomplishment when Sir Stephen began his 
work, and are besides brief. The following account of St. Peter's 
church, Sandwich, is selected almost at random, as an example of the 
style and general character of the notes : — 

" The church has undergone cousiderable mutilation, and has at 
present a very unsightly, patched appearance. It consists now of a 
nave and chancel, with a north aisle, and a tower placed between the 
nave and chancel. The south aisle is destroyed, but part of its outer 
wall is standing, and the arches ai-o visible, built into the south wall 
of the nave. 

" The walls are mostly of flints ; the tower is large, but the upper 
part is modern and built of brick. There is a rectilinear north porch, 
embattled; all the windows of the nave have been sadly mutih ted. 
The interior is spacious and lofty ; and the nave is divided from its 
aisle by three pointed arches with octagonal pillars. The chancel ir 
divided from its aisle by two similar arches, and those which support 
the tower are of like character. There is no vestige of very early 
work about the church. Tlie chancel has a fine curvilinear window on 
the north side, of three lights, but unfortunately walled up. In the 
nortli aisle is an ogee arch for a tomb, flanked by buttresses with 
pinnacles ; there are also the effigies of a man and woman, and a slab 
with a cross flory and inscription in Lombard letters. A small altar- 
toiub is panelled with trefoils containing heads, and bears the muti- 
lated efilgy of a knight. There is one good carved pew-end. In the 
west gallery' is an organ." 

William Anduews. London : William Tego & Co. 1877. 

The author of this little book has brought together with much care 
some interesting notes upon this singular custom, and few persons are 
perhaps aware that tlie custom of Dunmow has its origin as early as 
the time of Robert Fitz-Walter, if indeed it was n, t actually instituted 
by tliat famous opponent of King John. There is at any rate certain 


evidence that it was well established in the fourteenth century. Allusion 
is made to the custom in the vision of Piers Plowman, and Chaucer's 
Wife of Bath says : — 

" The bacon was not ft for hem I trow 
Tliat some men have in Essex at Dotimow." 

Mr. Andrews gives some extracts from the Cartulary of Duumow 
Priory as to the delivery of the flitch to certain male claimants in the 
fifteenth century ; hut the Dissolution seems to have put a stop to the 
continuance of the custom until 1701. It would appear that the 
character of the proceedings now became considerably changed, and 
the boisterous hilarity exhibited in the picture by Ogborne of the 
" Dunmow Procession" in 1751, may be contrasted with the simple 
procedure when "one Pi chard Wright, yeoman, came and required 
the bacon of Dunmow on the 27th April in the 23rd year of the reign 
of King Henry VI, and was sworn before John Cannon, Prior." The 
revival of the custom in 1855, and subsequently, is characterized more 
by levity than dignity — such is the taste of the age — and we cannot 
help thinking that it would have been better to have allowed the 
Dunmow custom to remam, like its coiinterpart at Wichnor, obsolete, 
and well-nigh forgotten, save in such interesting records as Mr. Andrews 
has given us. 

Like many other mediaeval observances, that of the Flitch of Bacon 
has had its day, and we confess our dislike to this revival at Dunmow 
as much as to the recurring and senseless travesty of history at 

VOL. xxxvi. 2 A 

Sfrdjaeological Untelltgenre. 

The Eastness Sarcophagus. — In a copy of Camden's Britannia in 
the Bodleian Library, Oxford, the following note occurs : — 

"Within a cornefield of Est-Nesse, the lordship of Mr. Crathornes 
in the weapon take of Ehydale in the county of Yorke, there was a 
coffin of ffree stone 2^ yards in length, 3 quarter's broad, digged up 
with a plough about 3 years since, with a cover thereon very closely 
fitted 3 quarters deep within the ground, the endes there of standing 
North and South contrary to the use of our tymes, within it were 
hones of men and the outside there of these wordes engravde very 
faire taken out by me Eoger Dodsworthe June 2, 1619." 

F C. 

In Gough's Camden (edit. 1789), vol. iii, p. 85, it is said of this 
inscription : — 

" This inscription was found in a ploughed field at Eastness near 
Hevingham, the seat of Henry Crathorne of Crathorne, Esq., and noio 
remains there. A drawing of it was taken by Sir William Dugdale at 
his visitation of this county in 1665." 

Through the courtesy of the officers of the College of Arms we are 
enabled to reproduce Dugdale's drawing and his description of the 
sarcophagus from his Yorhhire Arms, p. es'' : — 

" Crathorne. — Eigura cujusdamvetusti Sarcophagi, inAgris arabilibus 
de East Ness, infra Dominium de Crathorne et Wapentacliium de Rye- 
dale (ab Austro ad Aquilonem jacentis), circa annum M.D.Cxxiiij'" 
Aratro sulcanto, reperti ; et nunc juxta Portam Domus mansionalis 
Eadulphi Crathorne de Crathorne prtedicta Armigeri ; existentis. 
Juxta quern locum diversa etiam Eomanorum numismata sajpissime 
eruta sunt." 







F c. 

I Longitudine septem pedum. 

T 1 Latitudine \ -, -, , 

in < . / duorum pedum et 

( Profunditate. trium poUicium. 


Mr. W. Thompson Watkin has endeavoured to ascertain whether 
the sarcophagus is still preserved in the neighbourhood, but without 

The Eev. C. H. Middleton is about to publish a Descriptive 
Catalogue of the Etched Works of Rembrandt, giving an accurate 
description of every print, or state of a print, and a reference to the 
large public collections in which it may be found, the whole forming 
an index of all the works of the great master in the British Museum, 
at Cambridge, Paris, Amsterdam, and Haarlem. This will be followed 
by a similar work on the prints of the Eembrandt school. 

The excavations at Templeborough ceased on Dec. 15 until the 
spring. We shall look forward to some further particulars of these 
important discoveries from Mr. Thompson Watkin. 

EoMAN LoxDOX. — We are indebted to Mr. J. E. Price f )r the following 
description of some discoveries recently made while excavating within 
the precincts of St. Bartholomew's Hospital. 

" In clearing what was once the site of Pye-corner for the erection 
of a new library and museum two stone sarcophagi were exhumed. 
They were eleven feet from the surface, situated some fifty feet from 
the new buildings in Windmill Court, and at no great distance from 
the line of the City wall, they lay east and west, are about seven feet 
long, of coai'se oolitic stone, have massive lids or covers, and may be 
clearly identified as Eoman. In one, two skeletons were found, the 
one of a man with his head to the west, the other a woman lying with 
her head towards the east ; both the skulls and also the teeth are in 
good preservation. In the other tomb a leaden coffin had been placed. 
It is much corroded, and has been considerably injured by the efforts 
of the finders to convey it away piecemeal for sale, and ultimately to 
the melting-pot. It has, fortunately, been secured, and sufficient remains 
to identify the ornamentation upon it. It shows the rope or cable 
moulding disposed in a diamond pattern, resembling similar examples 
found years ago at Bethnal Green, Old Ford, Stratford, Stepney, to say 
nothing of those at Colchester and other places. The sarcophagi are 
alike in form to that found a year or two since near Sea-coal Lane, on 
the bank of the old Pleet river, and which is now preserved in the 
museum of the Corporation of London at Guildhall. At the head of one 
of the tombs was extricated a short stone column, with sufficient of the 
moulding remaining to indicate its origin. It is such as have been often 
foimd among the debris of Eoman buildings, and possibly served as a 
head-stone or other memorial of the dead, the forerunner, doubtless, 
of the ' shattered column ' familiar enough in our modern cemeteries. 
Smithfield has long been known as the site of one of the extensive 
cemeteries once attached to Eoman London. The remains, however, 
usually found have been charred bones, cinerary uims, and broken 
pottery, there not being, so far as I can remember at the moment, any 
published description of so important an interment as that now under 

" As the works are still in progress, further objects of interest may 
be revealed." 

Cljc 9[rcl)aeologiral HfouruaU 



When it is asked, what sort of a place is some 
"Northport," or "Southlnny," or "Mudford," or "Sand- 
bridge ?"- is it a city, or a Ijorough, or a town, or a 
village ? — if the answer should be that " it is a town," or 
perhaps more definitely, " it is a market town," we — at 
least, in South Britain — hear the word " town " in the 
sense in which it is here proposed to consider it. 

The story of the west- country clown, wdio was laughed 
at because he " could not see the town for the houses," is 
very unjust to the clown. His blindness is unconsciously 
shared, not only by the Ijroad majority of his betters, but 
even by the learned themselves. The " town is to be 
found neither in books nor in houses, but in the streets :" 
and has thus been hitherto undiscerned by those who have 
sought it. In one respect the countryman was wiser than 
the learned : he saw the mote that caused his blindness. 
The houses must be abstracted from our thoughts before 
we can perceive the original town. The houses have been 
replaced many times over and over again. Even the 
most ancient churches, abl^eys, or cathedrals, are often 
comparatively late additions to the town. It is the 
ground plan of the highways and l^yeways \yhieli is the 
greatest antic[uity of the typical or proper town. 

Indeed, tliis particular class of our social concentrations 
seems to have been the very one that has been hitherto 
ignored by those who have professed to give us any 
account of the origin of the various kinds of our con- 
densed populations that are usually included luider the 

VOL. xxxiv (No. 13.3). 2 D 

200 WHAT Tfi A TOWN.' 

broader sense of the word " town." The learned seem to 
have come to what they deem to be a settlement of the 
etymology and meaning of the word, which has entirely 
excluded from their consideration the limited use of it 
that is heie referred to. They have decided that it 
is the *'tun" of the Anglo Saxon Dictionaries, having 
the sjDecial meaning " an inclosed place ;" and that it not 
only therefore describes fortified towns or boroughs,, but 
is still visible in the very many names of English places 
which end in " ton." In this last position they are 
probably right; but the names so labelled are far too 
numerous, and the great majority of the places are too 
unimportant, to have ever belonged to that class here 
proposed to be looked at as being specially called 
"towns." Most of the places ending in "ton" are, and 
always have been, the merest rural villages, or more often 
hamlets. Inclosures they may have been from the be- 
ginning, being, in fact, the homesteads of the clans, or 
families, or tribal settlements, of the original colonies. 
Such places do not, however, satisfy the more conspicuous 
and limited meaning of the word " town " above defined ; 
as when it is used to distinguish a community of the 
second class from one of the first class — a city or borough 
— on the one hand, or from one of the third class — a 
village or hamlet— on the other. 

Our political and social antiquaries seem to have been 
content to look no farther back than to the military con- 
dition of the colonists for the earliest motive or initial 
principle of a town : that towns were first of all either 
themselves the fortified inclosures of governing powers, or 
that they sprang up under the shelter and protection of 
some baronial stronghold. To this they add that, in after 
times, the cathedral, or great monastery, became another 
attracting centre or cause of such communities ; offering, 
as these no doubt did, a protecting and fostering influence, 
which by that time had become at least the rival of 
physical mihtary protection. Mr. Kemble, in the chapter 
headed " Tlie Towns," in his most instructive work, TJie 
Saxo7is in England,^ altliough, as might have been 
expected, he has developed them with the great store of 
learning at liis command, has been content with these 

> Vol. ii. pp. 2G2— 341. 


tliree sources of* the existence of our towns, which may 
be shortly described as the municipal, the baronial, and 
the ecclesiastical. 

With deference, however, it is presumed to think that 
the unmixed ideal " town," as distinguished, on the one 
side from cities and walled boroughs, and on the other 
from the inclosed settlements of early rural colonists, 
now. perhaps villages and hamlets, or the homesteads of 
manors ; had an actual existence — must from a natural or 
social exigence have existed — independent of these three 
artificial causes. That, although in aftertimes the original 
town has in many cases had one or more of these other 
causal ogents grafted upon it, or has even been absorbed 
into them — has become fortified because of its strategic 
value ; or its privileges have been both protected and 
overawed by the stronghold; or nourished and aggrandized 
by the growth of its missionary cell into a rich and power- 
ful religious college — in its natural or unmixed state it 
was essentially uninclosed. In fact, its chief cause or 
initial purpose required that it should be a neutral spot 
and open to all comers. 

But this state of it must not be expected to be found 
in books or records, all of which it pre-existed. Early 
written history almost entirely deals with war and defence. 
But the booty of w^ar and the objects of defence must 
have preceded war and defence tliemselves. If war fills 
the pages of history ; both the many antecedent ages, and 
the centuries of years themselves from which history has 
been gleaned, must have been filled in with a broad back- 
ground, diapered with the variously checjuered though 
uniformly recurrent incidents of ordinary life : not per- 
haps so much unlike our own condition as we are apt to 
think from the foreshortened backward view, of the more 
]:)rominent events that overshadow them, which v/e get 
from history. The story — very likely a true one — that on 
the morning of Naseby a gentleman ^^dth his hounds was 
met by the King with his army, will be remembered as 
continuing this constant pacific subtexture of human 
affairs down towards our own times. The results of 
peaceful production and of, at least rudimentary, com- 
merce, must have already existed before the attempts to 
seize, and the struggles to keep them. 

202 WHAT 18 A TOWN. 

Tlie pacific or commercial cause of these mere towns is 
however not only manifest in their obvious necessity — the 
positive need, from the very first, of places of mutual 
resort and intercourse Ijetween primitive neigliljouring 
village settlements — but may, it is thought, be discerned 
in a general characteristic, still to be observed in the 
ground-plans of most of them. The typical contrast of 
]3lan between the ancient English city and the ancient 
English town must be familiar to even the most unobservant 
wayfarer. The ancient part of a city almost always still 
consists of a boundary, originally fortified, approximating 
to a quadrangle ; with four principal entrances admitting 
four ways that meet in a rectangular cross at the centi-e. 
All the subordinate streets more or less obey this rect- 
angular precedent, and even late accretions repeat the 
square masses. But a town has thvea principal ap- 
proaches, meating at a central triangular space, usually 
occupied by the market — where a market survives — and 
the smaller streets often acknowledge a governing 
tendency to feather off into repetitions of this triangular 
rule. In fact, whilst the original city was designed of set 
purpose, and fortified, and the primitive village or tribal 
settlement was planted or colonized, and probably inclosed, 
at a chosen spot ; the town, on the contrary, has <jrown up 
between them s})ontaneously, out of a mere natural 

As long as two neighbouring rural settlements desired 
to meet, either for conference or barter, any spot on the 
interval or path between them would serve ; and no 
accustomed or appointed place of meeting would be 
necessary. They had only to approach each other until 
they met. But when the intercourse was to be between 
three or more, the j)oint where two paths or trackways 
join into one would, from obvious convenience or ex- 
pediency, become the appointed place of meeting. Con- 
ferences of this kind, where the parties are more than two, 
would soon bring into action a new principle. The 
presence of two buyers to one seller, or of two sellers to 
to one buyer, constitutes the suljstratum of Market- 
price — the first rudiment of trade. These triangular 
s})ots, therefore, are the first cradle of that giant whom 
we now see, with his seven-league boots — ships and 


railways— striding across oceans and continents. This 
new principle, which we now call commerce, once 
quickened, would induce a frequent repetition of the 
gatherings at these places, and they would speedily 
become peiiodical — that is, they would be markets, fairs, 
and perhaps religious festivals. The want of some per- 
manent shelter would next be felt and supplied, after- 
wards continued to our day in the market cross, now 
being developed into the market-house with the town- 
hall. Close at hand Avould be pitched the refreshment 
booth, afterwards to become the more permanent inn. 
Then would follow the shoeing forge, the general shop, 
and the other appliances not only for the occasional wants 
of congregated numbers, but also for a supply of exotic 
home comforts until the next meeting. All this change 
and progress would meanwhile leave their first cause, 
the forked trackway, as they found it, and as we now 
find it. In aftertimes the missionary would take advan- 
tage of these central assemblages of the country district, 
and hold field -preachings in one of the three interval 
spaces left by the forked road ; and his teachings would 
afterwards be perpetuated in the church, named perhaps 
after some famous apostolic teacher, whose disciple or 
suffragan he was, or after the naine of his predecessor, 
who had been rewarded for his misconstrued message of 
peace by mariyrdom upon that very spot. 

The case of these toM^s of emergence includes their 
chief organic function, the market, as already suggested 
intimately involved in their cause. Not being "sought 
beyond what is written, the origin of markets is usually 
attributed to special grants, actual or presupposed ; but, 
like other steps in social progress, although of independent 
origin, political exigency speedily brought them under 
state control. This, it ^^dll be rememlDcred, was the fate 
of the printing press : also of that greater institution, 
within which the memory of this native imnnuiity, and 
the struggle against subjection, still smoulders. As 
central governments increased in power they purposely 
restricted the number of places where markets and 
assemblages of people might be held, both for the enforce- 
ment of pohce supervision against fraudulent sales, and 
for security against revolt. One of the la^'s of Wilham 


tliG Conqueror expressly limits them to cities, walled 
boroughs, and fortresses. The original markets, therefore, 
may have been fiir more numerous than we now find them. 
A natural centralizing tendency must have since come 
into action in favour of the superior attractions of those 
within the cities and boroughs, and hi the larger towns. 
Improvements of roads and in the means of travelling, 
and the passing of markets out of this original natural 
free or ojDtional state into that of subjection to royal pre- 
rogative and manorial right, have no doubt greatly 
restricted their numbers. These orio-inal markets are in 
many cases, probably, still represented by the village green, 
with its maypole sometimes yet standing. For even here 
the fairs, revels, and annual festivals, and the occasional 
pitching of wild -beast-shows, conserve that sense of a 
pul)lic right to assemble there which has prevented their 

This initial triangular rule is still wonderfully persistent 
even in those towns which have grown up to be the rivals 
of cities and even of capitals It is not only still to be 
traced in the ancient nucleus around which the largest of 
our towns have gathered themselves, but is often so 
vigorous as to germinate throughout their most extensive 
accretions and suburbs. This may be partly due to the 
approaches from the country having necessarily conformed 
to the trifold character of their central terminus, and the 
overflows of the town have naturally flanked the roads 
already existing. In some cases even the necessary en- 
largement of the market-place itself, although very great, 
has continued the triangular form which had been first 
impressed ujjon its centre. In the noble example of 
Nottinofham this triano;ular law is still suDreme. In 
others of the largest towns it may still be made out, 
although much overlaid, or obscured, or almost obliterated. 
In Manchester some traces of it may be discerned in the 
old Market-place, contiguous to the parish — collegiate — 
now cathedral — church ; ]jut, influenced perhaps by re- 
mains of Roman "streets, the present great town had 
already assumed the general quadrangular aspect of a 
city, long before it was tardily promoted to that dignity : 
or more likely its great sudden growth may have resulted 
in an analogy with Berlin. At Birmingham also the 


ancient triangular centre is still very conspicuous in " The 
Bull King," a name in which one of its festival purposes 
has deposed the utilitarian one of " The Market Place." 
The name " Bull Pdng" also remains at the central area 
at Kidderminster ; and in other towns not only in the 
Midland counties, but m other parts of England. 

Good, perfect, and luialtered specimens of this ideal of 
a town are indeed very frequent all over the kingdom, 
and three or four at least used to be passed through 
during a short journey from one city to another. 
Tewkesbury is a good example ; so also Shrewsbury, 
Faversham, Tiverton, and others ; and although Leland 
failed to discern the general jDrinciple which now engages 
our attention, this characteristic of the plan of a 
town in one instance attracted his notice. He describes 
Thornbury, Gloucestershire, as we now see it, — "to 
the proportion of the letter Y, having first one long 
Strete and two Hornnes goynge owt of it."^ This 
principle is also very obvious at Alcester, Warwick- 
shire ; from which it may be inferred that the Ptoman 
Chester, still remembered in the name, had become 
desolate, and that travellers already passed by it, 
without using its forsaken streets, before the adjoining 
English town arose in the spontaneous manner here sugges- 
ted. Not many increasing English towns have continued 
almost to our own time contracted within the limits of 
chronic fortification ; but v/here this has happened, as at 
Sandwich, — still confined within an ancient earthen wall 
similar to that of Wareham — the feathered tendency of 
the street plan has, by compression, been contorted into 
some approach to what is called flamboyant. 

In many cases the increase of the market, instead of 
enlarging the triangle, has preferred to overflow into one 
of its three arms, the one street being much widened 
to receive it ; as at Chipping-Sodbury, Marlborough. 
Southmolton, and very many towns in the south-west of 
England. The large square markets resembling the 
Flemish Grande Place, especially frequent in the north of 
England — as at Eipon, Kichmond, Leyburn, and Dar- 
lington — may ]je a still further development of this same 

• liin., vol. vii, fol. 746. 


method of enlargement by widening one of the three 
arms. But in both of these classes it will generally be 
found that two entrances remain at one end, Avhilst there 
is only one outlet at the other. 

What the numerous " tons" really represent are the 
centres of the original territorial unit, the colony or 
township or tithing which became the constituent of the 
hundred, and itself afterwards chiefly merged in the rural 
parish ; in which the " tons," although still the merest 
villages, are now often called the "church-town." When- 
ever this settlement of the rural tithings or townships 
into parishes took effect, such of the upsprung towns as 
had provided themselves with churches of their own made 
good a share in that arrangement, resolving themselves 
into one or several independent parishes. But it does not 
seem likely that a plurality of parishes in a town, even in 
the old larger towns and boroughs, hands down any 
original divisions of it, or au}^ planted constitution. Any 
such intramural plurality of parishes would arise from 
oft'shoots or accretions of emergency : constitutional 
organizations or privileges being superinduced when the 
commimity was ripe for them, or powerful enough to 
obtain them. It is hardly likely that even a municipal 
borough was, as has been claimed for it, "nothing more 
than a hundred, or an assemblage of hundreds, surrounded 
by a moat, a stoccade, or a wall."' Although apparently 
ignored in written evidences, their growth by successive 
accretion is attested by an extrinsic monument. The 
dedications of the churches, in the oldest of our large 
towns, indicate a succession of diftierent ages, and even of 
different peoples. The town of Bristol, for example, shews 
a stratified sTiccession of dedications from tlie first half of 
the eighth century (a.d. 741) downwards. And even 
the chesters, that still preserve their lioman plan and 
outline, have been materially resuscitated in this pro- 
gressive manner. Exeter, for example, presents accessions 
of different ages and nations in the names of the churches ; 
and a reference to a plan in this Journal will shew the 
churches accumulated near the arterial centre, ])y later 
deposit, with a considerable luioccupiecl space nearer the 

' iSii' F. Palgravc, Eiial. C'o}iim., p. 102. 
-Vol. XXX," p. 212. 


walls. Dorchester is a smaller example of this. So that 
although country parishes may have, to a great extent, 
continued earlier civil divisions of land, those within even 
the most ancient towns do not transmit any ancient 
municipal organization, but are rather ratifications of the 
limits of those for whom the churches had been estab- 
lished, either aschapelries or ofishoots of mother churches, 
or of additional colonies of townsmen. In the case of Exeter 
the civil division which survived was still later than the 
parochial ; for while the parish boundaries had respected 
the more ancient line of street, the civic wards are found 
in accordance with the mediaeval deviation from that line, 
made a.d. 1286. 

On the other hand, existing specimens are far from 
uncommon, of important old towns, of our occasional 
or undesigned class, that must have grown up since the 
settlement of rural parishes, still remaining in a parasite 
condition within the precincts of the parishes, but quite 
distinct and even remote from the comparatively incon- 
siderable oriofinal head-centre or " ton." The ancient 
chesters, moreover, are not the only witnesses of the 
quadrangular result of the artificial or simultaneous 
design, as contrasted Avith the spontaneous cause. New 
Sarum, with its conspicuous " chequers," is an early 
mediaeval one. The plan of Berlin may also be seen in 
immediate contact with its ancient suburb on the Spree ; 
not to mention the great modern capitals of the new 
continents and the colonies. 

Neither are entirely wanting similar monuments or 
continuances of the original " tons," or central homesteads 
of the rural territorial units, from which the present 
purpose is to discriminate our " towns" of the narrower 
meaning. The tide of modern life and great highways 
have rectilineated and nearly obliterated the original 
character of those that are more commonly seen. But in 
secluded nooks in the extremities of the land, a stroller is 
sometimes surprised, on passing through a gate or over a 
stile, to find that he has really entered a village instead 
of a farm-yard, as he may have expected. The clustered 
cottages are sjDotted about without order, and among 
them the larger farm-house, with its appendages ; one of 
which at first sight seems to be the church, asserting its 



dignity, not by its situation, nor always by its size, but 
by the visible evidences of its middle- age ecclesiastical 
masonry and attributes. In more urbano districts, the 
manor-house, instead of degenerating to a farm, has grown 
into a palatial mansion, under whose wing the church 
i-emains, a humble but ornamental adjunct, often included 
within the park fence itself, but with a right of way from 
the still contiguous but now excluded village. 

How then does it happen that the very class of 
the concentrated communities which are self-grown, and 
essentially open and neutral, should not only be called by 
a word which is understood to mean an inclosure, but 
that it is also so called in emphatic distinction from the 
other classes which are by their nature planted and in- 
closed or fortified, and therefore comprehended under the 
same word "town," but in a wider and more general 
sense of it ? Can it be another example of, what is far 
more conmion than suspected, two words of different 
origins and meanings that have become identical in form ? 
Much political evolution must have preceded the earliest 
outcrop of social institutions into written evidences, 
wherein we may expect to find them already in many 
distinct threads ; and it need not be wondered at if some 
two of these, on coming into light, should be found to be 
of one colour. Can it be that the word " town," in our 
more limited sense, is closely allied to the word " two," 
as being the place where two roads or trackways joined 
into one — bivium ; that it is a word of the same kindred 
as "twin," "twig," "twine," "twain," and their numerous 
fraternity ? Places which occupy a similar confluence of 
two rivers very often have names formed upon this 
principle : as Twinham. or Tweoxnam, now Christchurch, 
Hants ; Twineham, Sussex ; Twickenham, Middlesex ; 
T[w]iverton, Devon ; Tw[iv]erton, Somerset ; and very 
many more. In several of the Anglo-Saxon charters are 
boundary spots called the " twicene," explained by Mr. 
Kemble, " the angle or point at which two roads 
diverge or meet ;" and an inspection of the Ordnance 
or other road maps will often confirm this interpretation, 
by showing that obscure places so situated are still 
often named " Twitchen," or " Twitching." 

An example is indeed quoted by Lye, from i:Elfric's 


Glossary, of the word " Tun-thorp," explained as " Com- 
pitum," a meeting of two ways ; in which " tun " seems 
to have the meaning which we want, instead of that of 
inclosure usually imputed to it ; and the word " Tun- 
weg" of the Saxon Dictionaries, also from ^Ifric, may 
be to the like effect. The word "tine," for the forks 
of a stag's antlers, will also come to mind. Even if it 
should be conceded that our word " town " jDroper has a 
more direct causal connection with the word " two," it 
would not necessarily withhold from the terminal "ton," 
which may be in fact another word, its received opjjosite 
meaning of an inclosure. 

This explanation is confessed to be rather of necessity 
than choice ; but the survival of what is apparently one 
word, not only with two opposite meanings, but also with 
two distinctly separate derivations, is believed to be much 
more common in topographical etymology than has been 
hitherto believed. If two egg-like stones picked up 
from one of the pebble beaches of our southern coast 
should be cracked, one might prove to be a flint and the 
other a limestone. Starting from two distant matrixes, 
innumerable tides, many storms, and constant encounters 
with their rugged companions, have not only finally laid 
these strange bedfellows side by side, but brought them 
both to the same complexion at last. So it is with names 
and words. Perpetually bandied durmg many ages from 
mouth to ear and from ear to mouth, many of them, which 
started on their career in different shapes and from totally 
different points, have been reduced to the same form with 
each other. 

No doubt many of our to^vns, as we now find them, 
have had this general initial principle of an open neutral 
and spontaneous growth, variously combined with the 
other causes of origin or development. In some cases 
they may have occupied or contmued the already fortified 
military post or Chester, the seat of some earlier central 
govermnent ; in others they may have sought the shelter 
of some baronial castle, or the fostering munificence and 
sanctuary privileges of a great ecclesiastical college. 
Some of the towns as well as cities and boroughs may 
have arisen out of the presence of a convenient sea-port, 
or the accustomed ford of a river have established it as a 


lialtiDg^place. Others perhaps utihzed, or continued a 
eivihzed occupation of, the sites of the less elevated hill 
fortresses, of which we see so many, less fortunate, that 
owe their present desolation to the remoteness of rivers 
or of the other needs of a more advanced social state. 
Some may even be the uninterrupted continuations, from 
an imsuspected antiquit}^, of such assemblages of '' pit- 
dwellings" as those which, when abandoned, still excite 
our passing curiosity under the vague description of 
" British callages." All that is here proposed is that 
there was another aiKl more universal cause of towns, 
independent of, and even antecedent to, all these, which 
has called into existence a great number, perhaps a 
majority of them : in fact, has created them as a distinct 
type, still to be discerned in their- ground-plans. 

But more often the other agencies are combined, as 
accidents, with towns of this typical origin and growth — 
have been added to them. Some towns, already formed 
by this natural growth, have afterwards been fortified as 
occupying strategic positions too important to be neglected 
by central sujjreme powers ; a condition to which that 
convergence of roads which had been the cause of the 
towns would itself be a frequent contributory. Many in 
which had sprung up home-appointed and home-ruling 
municipal governments have fortified themselves, and not 
only commanded toleration or defied interference, but also 
exacted from superior governments recognition, and 
special privileges or franchises. Others, too populous to 
l^e trusted unawed, have had castles raised over them. 
Perhaps Totnes on the Dart is a good specimen of these 
compounds of our three-way germ with several other 
conditions, such as fortifications, added ; or Launceston, 
where there was a " North-gate," a " South-gate," and a 
" West-gate," still so named, but no trace or possibility 
that there ever was an East-gate. 

In many cases the church, which had taken root in one 
of the three unoccupied triangular areas or wards — where 
it is still generally found — has been garrisoned with a 
chapter of clerks, and become the missionary or baptismal 
centre of the entire rural district. In a like manner to that 
by which districts that liad been reduced to a central 
civil polity had been called " civitates," so were probably 


sucli cliristianized circles called " Clivistianitates," a name 
Avliicli still remains in their centres, the home deaneries of 
some of our dioceses. The Vale of Evesham was a "Deanery 
of Christianity," and the deaneries of Exeter, York, Lincoln, 
Norwich, Leicester, Thetford, Warwick, Totnes, and some 
others, are still, or until lately have been, called "the 
Deanery of Christianitie." The secular clerks — the clergy 
of the world or of the people — in their turn were some- 
times replaced by a congregation of monks or regulars. 
A settlement of either of these orders often had its pro- 
vincial school of the liberal sciences, in some cases to 
become famous far beyond its original local purpose, even 
into distant foreign lands. Sometimes these churches, 
beneficed by neighbouring benefactors, or enriched by 
endowments of pious kings or penitent marauders, have 
thus grown up into the great monastery, and finally com- 
pleted the material outline of the social group that makes 
up a town with the ci'owning grandeur of the minster 



After the exhaustive and interesting Paper com- 
municated by Mr. Lewin to the Society of Antiquaries in 
1868, upon the Castra of the Littus Saxonicum, it would 
be presumption in me to attempt to add anything to his 
description of the Castrum of Othona, and I intend 
therefore, to coiifine my remarks to the chapel on the 
walls ; not with the view of setting myself up as an 
authority upon the subject, but for the purpose of obtain- 
ing the opinion of those better able than myself, to give 
one as to its elate. 

The building is 49 feet 7 inches long by 21 feet 7 inches 
wide in the clear of the Avails, and 24 feet 9 inches high 
from the present ground level to the wall plate. The 
walls are 2 feet 4 inches thick, and it is built, as its name 
denotes, upon the old Koman walL We may dismiss the 
roof from our discussion, because that is undoubtedly of 
modern construction. 

Wlien the foundations were laid bare a good opportunity 
was afforded of ascertaining where the old Koman wall 
left off and the walls of the building commenced, and 
after a critical examination I arrived at the conclusion 
that there was a marked difference between the con- 
struction of the chapel walls and those of the castrum, 
which satisfied me that the wall of the castrum had been 
demolished to somewhere about the level of the ground 
before the chapel was erected. 

Mr. Lewin, in his Paper, suggests that the principal 
entrance to the castrum was on the western side, and 
where the chapel now is. This appears to be a very 
reasonable suggestion, because the foundations of the 
gateway would probably extend somewhat beyond the 
face of the wall on either side, and thus a larger area of 
foundation would be found there than at any other spot. 

It has been argued that this building was erected — 


. ^ 


■a 3". 


1 . By the Romans, 

2. By the Saxons. 

3. During the Norman Period, or even somewhat later. 
I propose shortly to discuss the evidence upon which 

these theories rest. 

As regards the Roman theory. I wish I could sub- 
scribe to this idea, and that the evidence of the building 
pointed to its being an undoubted Roman basilica. 

That the walls are erected of Roman materials there 
can be no question, for undoubtedly the old Roman walls 
formed the quarry from which they w^ere raised, and upon 
comparison, the materials, Roman tiles, septaria, and 
rubble stone are identical in each case, but the mode of 
putting them together is very different. In the Roman 
wall, as can be seen by the sketch of the fragment left, 
the iii^st course consisted of a layer of tiles, then about 
eighteen inches of septaria and rabble, then three courses 
of tiles, then eighteen inches of septaria and rubble, again 
three courses of tiles, and again the septaria and rubble ; 
and wherever the walls were of sufficient heig-ht to show 
any construction this arrangement of materials was carried 
out ; and I would remark that the construction of the 
walls of the Roman villa, which was discovered in 
Chelmsford in 1849, were exactly of the same character 
as the walls of this castrum. ' 

With regard to the cons traction of the chapel walls the 
tiles are, as a rule, reserved for jambs of openings, or for 
quoins, the main part of the wall being built of the sep- 
taria and rubble without the intervening bands of tiles. 

It must be remembered that the walls of the castrum 
were 12 feet thick, and the builders meant that it should 
be a stronghold in every sense of the word. We know 
how the Romans excelled in military engineering. Can 
it be believed that they would commit such a wretched 
engineering mistake as : 

1. To build out upon their wall of defence any building 
not forming absolutely a building of defence, such as a 
tower to watch from, or to enable them to sweep the face 
of the wall A^dth some of the engines of defence ; and 

2. To make a break of 21 feet in a wall of 12 feet in 

1 A precisely similar mode of constiniction occurs at Burgh Castle. See article 
on Porchester Ca.stle in the Winchester volume. — Ed. 


thickness, and for that 21 feet to trust solely to a wall 
2 ft. 4 in. thick. 

I submit therefore that upon the evidence of the 
construction of the walls not coinciding with the con- 
struction adopted by the Romans in works of a similar 
character, and the interpolation of such a building with 
walls not much thicker tlian would be put up by a 
speculative builder of the present day in the centre of a 
wall of huge strength meant for defensive purposes, the 
Roman tlieory must fall to the ground. 

As regards the Saxon claim there can be no doubt 
that after the exodus of the Roman legions the whole 
country was in a disturbed state, and we are informed 
that the sea kings of the North amused themselves 
from time to time by swooping down upon the Eastern 
coast of England, and carrying off such loot as they 
could secure. Any building, therefore, of a military or 
defensive character would no doubt be preserved — and 
in such an exposed position as this Castrum occupied, 
the shelter it would afford would be peculiarly valuable. 
The military argument against the erection of the 
building by the Romans would therefore have equal 
force as regards the Saxons, but in addition there is 
an absence in the building itself of the chief charac- 
teristic of Saxon work, namely, the long and short 
quoins — and there is a pecidiarity about the quoins which 
I shall point out presently in deahng vdth a later period 
which I apprehend will take it clearly out of the Saxon 
period. I may also mention that the presence of buttresses 
is an additional piece of evidence against the Saxon claim. 

We now come to the Norman period. In a building 
which is absolutely devoid of mouldings, and about 
which there is not a fragment of carved or moulded 
work, it is somewliat difhcult to fix upon any feature 
by which to determine its precise date, but there 
is one feature about this building which I think will 
afford strong evidence that its erection could not have 
been before a certain period, although we may not be able 
satisftictorily to fix any subsequent date. I allude to the 

Of these there are altogether seven. It has fallen to 
my lot to have to do with a great many of the old parish 


churches of Essex, and in very many of them I have found 
remains of Norman work. Indeed it is not all an unusual 
thing to find the shell of the building of the Norman or 
transition from Norman to the Early English period with 
windows and doors of later insertion. I might instance 
Great Waltham, Broomfield, and Great Canfield as 
examples, l:>ut I have invariably noted an entire absence 
of buttresses of the Norman period in these buildings. 

I do not mean to say that there are no Norman build- 
ings with buttresses, because T beheve even in this 
county there are one or two examples, but they are the 
exceptions rather than the rule. The quoins are square, 
and in very many instances formed of Roman tiles or 
bricks, and I would here remark that from the large 
number of Roman bricks and septaria which I have 
found worked up in some old churches throughout the 
county, the buildings left by the Romans must have 
been far more numerous than we have any idea of; 
because, in addition to their serving as quarries for 
any new building, they were too irresistible to be 
neglected by the road maker. And not only in Essex do 
we find a general absence of buttresses in buildings of this 
class but in other counties as Avell, and where buttresses 
in buildings of a larger class are used, the projection is so 
slight that the wall space between has more the appearance 
of being recessed than the buttresses of being projected. 
And again when buttresses were used they generally 
covered the angle. 

Now in this building we find the buttresses of consider- 
able projection, and although from time and rough usage 
they have been much defaced, there is still sufficient 
evidence to prove that originally they projected at least 
2 ft., thus indicating a period of erection coinciding with 
what we understand as the Early English period, or at 
any rate Transitional Norman ; but there is still another 
feature which was certainly not in use prior to the Early 
English period, and that is the position of the angle 
buttresses. They are not exactly at the angle, but the 
quoin of the building is shewn for some few inches before 
the buttress breaks out. I should not like to make the 
sweeping assertion that in no building previous to the 
Early English period does such a feature exist. All I can 


216 ST. Peter's on the wall, 

say is, I have never met with an example, and I think 
I am justified in saying, that it is a feature admittedly of 
a later date than the Early Norman period. 

I may be met with the suggestion, that these buttresses 
have been added, but upon a very close examination I 
could not find any evidence in su]3port of this theory. 
The work is of the same character and materials as the 
bulk of the walls, and is, I think, unquestionably bonded 
in. I have met with many instances where buttresses 
have been added to buildings of an earlier date, but there 
has always been a marked difference between the work of 
the original wall and that of the buttress ; I think a 
tolerably conchisive piece of evidence as to the buttresses 
forming part of the old work is the fact of their crumbUng 
away to within a very few inches of the face of the wall, 
if they had been added they would in many cases have 
left the old work bodily from the rough usage they have 
undoubtedly received. 

It is most unfortiuiate that we have no documentary 
evidence upon the subject of this building. It is true 
that Camden cites Bede, and Ralph Virgil, monk of 
Coggeshall , to show that Cedd l)uilt a chapel in the city of 
Mancester ; but in addition to the arguments I have before 
named upon this point, I apprehend that the chapel was 
built in the city and not in the fortress, and therefore the 
chapel thus alluded to was destroyed with the city. 

The only other mention we have of this building is by 
Morant, who informs us that in 1442, a jury found that 
this building, which was then undoubtedly used as a 
chapel, had a chancel, nave, and small tower with two 
bells, that it was burnt, and the chancel was repaired by 
the Hector and the nave by the parishioners, but when 
it was founded and by whom they know not. The nave 
only now exists, but when the excavations to which I 
have before alluded took place, we found a confirmation 
of this return by the jury of 1442, and I have marked 
upon the general plans the foundations of an apse at the 
east end, no doubt the chancel alluded to, and at the west 
end the foundations, no doubt of the tower, which were 
then exposed, and are now again all covered up ; 
in further confirmation of the former existence of 
the apse, I would refer to the broken walls at the east 


end, clearly proving that the buildmg was in some form 
or another continued in that dii-ection. 

This semi-circular apse is strongly relied upon by some 
as proving its undoubted Norman character, but I tliink 
we must not place too much reliance upon this point, for 
it must be remembered that in old time the abbey of St. 
Valery, in Picardy, held one half of this parish. We also 
know that the round apse was very commonly adopted in 
France, even at a later ]jeriod than that corresponding with 
our Norman work ; and it is possible that the architect 
may have been of foreign extraction, and takmg into con- 
sideration the very remote position of Bradwell, far away 
from the great thoroughfares of the county, access by 
sea was probably as convenient as that by land, and thus 
the introduction of the apse may be accounted for. There 
is one other point in connection with this apse which 
may be worth a passing thought. 

It is clear that the old Roman wall was strengthened 
with at least one circular tower, and these towers may 
possibly have had narrow openings either for look-out or 
purposes. May not the materials thus worked to a 
defensive circular face have suggested their re-production 
in a circular form in the new building to be erected ? 

The absence of windows has been commented upon. If 
there is one feature of our Norman and Early English 
Churches in this district more decided than another, it 
is the extreme smallness of the windows, generally not 
more than six inches wide outside, but splaying off, of 
course, to a much greater width inside. These windows 
would, when the building was converted into a barn, be 
useless, and therefore I can readily imagine that they 
would be widened to the width of the inner splay or 
thereabouts, and converted into loops to enable the 
labourers to load the bays of the barn with corn. I 
apprehend that two of these narrow windows on either 
side, together with those in the apse, would be considered 
tpiite sufficient for lighting purposes. 

A very curious feature is the starting of an arch at the 
east end. One would naturally expect to find the remains 
of an arch which ^^'Ould cover the Avhole width of the nave, 
but if this arch is completed in a semi-circidar form it 
would scarcely cover half the width; it would seem, there- 


fore, that if tliere was only one arcli it must have l)een 
very flat at the top or four- centred. The other alternative 
seems to be a double arch with a pier in the centre — a 
feature which, if I rememljer rightly, is to be seen in the 
so called chapel at Beeleigh Abbey. 

Taking a survey of the whole building, both as regards 
the visible, and what is now the invisible parts of it, and 
relying mainly upon the buttresses which I might almost 
say are the only architectural features left, I would 
submit that the date of this building may be fixed at the 
latter end of the twelfth century, and that it was built 
for ecclesiastical purposes. 





During the autumns of 1 875 and 1876,1 paid visits to the 
church of Slapton,a small village four miles from Towcester, 
and to that of Raunds, a few miles from Higham Ferrers, 
both in the county of Northampton. And it is but 
right to state, that, in both places, I was the guest of the 
incumbent, with much kindly hospitality. The church 
of Raunds has Litely been restored by Sir Gilbert Scott, 
and it was through him that I first became acquainted with 
the discovery of the extraordinary series of paintings in 
that church. The paintings of Slapton were discovered by 
the exertions of the late rector and his lady, Mr. and Mrs. 
Edman, the latter herself having worked in removing the 

As time after time, these discoveries are made, it is 
found, that there is a recurrence of the same subject, 
therefore to avoid a tedious repetition of description, 
it is now necessary to classify and to generaUze, as 
well as to allude to the principles, which governed the 
decoration of our churches during the middle ages. A 
most useful list of the paintings discovered and record- 
ed has been drawn up under the editorial care of our 
friend Mr. Soden Smith, and published by the authorities 
of South Kensino-ton Museum. This hst I hold to be 
valuable in more ways than one, and I consider it nuist 
be appealed to by those, who, in future, would study the 
religious teaching of our ancestors. Briefly let me state, 
one fact, that subjects from the Bible are rare, and one of 
the most so is that of the " Last Supper." Instead of 
ilhistrating the doctrine of the Euchaiist by that, it is 
preferred to do so by an illustration of the story of St. 
Gregory's Mass, and this is significant, because it enforces 


the doctrine of transubstantiation. The subjects, mostly 
found, are taken from legends of saints, and from a class to 
which we must give the name of moralities. Some of the 
legends of the saints we must look u^Don as parables or 
apologues, and, as such, they have in them much beautiful 
teaching. Turn them into real histories and you degrade 
them. If we would comprehend these paintings in the 
spirit in which they were intended, which in all justice to 
our forefathers we ought to do, we must never forget what 
the ecclesiastical writers say of them from the eighth to 
the fifteenth century, viz., that they are for instruction, for 
the use of those who cannot read — in fact, the " Book of 
the ignorant." Any criticism which does not recognise 
this is unsound and unjust. 

Now, of all subjects, St. Christopher is the most com- 
monly found, and is always placed where it can be most 
readily seen by the worshipper on entering the church, 
usually, therefore on the north waJl. The next most in 
favour in England was St. George, our patron saint, 
generally placed on the south wall, often opposite to that 
of St. Christopher. The legends of both these saints are 
typical. Both are unquestionably apologues and nothing 
more. The story of St. Christopher is fully illustrated in 
an article of mine, published in the collections of the 
Surrey Archaeological Society,' and to that I must refer 
for full details. 

Among the female saints, the most popular was St. 
Katharine of Alexandria, and her legend is of frequent 

Of the so called moralities, there are two, which are 
mostly found. One is '' Soul weighing," the history of 
Avliich carries us back into the remotest antiquity. Then 
comes that of " The three Kings dead and the three Kings 
living," which subject has been fully illustrated by myself 
in an Article on the Paintings in Battell Church, Sussex,'' 
and also in one by our late friend, Albert Way, in the 
Journal of this Society. But of this no example, yet 
discovered, can compare in importance with that at Baunds. 
Not only is it finer for the art it displays, but its size is 
grand and imposing, the figures being much beyond the 

' Vol. iii. 
* Journal of Britiah Archtuological Association, Vol. ii. 152. 


size of life. It is on the north wall of the nave, filling 
up spaces between the spandriJs of the arches. A 
figure of St. Christopher separates it from the symbohc 
representation of the " Seven Deadly Sins," and altogether 
it makes the most complete and effective decoration, yet 
discovered in any of our mediajval churclies. The whole 
of this series, excepting the figure of St. Christopher, is 
dedicated to the exemplification of the sin of pride, and 
instability of all worldly things, with the moral that all 
ends in death. I will begin my description with the 
painting of the " Seven Deadly Sins." (Vide Plate I.) 

It represents a female in rich attire having the long 
flowing garments of the fifteenth century. A closely fitting 
corse is at her waist, worn over a richly embroidered gown, 
and she wears an ample mantle lined with ermine. She is 
crowned, and holds a sceptre in each hand. Her face 
has somewhat of a scornful look, the eyes looking half 
shut: her neck, with a necklace around it, is ba're, as 
well as her bosom. Beneath her is the yawning mouth 
of a monster, signifying Hell, out of which flames are 
issuing, and in the midst is a figure representing a soul in 
torment. ^ At her head, on each side, is a demon. From 
her body issue six demoniac forms winged, each vomitino- 
forth figures, illustrative of each sin; and these are 
accompanied by another figure, a shade, which seems 
to point the moral. Over the head of the principal 
figure IS a scroll; some few letters remaining suggest, 
thatit may have been "Imago Superbia3 et Inanis 
Glorise " Over each of the groups are other scrolls, on 
which has been written the name of the sin symbolised. 
Then, at her right hand, is a hideous cadaverous figure of 
Death, holding a lance in knightly fashion, with which he 
pierces the woman's side. 

This composition is intended to illustrate the sin of 
Pride, as the mother of all the other sins, and the moral 
that all ends in death and punishment hereafter. That 
this view is not based on mere conjecture, I shall now 
proceed to show, and to give a history, as far as possible 
oi the of the ideas embodied, as far as I can 
trace them in the Christian Church, and particularly in 
mediaeval theology. 

First, let me direct attention to the writings of 


the monk Cfesarlus/ who hved in the twelfth and thir- 
teenth century, to whom I have often referred. In his 
dialogue on "Temptation," is a chapter entitled "Pride 
and her Six Daughters." 

In the preceding one he says "Seven are the principal 
vices springing from one virulent root, that is to say, 
Pride, from which almost all temptations proceed. The 
first vice of Pride succeeding to it is " Empty Glory." 
The second is "Anger;" third, "Envy;" fourth, "Sloth;" 
fifth, "Avarice;" sixth, "Gluttony" (Gula vel Gastri- 
margia) ; seventh, "Luxury." He then classes these. 
He calls some spiritual, as " Empty Glory," " Anger," 
and " Envy ;" others corporal, as " Gluttony " and 
"Luxury;" some mixed, as "Sloth" and "Avarice." 
He proceeds to say, Lucifer, ejected from Heaven on 
account of Pride, diffused himself in the human heart, 
darkened by mortal sins ; and, that the sins were desig- 
nated by the seven devils ejected from Mary Magdalene. 
He then minutely defines "Pride" as being of two kinds 
— one within, as in elation of the heart ; the other with- 
out, as in works of ostentation. He then defines "Anger," 
quoting many passages of Scripture. " Anger," he says, 
"is a fire." "Envy," he continues, "is born of anger; 
" indeed, an inveterate anger, and is a hatred of another's 
" felicity. This vice makes a devil of an angel, and was the 
" cause of man being ejected from Pai^adise." The next vice, 
" Sloth" (Accidia) he states to be much too importunate 
to religious men. The Novice asks, " What is the 
meaning of Accidia?" it having a somewhat barbarous 
sound. The question is interesting, for our Monk is a 
scholar, and fond of quoting the classics. He explains 
the word as being " quasi acidia," rendering spiritual 
works acid and insipid, as malice, rancour, pusillanimity, 
desperation, a torpor concerning the commandments, a 
wandering of the mind about unlawful things. We now 
come to " Avarice," which he calls an insatiable and 
immoderate appetite of having all things, and he quotes 
the Aj)ostle, "The root of all evils is Avarice."'^ The 
sixth vice is "Gluttony" (Gula), which he styles the 

1 Dlahffus Miraculonim. C<esarius Konigswinter on the Ithinc. 
was a monk of tho Cistercian Order of ^ Timothy vi, 10: " Love of money," 

tho Monastery of Hcistorbach, near in our Version. 


immoderate cause and appetite of eating and drinking. 
Last and seventh, "Luxiny" (Luxuria), the which he 
minutely describes, and which in mediaeval theology 
siofnifies illicit affections. 

Having thus given the theology, I will now proceed to 
describe the emblematical fissures in ao-reement with it. 
It will be observed that these, w^hich represent the six 
daughters of Pride, are arranged on each side the principal 
figure. On her right, first comes " Avarice," and un- 
fortunately some details here are indistinct ; but the demon 
seems to issue from the head, as possibly indicating, that it 
was a vice peculiar to the mind. The figure also appears to 
be holding, what must be intended to represent, sacks or 
purses of money, but this is somewhat defaced. Next, 
beneath this, is " Ira" (Anger), and here the figure from the 
demon's mouth exhibits drops of blood issuing from tire 
breast ; and another figure, like a shade or shadow, stands 
by pointing at the w^ound, as probably showing the 
dangerous effects of Anger. Beneath this comes "Invidia" 
(Envy), tearing her breast, as it appears, — the shade again 
stands by pointing. 

We now pass to those on the left side, which show the 
vices mostly corporal. First is " Gula," in which the 
figure has lost its distinctive emblem, and tlie shade seems 
to be an animal,' but is too defaced to speak with certainty. 
The next is " Luxuria," shown in a most unmistakable 
manner : lastly " Accidia ;" here the figure seems as if 
wearily stretching, and the shade, apparently, quickly 
moving towards it with uplifted switch. 

We must not for one moment suppose that in this 
curious and interesting composition, we get the work of 
an individual mind. It is the result of a series of develop- 
ments, doubtless handed down from very early times. 
Though by far the most complete and the finest of the 
various illustrations of the "' Seven Deadly Sins," with 
which we are acquainted, it will be well to make a com- 
parison with others. One discovered a few years ago at 
Wisborough Green, in Sussex, gave a large nude female 
figure with a series of winged demons or dragons issuing 
from the different parts of the body, in which each sin is 
supposed to reside, or to be affected by. In this we get 

1 The emblematical animal usually given to Gula is a hog. 


another version but by no means so complete nor so full of 
thought as that at Raunds. On a screen at Catfield, in 
Norfolk, remain representations of three of the deadly sins, 
viz., Pride, a figure with a mirror and comb ; Anger, with 
two knives in the breast, from which issue bloody drops ; 
and Avarice, holding out two money bags.' Each issue 
from a yawning mouth. ^ At Ingatestone, in Essex, the 
*' Seven Deadly Sins" are represented in the form of a 
wheel, the subjects being between the spokes. Pride is 
a lady seated, attiring by the assistance of a maid. Anger 
is a fight between two persons. Luxury, a man kissing 
a girl. Sloth, a man in bed, seemingly in a monastery.^ 
Avarice, a miser with his money. Ghittony, men and 
women drinking in a cellar. Envy, scene before a justice, 
witnesses swearing falsely. In the centre is Hell's mouth. 
In the early ages of Christianity there was no such 
classification as the " Seven Deadly Sins." This belongs to 
a later time, and was possibly due to the spread of monas- 
ticism. Amongst the poems of the poet Prudentius, who 
lived in the fourth century, and was the contemporary of 
St. Ambrose, is one entituled " Psychomachia," v/liich 
arrays the Virtues in a struggle with the Vices. It is 
too classical in its allusions to help us much in the history 
of our subject; but it serves to point out the changes, which 
a later time had developed. Here are Superbia, Ira, and 
Avaritia. There is also Luxuria, but it is as we understand 
the word now^ ; luxury as expressed in superfluity and 
excess in attire and mode of life. There is also " Libido," 
which of course has the meaninof given in Monkish Latin 
to Luxuria; and lastly "Discordia," which, if expressed at 
all in the later time, must be found in the term " Invidia." 
The most illustrative passages are those relating to 
" Avaritia," whom he describes as, not content only to 
collect fragments of gold into heaps and to fill her ample 
bosom, but delights to stuft' the base lucre into bags. 

" Nee sufficit amplos 
Implevisse sinus, juvat infarcire crumenis, 
Turpe lucrum." 

In a curious collection of mediaeval sermons of the 
fifteenth century, entituled " Dormi Secur^," there are 

^ This confirms thn previous suggestion. ^ ggg tj^g passages quoted from 

2 Vide engravings in Norfolk Archte- Caasarius, ante. 


often allusions to allegorical figures and their mode of 
treatment by the Romans. I am not inclined to think 
these are references to classic times, exactly, but possibly 
to those succeeding, and a tradition of early art as it came 
to be developed in the Church. Among these is one 
given on the authority of Fulgentius, a writer of the sixth 
century, in which at least are some suggestions towards 
our subject, although having a wide divergence from it in 
details. He says : The Romans made the images of 
Vain Honour in the manner of an inconstant woman, 
writing above her in golden letters, " This is the image of 
Vain Honour, look at her and always fly her." This 
image had a crown on its head, and a sceptre in its left 
hand, and a peacock in the right, and was blind in the 
eyes and veiled, and seated upon a car draw^n by four 
lions. And the meaning of these was, that whoever loves 
the vain honour of this world, is inconstant as an unsteady 
woman having a crown upon her head, because by the 
world, as by a king, she desires to be honoured. The 
sceptre in her hand is a sign that she always desires to 
command. Blindness in the eyes and with veiled face, 
because malice blinds her, so that she cares for no sin ; 
whence the Book of Wisdom, " He blinded them by their 
malice." She has a peacock in one hand, for that as a 
peacock with its tail adorns its hinder part and front, but 
when it adorns its front it denudes its back, so such a 
one, adornmg himself in the world, deprives himself of 
eternal glory. The four lions before her signify, that the 
four sins come with the vam honour of this world, namely 
Pride, Avarice, Luxury, and Envy. 

Now in this description it is impossible not to see the 
analogy with the painting at Raunds. The subject is, 
indeed, substantially the same, for Vain Honour and Vain 
Glory are identical terms, and associated with it are the 
four prmcipal vices. Moreover, we see other suggestions, 
such as the Crown and the Sceptre, signifying the vain- 
glory of this world, and its desire to rule.' It is to be 
noted that Fulgentius lived in a time, when there were 
two parties in the Church in fierce conflict -with each 
other. The one, and that mostly in power, desirous to 

^ It is also to be noted that the woman the appearance of the eyes in the figure at 
is made blind There is a peculiarity in Raund's which may have the same intent. 


develop the ceremonial and decoration familiar to the 
temples of heathendom ; the other section averse to 
this, as fearing from it the corruption of the simplicity of 
worship. The struggle continued long, and was saddened 
by the outrages of either side. There cannot be a doubt 
but, that from this time, we must trace the history of that 
art we call " Christian," and any relic of it, even in 
description, must be eagerly sought. 

There is another work to which one must also refer as 
giving us some illustrations, and this is Spenser's " Fairy 
Queen." Spenser lived in an era of great development, 
when England was rapidly passing from the middle ages 
and its associations. Yet his poem shows abundantly 
where he had studied and enriched his mind. In the 
second Canto he describes the house of Pride ; and 
Lucifera, whose name symbolises this vice, is associated 
with all the other deadly sins, forcibly painted, he often 
using the very words of the mediasval writers. In fact, in 
the whole poem there is no more noble passage than in this 
description of the House of Pride, and of Lucifera and her 
train. In one part she is thus described : — 

" Lo ! underneath lier scornful feet, was lain 
A dreadful dragon with an hideous train, 
And in her hand she held a mirror bright, 
AVherein her face she often viewed feign.'* 

Then she issues forth in her chariot, and strove to match, 
in royal rich array, "great Juno's golden chair" : — 

But this was drawn of six unequal Beasts, 

On which her six sage counsellors did ride, 
Taught to obey their bestial behests, 

With like conditions to their kinds appli'd ; 

Of which the first, that all the rest did guide, 
Was sluggish Idleness the Nurse cf sin ; 

Upon a slothful Ass ho chose to ride, 
Array'd in habit black and amirs thin, 
Like to an holy Monk, the service to begin. 

It is impossible not to see the analogy in these passages 
with descriptions previously given. It would almost 
seem like a satire on the Monkish life, written by a 
Reformer so to typify Sloth, had we net read Coesarius. 
But the whole passage, which occupies several stanzas, 
is ilch in imagery, suggested or derived from mediaeval 
influences ; and it is singularly interesting to trace these 


in the production of one of the greatest poets of the 
Augustan age of Enghsh hterature. 

But nothing is so complete or so full of meaning as the 
painting at E,aunds. It is a combinatian of all that 
mediaeval symbolism has arrayed upon the subject. 
Pride, in all the fulness of worldly honour and glory, is 
atth'ed as a Queen. She has two sceptres, showing that 
she rules over the vices of the mind as those of the body, 
and they issue from her head and heart. But Death 
strikes her down, and Hell yawns beneath her feet. 

The wdiole wall was to illustrate the moral, that how 
great soever man's estate upon this earth, death may 
overtake him in the midst of all; even in the sport which 
he is enjoying, or in the pursuits of pleasure or of self- 
indulgence. The next subject, therefore, continues the 
theme ; and we see three kings, richly attired, have issued 
from a castle to enjoy the pleasures of the chase or of 
hawking. They are attended by hounds, and carry hawks 
upon their wrists, when they are suddenly encountered by 
three grisly emaciated forms. These are three dead kings, 
who, in discourse, warn those living in their kingly honour 
" that such as they are now so shalt thou be." As this is 
by far the finest composition of this subject ever before 
discovered in this countrj^, it would be most desirable 
could tracings from it be made, or at least good drawings, 
as a valuable record of our medi?eval art, early in 
the fifteenth century, in case of their decay or future 

The interest attending this example lies in its grand 
size, and the complete manner in which it is carried out. 
The figures are well proportioned and picturesquely 
composed, especially as regards the arrangement of the 
draperies. The first king, in the closely fittmg jupon of 
the fourteenth and fifteenth century, has his ermined 
mantle thrown over one shoulder, thus shewing his entire 
figure as he turns towards the second king, who strides 
towards him, looking at the uncouth objects, that thus 
cross their path ; this figure is also most picturesque. 
The third king, who is timidly advancing in the rear, 
has liis mantle more closely wrapped around him. The 
whole group shows a very superior knowledge and artistic 
power to that usually seen in the ordinary jDauitmgs dis- 


covered in our churches. Some details are curious. In 
the rear of the last king, and in front of the castle, are 
two posts, through which a large chain has been drawn ; 
but whether it belonged to the machinery of a drawbridge 
or not is not obvious. Rabbits or hares are visible on the 
ground by their feet. All the figures have scrolls, but 
none of the inscriptions are legible from below, but the 
character of all these is well known. 

As one of the most popular of the subjects found in 
our churches, it merits attention, especially when treating 
of so fine an example. I shall have again to allude to it. 

The north aisle contains remains of paintings from the 
legend of St. Katharine, and, originally, must have had 
eight subjects completely illustrating it. There are two 
dates to the paintings preserved ; the earlier ones, and the 
best, are in monochrome, simj)le red outlines, and may be 
placed to the commencement of the fifteenth century. 
But the latter, though of the same subject, and overlying 
the earlier series, are executed in various colours after 
nature. They have not an equal merit with the earlier work, 
and from the broad-toed shoes belong to the early part of 
the sixteenth century. In some places these have been 
entirely removed in clearing off" the whitewash, thus dis- 
closing the older series. 

The legend of St. Katharine of Alexandria is one of 
a class, evidently in high favour, illustrative of the 
early struggles of Christianity. Altars, dedicated to 
this saint, are found to have existed in some of the 
humblest of our parish churches. It is a strange story, 
altogether mythical, the chief tendency being to enforce 
what was called the " religious life," that is, monachism. 
It is proper, therefore, that we view it in its ancient spirit, 
and not in that of modern criticism. It is necessary to 
give an abstract of it, as we follow the description of the 
paintings preserved. 

At the east end of the aisle, above and around the 
situation of the Altar, are traces of diaper work, but the 
illustrations of the story begin, and are continued, on the 
wall intervening between the windows of the north side. I 
do not doubt but that the first was that known as the 
" Marriage of St. Katharine," one which has exercised the 
art of many of the great masters, and is often found in 


our galleries. To explain it we must recount the legend. 
St. Katharine was of royal parentage, her father being 
King of Cyprus. The Emperor Maxentius summoned 
him, with many other of his vassals, to his court at 
Alexandria, whither he went with his wife and daughter ; 
and whilst they sojourned in that city he took the oppor- 
tunity of having Katharine instructed in all knowledge 
and science. She was of extreme beauty, and was eagerly 
sought in marriage ; but the Emperor asked of her mother 
that she should espouse his son, and this she communi- 
cated to Katharine. But the young lady's reply to the 
proposal was, that she never would marry any man who 
was not as noble, as prudent, as beautiful, and as rich as 
herself; and although the Emperor's son might be in 
nobihty and riches equal to her, yet in knowledge and 
beauty he was a long way off. Thereupon her mother, 
much distressed, seeks advice, and it is thought, that her 
daughter should see a pious hermit, who questions her, 
and finding out her disposition addresses her thus : — 
" Oh ! beautiful young lacly ! if you will believe in Christ, 
you will have a spouse who incomparably excels thee 
in nobility, wisdom, and beauty." Katharine consents to 
his teaching, and he presents her with a picture of the 
Virgin Mary holding the Infant Jesus, enjoining her to 
pray that she would show her Son to her. She obeys, 
but ever the Child averts his face. On the Virgin Mother 
asking why, he answers, " Katharine is ignoble, foolish, 
poor and bare," and she is directed to go again for in- 
struction to the holy man. This she does, and he 
converts her to the Christian faith. Returned home, 
when at night in bed, she had a vision of the Virgin 
with her Son approaching her joyfully. And now 
Katharine is pronounced fair and good, and wise and 
fairer in faith. From being as a crow, she is now white 
as a dove. The Virgin then takes her right hand and 
conveys it to her Son, who places upon her finger a ring 
of faith, and accepts her in perpetual espousals. 

This, very much contracted, is the basis of this legend, 
but of this subject no traces remain, as the place wherein 
it would have been is occupied by a tablet. The next 
space, however, contains traces of both periods. Of the 
later time, there are but few remains, which consist 


chiefly of portions of an altar with candlesticks. Of the 
earlier work there are indications of a number of figures, 
and a Gothic structure in the background with trees, &c. 
One of the figures has a triple crown, in front of whom 
long trumpets are being sounded, and before it is a female 
crowned and nimbed. There is also one in mitre, 
chasuble, &c. 

To explain this, one must continue the legend. 

Now the Emperor commmanded all, both rich and 
poor, to assemble with animals and to sacrifice them to 
the gods, and the Christians were to do so on pain of 
death. St. Katharine, now eighteen years old, hearing 
the bellowing of oxen, the sounds of music, and the 
tumultuous singing of the people, issued forth signing 
herself with the cross, and found Christians, from the fear 
of death, sacrificing. Seeing this, she boldly walked 
towards the Emperor saying, " Salvation, King, I offer 
to thee, if thou will recall thy mind from the gods ; " and 
she continued reasoning against his idolatry. The 
Emperor, astonished at her boldness, and admiring her 
beauty, told her that after the sacrifices he would give 
her an answer. She is led to the palace, and the Emperor 
comes and asks her name and parentage, and finally 
appoints a time for the subject to be discussed with the 
learned men of his realm. 

We now pass to the next subject, and here the later 
one is best preserved, but shows traces of the earlier series 
at the foot, which makes us regret that it is not uncovered. 
Here is a seated figure of the Emperor with triple crown, 
beneath a canopy, on his throne holding a sceptre in his 
right hand, with the end resting on his left, his right leg 
crossed over the other, lie has long hair and beard, is in 
yellow robes and red mantle, and a dog is by his feet. 
Before him stands a female figure in royal robes, crowned, 
St. Katharine, who is arguing with an array of doctors 
in red gowns and black caps, one of whom conspicuously 
places one finger to his thumb. 

This is the continuation of the legend. The Emperor 
has here assembled fifty of his wisest men from all the 
provinces who are to confute St. Katharine, one of whom 
has asserted this to be very easy. But the Saint reasons 
of Christ's passion and resurrection and reduces them all 

Scene in the Life of S' Catherine, wall Painting in Raunds Church Northamptonshire. 



to silence, at which the Emperor was exceeding wroth, 
but they told him tliat the spirit of God was in her, and 
finally, that she had converted them to the Christian faith. 
At which the tyrant, inflamed with fury, commanded that 
they should all l^e l)urnt in the midst of the city. But, 
fortifled l3y the sign of the cross, they rendered their souls 
to God, and neitlier liair nor clothes were injiu-ed by the fire. 

Now the last jjortion of the subject is ilhistrated liy one 
of the earlier series, and that which is the most perfectly 
preserved ; which is the more interesting, as it is exceed- 
ingly rarely found. There is a pit, into which a numl3er of 
figiu'es have been thrust by officials with pitch forks. Some 
hold books, and a figure laden with books is about to cast 
them in. By the side stands the Emperor in triple crown, 
and holding a sceptre. He is giving orders. By his side 
stands his sword-bearer, the baldric wound about the 
uplifted sword, and he wears a kind of turban. The 
figures in the pit wear the cap or coif of doctors of law. 
(Plate 11.) 

Over the north door is the figure of St. George 
encountering the Dragon, but it is not a very complete 
rendering of the legend, allowance being made for its 
mutilated condition. It is executed in outline like the 
rest in this aisle and is of the same date. On the other 
side of this door the story of St. Katharine continues, with 
an illustration of the earlier series, but much more muti- 
lated. It is nevertheless very curious. In the centre we 
see a castellated structure with embattlements and square 
towers at the angles. Through a large open window in 
this are seen the remains of the figures of St. Katharine 
crowned and nimbed, and on each side an angel, all very 
much defaced. In front, outside, is a crowned female 
figure kneeling, and by her side also kneeling we recog- 
nise by the turban like head-dress the sword bearer of the 
previous subject, i.e., the Porphyrins of the legend. There 
are other figures, one on the left of the castle wears on his 
head, a hat similar to that worn by the Papa of the Greek 
Church, and on the other side a female is approaching 
with the well known horned head dress. The leo'end will 
explain this in continuation. 

The Emperor then addressing the Saint in flattering 
terms, tells her that after the Queen she shall be called 



second in liis palace, and her image should be placed in the 
city and be adored as a goddess. To which she answered. 
" Desist from speaking of such things, which are wicked 
to tliink of; I have delivered myself over as the Spouse 
of Christ, and not even torments shall make me recall." 
Then he, filled with fury, commanded her to be stripped 
and given up to be scourged, and to be taken to a dark 
ceil in prison, and there kept twelve days without meat 
or drink. The Emperor had occasion to depart to the 
confines of his realm on certain urgent affairs. Tn the 
meantime, the Queen, accompanied by the chief of the 
soldiers, went in the middle of the night to the prison, in 
which, when she entered, she saw an ineffable brightness 
shining, and angels anointing the virgin's wounds. Then 
Katharine began to preach of eternal glory to the Queen, 
and converted her to the faith, and predicted for her a 
crown of martyrdom, which when Porphyrins had heard 
he threw himself at the feet of the virgin, and together 
with two hundred soldiers received the faith. 

The next space, where a subject would naturally have 
been continued, is entirely defaced, yet it is easy to say 
what would have occupied it. For it is a subject which 
specially belongs to this legend. The Emperor again 
endeavours to shake her constancy, and, failirg, threatens 
her with torment. He commanded her to be put between 
four wheels having iron teeth, jmd the sharpest nails 
around them. These, moving in contrary directions, 
were to cut the virgin to pieces. Then she prayed to 
God that he would convert the people, and break the 
machine. Forthwith, an Angel of the T^ord descended 
and struck the wheels with such force that the broken 
parts killed four thousand men. 

The Queen then avows herself a Christian, and is put 
to death. Porphyrins does the same, and is beheaded, 
and his body given to dogs. Maxentius orders St. 
Katharine either to sacrifice to the Gods or to undergo 
decollation. She replies, " Do what you will with me, I 
am prepared to suffer." She was then led to execution, 
begging permission to pray, and finally said to the exe- 
cutioner, " Do as you ought," and she was beheaded. 

The decollation, as above described, is represented by 
one of tlie later series, and is on the west wall. It 


sliows the Saint kneeling, her hands conjoined in prayer, 
whilst the executioner, in slashed doublet, with one hand 
holds the maiden's hair, and in the other bi-andishes a 
larcre uplifted sword ; a figure in yellow stands by — 
perhaps, the Emperor. 

The story is finally concluded by a painting which also 
belongs to the later time, on the other side of the west 
window, and shows a series of angels around a, tomb. 
The execution is rather coarse. There is no difficulty in 
comprehending this subject, as the legend tells us that her 
body was conveyed by angels to Mount Sinai, and there 
honourably buried. 'J'he artists of the llenaissance often 
painted it, but perhaps none surpass the fresco by Luini, 
now preserved in the Brera at Milan. It is also given in 
the series in the Chapel of St. Sepulchre, of the Cathedral 
of Winchester, date thirteenth century. {Vide "Win- 
chester Volume" of British Archaeological Society.) 

Over the chancel arch, there are representations of 
angels kneeling and holding the several instruments of 
the Passion between the four arms of a cross, which pro- 
bably was raised above the surface and highly decorated. 
But all this is in a very mutilated condition. 

Over the arch which opens into the tower there are the 
remains of a painted clock face, shewn as being held by 
angels kneeling, behind which are figures of a man and 
his wife kneeling, with hands conjoined as in prayer. These 
are the donors, and an inscription lieneath desires a prayer 
for their souls. The face of the clock is remarkable for 
having the twenty-four hours of the day inscribed upon 
it, which is perha})s an luiique instance in England of this 
practice which still retains in Italy. The date of these 
latter belongs to the fifteenth century. 

The village of Slapton, a primitive place, four miles from 
Towcester, though close to a railway, may still be said to 
be — 

"Far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife." 

Its church stands on the edge of a little knoll, and though 
small, has many interesting architectural details. It 
consists of nave and north aisle with uorch forminof the 
prmcipal entrance, and a tower at the west end. It 
commends itself to Archaeologists as, at present, it has not 
sufiered restoration. It contains the original seats, possibly 


a,s old as tlie oldest part of the cliiircli, wliicli may l)e re- 
ferred to tlie tbirteeritli century. The arch, separating 
the nave from chancel, is remarkably small, being under 
G feet in height, and not (juite 4 feet in width. The side 
piers hav-e Ijoth been perforated at a, later date in order to 
make the altar more easily seen. The floor of the nave 
rises from the chancel n,rch towards the west end, and 
preserves some very good s})ecimens of early tiles. The 
features liere described are shown in the sevei'al examples 
given in Vol. iii of this Society's Journal (p. 297, et seq.) 

Entering by the porch we i^erceive that the north aisle 
is divided from the nave by an arcade of three arches of 
unequal size. The largest of these is the central arch 
beneath which leads into the nave. In the spandrils 
which face us hyq traces of paintings. One is too much 
defaced to give any clue to its subject, but the other is 
the Annunciation, having no particular features. Both 
figures are standing, and a scroll is between them, upon 
Avhicli has been inscribed, " Ave Maria, gratia plena." 
This is the only scriptural subject in the Church. As we 
proceed into the nave, on our right hand is a painting 
upon the voussoir of the arch. Its date is possibly at the 
commencement of the sixteenth century, and lej^resents 
what is called "St. Gregory's Mass," or "St. Gregory's 
Pity," and is that subject which is intended to enforce the 
doctrine of transubstantiation. There is an altar, above 
which arising as from a tomb appears the figure of Christ 
displaying the wounds of his passion, and the " bloody 
sweat," the left hand elevated, the right at his breast. 
Kneeling before him is a priest in the vestments of the 
Mass, and by his side is deposited the triple tiara. 

The story is told in the Golden Legend. A certain 
woman brouglit bread to St, Gregory, and when in the 
mass he offered the body of the Lord and said, " The body 
of our Lord Jesus Christ keep thee to eternal life," she 
smiled, lie then i-emovino- his rio-lit hand fi'om her mouth 
replaced that part of the bread on the altar. After which 
he asked her before the people why she laughed. Because, 
she replied, the bread whicli I have made witli my own 
hands you call tlie Lord's body. Then Gregory put him- 
self lo [)raycr, ajid arising, found that particle of bread 


made ilesli to the size of a finger, and thus the woman was 
brought back to the faith. 

In art it is always represented as above described. It 
is rarely, if at all, ibund before the fifteenth century, but 
continued to be so treated until late in tlie sixteenth 
century, as by Albert Durer and others. 

The next arch, abutting on the tower, has a subject 
in a similar position on each side One representing the 
ecstacy ol ISt. Francis, is very common with the painter of 
every school. Here the Saint is kneeling before a crucifix 
upon a rock or mound, and scintillations issue from the 
wounds, as rays to his hands, feet and breast. Usually 
it is a Serajjhim displayed as a cross, l^y which the stig- 
mata are affected, and which is most in accord with the 
legfend, which says that "in a vision of God the blessed 
Francis beheld a Seraphim as crucified, and so to hnn 
evidently impressed the signs of crucifixion that he 
appeared as if he himself was crucified." 

The painting on the opposite side shows two j^ersons, 
apparently male and female, who ai"e carrying a beam 
between them. I do not know of any story which 
answers to this, and consider it to be merely a. record of 
some benefaction to the structure of the church, as 
neither figures are nimbed. 

On the north wall is conspicuously placed, nearly 
opposite to the chief entrance, as usual, the figure of St. 
Christopher, differing in no material points from the usual 
conventional treatment. It is in tolerable preservation, 
but shows in many places traces of an earlier figure 
beneath the present one. Amongst the details most 
worth remarking is the figure of a siren or mermaid in 
the river, who is combing her long locks by the aid of a 
mirror, which she holds in her hand. Westwards of this 
is a painting of our Lady of Pity, The Virgin is seated 
in a chair with the dead body of our Lord across her lap. 
It is not common to find this subject in England, but one 
of the finest works of the sculpture of the Ilenaissance is 
a Pieta, by Michael Angelo. 

On the splayed jamb of a window close by is a figure 
in long tunic and mantle, seemingly holding a bag, but it 
is a good deal defaced. The symbol is that given to 


St. Matthew, as liaving been a Publican, but one cannot 
say with certainty if this be truly attributed. 

Turning now to the south wall, we find the familiar 
subject of St. George encountering the dragon, and it is 
as usual to find this on the south wall as that of St. 
Christopher on the north ; and they are frequently, as in 
this instance, opposite each other. Here again are traces 
of a previous painting of the same subject, and, as it 
appears to me, the later artist has utilised portions of 
the earlier work. Some parts of the design are boldly 
designed and executed with some degree of skill, the 
figure of the dragon especially so. The features of this 
subject are so common, and ofter little variety of treat- 
ment. St. George encountering the dragon, with his 
lance in rest ; in the background a lady, royally crowned 
with a lamb in tether ; a castle, from which look out a 
king and queen, is the usual treatment observed. The 
story is told in the Golden Legend, as follows : — 

George, a tribune of the country of Cappadocia, arrived 
by a certain way, in the province of Libya, to a city called 
Silena, near to which city wa.s a lake as big as a sea, in 
which a pestiferous dragon lay concealed, who oftentimes 
put to flight the people who armed themselves against 
him, and by his breath killed all those approaching 
to the walls of the city. On account of which, 
the citizens were compelled to give two sheep daily 
to him, that they might appease his fury ; otherwise 
he so invaded the walls of the city, that many 
were slain. Now, when nearly all the sheep had 
gone, counsel was taken that each man by lot should 
give of his sons and daughters, and these had nearly all 
been consumed also. In this strait the king's daughter 
is taken by lot and adjudged to the dragon. Then the 
king in great grief says, " Take my gold and silver and 
the half of my kingdom, but send back my daughter lest 
she likewise dieth," To whom the people in fury replied, 
" Thou, O King, hast made the edict, and all our children 
are dead, and thou canst scarcely save thy daughter. 
Unless you comply, as in other cases you ordained, we 
will destroy thee and thy house." The king, then, 
weeping, took lus daughter, and besought that he might 
have eight days of mourning previously to her being 


given up. The time having expired, he took his daughter, 
indued her with royal robes, saying, "Alas! I had thought 
to have invited princes to thy nuptials, to have adorned 
the palace with pearls, to hear drums and trumpets, 
hut you go to be devoured hj the dragon." Then she, 
throwing herself at his feet, asks his blessing ; and with 
tears he leads her towards the lake. Then the blessed 
George, as he passed by, saw their mourning, and asked 
her what it meant. She answered, " Good youth, mount 
your horse and fly, lest with me you likewise perish." 
To whom he said, " I fear not, damsel, but tell me what 
this means, with all this crowd looking on." At length 
she related her story, again beseeching him to retire ; but 
he replied he would in Christ's name help her. As they 
were discoursino^ the drag-on raised his huo-e head from 
the lake. Then George mounting his horse, fortifying 
himself with the sign of the cross, boldly put his lance 
in rest and went to meet the dragon, grievously wounded 
him, and cast him to the ground. He then said to 
the damsel, " Cast your girdle about his neck, nothing 
doubting," which when she had done, he followed her 
like a dog. 

This is as much of the legend as is illustrative of this 
subject, so commonly found in cur churches, and doubtless 
once universal in this country. That the story is like 
that of St. Christopher and many others, a parable to 
illustrate christian teaching in a familiar manner, one 
cannot doubt when it is well studied. The dragon is an 
old symbol of evil, and plays its part in numerous stories 
a,nd christian legends, all tending to the same end. Here it 
is vanquished by the christian knight, that is, he conquers 
evil, fortified by the sign of the cross, the symbol of gospel 
truth. The legend of the Drachenfels on the Ehine 
(the Dragon's Rock) is exceeding pretty, having exactly 
the same tendency. It is the cross which saves and 
which conquers. So also in the story of St. Margaret 
and many others. To read it as a mere tale, the story of 
St. George may excite but little reverence ; look upon it 
as we look upon the stories given to children, and as it was 
once addressed to minds scarcely more informed, and its 
teaching is beautiful. It is only when we would make it 
a real history, and analyze it as such, that we degrade it; 


because it would not then pass a critical analysis. As 
St. Christo]:)her was addressed mostly to the common 
mind, as jDotent to aid in all the instant maladies and 
evils of this life, saving from fatigue or from sudden 
death, so St. George appealed to the knight or soldier, 
who was to succour the distressed and to be the scoiu'ge 
of evil. Such was the tlieory of chivalry. 

Why St. George became the patron saint of England 
belongs to another history. It is stated that Ptobert 
Duke of Normandy, the father of William the Conqueror, 
lighting against the Saracens, saw St. George visibly on 
their side, giving them the victory over their enemies. 
Certain it is that the ancient war-cry of England, " God 
and St. George," appears nowhere before the Norman 
Conquest, and, most probably, not till some time after. 
It is easy to understand how, in this popular worship, 
the tradition of having given military aid made his figure 
an object of reverence, as the representative saint of the 
English knighthood. Spenser's Pvedcross knight is but 
the legitimate descendant from the ancient legend of 
St. George. Beneath the figure of St. George is the subject 
of " Weighing of Souls," which belongs to an earlier date, 
and it was partially, or wholly overlaid by the later work. 
The figure of St. Michael, holding the balance, is nearly 
obliterated, but on his left is a female figure in red mantle 
and blue tunic, holding in her left hand a little box 
and in her right a rosary, which she is laying upon one 
end of the beam. In one scale is a demon, in the other 
a small figure with hands enjoined as in prayer, represent- 
ing the soul being weighed. 

On a former occasion I gave a sketch of the history of 
this myth of "Soul weighing" as one of the most 
curious in the history of religion ; and I alluded to the 
story here represented, but having forgotten my reference 
could not then give the original. I now supply the 

The story, speaking of a usurer, is as follows : — He, 
among all his vices, had one sole virtue, that he recited 
the Ilosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary daily, as it had 
been taught by St. Dominic. At length, when near to 
death, he had a vision, in which he saw St. Michael the 
Archangel jDlacing in one part of the scale all the good, 


which this man had sometimes done ; and in the other 
part, he saw demons placing all his vices, which were 
infinitely greater and drawing dowai the balance. Who, 
deep in thought and astounded in consequence of the 
vision, presently beheld the Virgin to come nigh ; and she, 
nearing the scale, in M^hicli his good deeds were reared up 
high in the air, placed her rosary upon it ; and immediately 
it began by its weight to fall and, by its sinking, to raise 
the scale on the opposite side.^ The meaning of the ho:c 
most likely is intended to represent the good works or 
offerings made to her by the departed during his life. It 
is not without precedent. 

On the south wall of the aisle, within the screen 
which encloses a chapel, are remains of paintings, here 
as elsewhere, of two periods. Figures of skeletons in a 
mutilated condition, which shows others beneath them, 
indicate the w^ell-known morality to which I have before 
alluded. Some undecipherable inscriptions are lieneath. 
Close by these, at the extreme east corner, there are 
traces of the earlier series. A figure of a bishop in 
chasuble, in front of whom is a youth in a fringed tunic 
and a cap upon his head, which shows the date to be early 
in the fifteenth century, and other fragments obscured 
by the overlying painting only suggest the possibility 
that it may relate to the legend of St. Nicholas, and it 
is a matter of regret, that it has been covered over so 
ruthlessly by the painter of the sixteenth century. The 
later sul^ject shews a figure tied to a tree, and being shot 
at with arrows by archers in short tunics and broad-toed 
shoes. The familiar St. Sebastian, of our picture galleries, 
at once seems to come naturally as a solution. But we 
must bear in mind, that our churches were only decorated 
by the stories of such saints as were commonly known to 
us. Now St. Sebastian was not a saint worshipped in 
England. He specially belonged to the Peninsula, Italy 
and France, where the name is. frequent enough in 
families. But in England we have no churches dedicated 
to St. Sebastian, nor are children baptised with his 
name — a sure test of the reverence in which a saint has 
been held. In some parts of England there are saints 
localised, churches are dedicated to them there, and 

' Quoted in ilolanus T)e Ifislorin SS. Imogijixm, S;c., ^-c, Lovanii, 1771. 


scarcely anywhere else ; but others are common to 
Christendom, and are found everywhere. The same 
principle obtains in every country. 

In the eastern counties the saint of most honour was 
Edmund, King of the East Angles, martyred by the 
Danes in 870 in the woods of Hoxne, near the Waveney, 
which separates the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. He 
was bound to a tree and shot to death with arrows, and 
the homage to his memory extended as far inland as 
Noithamptonshire. We must therefore rather ascribe 
this representation to him than to St. Sebastian, for the 
latter could scarcely have been introduced into an English 
village except through some foreign influence. I have 
therefore no doubt, that this represents the martyrdom of 
the Anglo-Saxon King, Edmund, one of the most cele- 
brated of English saints, and about whom legends still 
exist in the villaofe near which he met his death.' His 
body was for a long time sheltered in a little oratory of 
wood near Ongar, in Essex ; and there can be little doubt 
that this now forms a portion of the church of Green- 
stead. Lidgate, a monk of the Abbey of Bury St. 
Edmimds, where his shrine was, elaborated the story of 
his life, and the richly illuminated MS., which he pre- 
sented to Henry VI, is now preserved in the British 
Museum. Beneath one corner of this painting, there also 
appears part of the subject of St. Anne teaching the 
Virgin. It is interesting to note, that the character of 
the painting of the sixteenth centur}^, in both these 
churches, is so identical in style of execution, that, it is 
exti'emely probable, the same hand did both. The monk- 
artist, for such, doubtless, he was, paid little respect to 
what had gone before, and the new style, being more 
showy in its colouring, was evidently preferred. And it 
was painted over the older work without any preparation, 

1 At ono end of the village is a brook Avho should afterwards crofs tliat bridge 

crossed by a little wooden foot-bridge on their way to or from marriage. The 

calhd CJo'dbridgc. It is said that under common peo|)le (at least eighty years 

this bridi^c, for there is another not far ago) always avoided the biidgo on such 

off, King Edmund concealed himself occasions, and would rather go miles 

from his pursuers. But a bridiil party lound than run the hazard of the curse 

rdnrning hone by moonlight, the bride falling upon them. So relates a lady 

saw his goldrn spurs glitter in the now ninety six years of age, born in this 

reflection of the stream, and her ex- village, fis one of the memories of her 

clamatiun led to his discoverj^. 'I'hn youth, 
king then pronounced a curse on all 

iiaunj:)S and slapton churches. 241 

a slovenly pvoceecliiig, vvliicli has its reward in Ijeing 
durable, and yielding Avitli the removal of the whitewash. 
There is a coarse diaper, done in black, showing a duck 
swimming, &c., perhaps some heraldic cognisance, which 
appear in many parts of the walls, and must be later than 
any other part of the })ainting. It is unimportant, and 
cannot be well understood in its mutilated condition. 
Altogether, the numerous objects here described, mutilated 
as they are, teach us a good many facts towards a general 
history of the painting in our mediaeval churches. 



Tlie antiquarian traveller, especially if lie lias received 
a classical education, is for the most part tempted to 
move southwards, and visit those regions that were the 
sul3Ject of his early studies, and will ever be associated in 
his mind with the perfection of art and literature. But 
he would do well sometimes to turn his steps in an 
opposite direction, and investigate the monuments of that 
vigorous race which overthrew the solid fabric of Roman 
dominion, gave its name to a j^rovince of France, infused 
new life into an effete civilization, left its mark on the 
architecture of Southern Europe, and contributed the 
most healthy elements to our own national character. 

We often regard these hyperborean countries as isolated 
from the rest of the world, but this is a mistake, for they 
are connected by mariy links with nations geographically 
remote.^ During the heroic age of Norwegian history — 
from the ninth to the thirteenth century- — foreign in- 
fluences Avere working actively in the North. The 

^ For evidences of this eoiinectiou we paratively short time, and has left behiutl 
need uot travel Leyoud our own metro2)o- it fewer traces than any other invader. 
lis ; four churches in the Gity of Loudon Peter Cunningham, Jlarid-hooh of Loudon, 
were dedicated to Olave the Norwegian. pp. 125, 364. But a remarkable slab 
It was only just that St. Olave should \\ ith Runic characters may be seen in the 
be tluis honoiu'ed in England, as he had vestibule of the Library of the Corpora- 
assisted our fiH-efathers in their wars with tion at the Guildhall : upon it an animal is 
tlie Danes. The church named after him represented with horned head and spurred 
in Tooley Street was erected close to the claviS, bearing a striking resemblance in 
scene of one of his most famous exploits, subject and style to the memorial stone 
for in the reign of Ethelred he broke of King Goi-m at Jelling in Jutland, 
down Lond'ni Bridge, and thus caused This curious relic of the eleventh century 
tlie surrender of the city by the l)iines. was discovered in St. Paurs churchyard, 
Newcourt, Eccclisiaxfical Histori/ of T.on- and has been fully described by the 
don, i, 509 ; compare Carlyle's Earlij learned Danish antiipiary C C. Riifn, to 
Kings of Nonvay, p. 103. St. Clement whom we owe the interpi-etation of the 
Danes, in the Strand, oommcuiorates Ilunes on thecolossal li(jn of Piraeus, which 
anijther Ijranch of the Scandinavian race, now adorns the arsenal at Venice, 
w hich occupied uur country for a com- 


Vikings and their followers were pirates ; tliey were 
the scourge of the European coasts ; they outstripped 
their neighbours in ship huilding and navigation, but had 
little inclination to cultivate the arts that minister to 
comfort and luxiuy. They were therefore obliged either 
to satisfy their requirements by direct importation from 
their more civilized neighbours, or to imitate the pro- 
cesses of superior skill as well as their own semi-barbarous 
condition would allo^A'. 

I do not propose on the present occasion to take a 
comprehensive view of Scandinavian antiquities, but 
rather to notice some proofs of these foreign influences, 
and to group them under the following heads: — 1, Roman ; 
2, Byzantine ; 3, Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman. 

The Greek and Roman writers do not throw much light 
on the early history of Scandinavia, for even in limine we 
are met by a proof of their ignorance — they all assert or 
imply that this peninsula is an island. Strabo, as far as 
I am aware, is quite silent on the subject. For this 
omission two reasons may be assigned : he flourished 
under Augustus and Tiberius, and therefore at a period 
when the relations of Rome with the north of Europe 
were not so fully developed as in later times : he also 
knew how to weigh evidence, and to apply the tests of 
historical criticism to the statements of his predecessors — 
hence he shows great caution in describing those regions, 
which were then imperfectly known. Moreover, he justifies 
liis reticence by remarking that Augustus forbade the 
Roman Generals to pursue the Germans across the Elbe.^ 
The next author is Pomponius Mela, Avho lived in the 
reign of Claudius. We know his date from the passage 
in which he speaks of this emperor as revealing the 
Britons to his countrymen, and of his triumph over them 
as an impending event. Thus it appears that the Romans 
had already been brought into closer contact with the 
north-west of Europe. Accordingly, Mela is the first 
geographer who mentions Scandinavia ; he calls it Can- 

^Sira.ho,Ge3(/rap?n'a,hook\u,c.T,B. 4, rij; 'ix,dpcis. The hostile confederacy, 

i>vvi Ik ivsopuTipou "vKiKctili iT(i<x.Tnyuu which the caution of Augustus foresaw 

TOi/ iv x-P"' '^o>.iy.o'j, SI ruu 'iiu Toy and avoided, wa.s furmed under the 

"AA/3/of y.v-d' ■/I'jvxiccu ovtojv ccTri^^oiro, Autouiue.s, as will be seen below. 

y.Xl f.f,7] TTXprj^VJOl 'TTPO^ Tf,]/ K'jl'JOlvixU 


daiiovia, adding that it surpasses in size and fertility the 
otlier islands in the bay C^odanus, and that it is inhabited 
by the Teutoni.^ Phny, in his Natural History, gives us 
the names Scandia, Bergos, and Nerigos, which bear a 
striking resemblance to Scania, Bergen, and Norway, or 
rather Norge, as the natives themselves call it. He 
(juotes Xenophon of Lampsacus as his authority for stating 
that there is an island of immense size, Baitia, three days' 
sail from the Scythian shore. The name appears to be 
the same as we have in the modern Belts and Baltic, nor 
need we be surprised that Pliny has transferred this 
appellation from water to land. Again, he speaks of 
Sevo as a vast chain of mountains not inferior to the 
Rhipoean. This is probal^ly Mount Kjcilen, which sepa- 
rates Norway from Sweden, and of which the southern 
branch is called Seve-Ryggen.- Tacitus, repeating the 
error of his predecessors, says that the Suiones inhabit an 
island in the ocean. From the context, as well as the 
form of the word, we infer the Swedes are meant, for he 
tells us that the Sitones are their next neighbours, who 
are governed by women — an assertion which seems derived 
from the name of the Finns, Kainu-laiset, apparently a 
variation of the Norse Qtind, a woman.^ Lastly, Ptolemy, 
who was a contemporary of the Antonines, mentions four 
Scandinavian islands east of the Cimbric Chersonesus, 
three smaller ones, and the largest opposite the mouth of 
the Vistula and inhabited by the Cha^dini.^ Agricola's 
fleet circumnavigated Britain, but neither Greeks, Bo- 
mans, Phoenicians, nor Carthaginians penetrated further ; 
however, they were well acquainted with the existence 

1 Mela, De situ orbis, Book iii, c. 6. rauibre jaunc dans Tan tiquite, read at the 
In illo siuu, quern Codanuni diximus, Stockholm Congress of Archaeology, see 
ex insulis Codanonia, quaui adhuc Teu- especially p. 793. Vliny, Natural History, 
toni tenent, ut fecunditate alias, ita ib. c. 13, s. 96, Mons Sevo ibi imuiensus 
niagnitudine antestat. In this passage, nee Ripaeis jugis minor. 

according to Vossius, the best manu- '^ Tacitus, Gcrmania, c. 44. Suio- 

scripts have Candanovia. num hinc civitates ipso in Oceano, ib., 

2 Pliny, Natural Hlslorij, Book iv, c. c. 45. Suionibus Sitonum gentes con- 
16, s. 104. Sunt qui et alias prodant, tinuantur, cetera similes uno differunt, 
Scandiam,])umnani, Bergos maxumamque quod femina dominatur. L)r. "William 
omnium Nei'igon, ex qua in Thylen 'timiilxs Dictionary of Classical Gcograjjhi/, 
navigetur. Baitia is mentioned, «A., c. 13, s. v., Sitones. 

s. 95. This name was inteipreted to ^ Ptolemy, Gtor/raphia, Book ii, c. 11. 

mean the peninsula of Samland by Mon- Ab Orientali parte Chersonesi (Cimbricw) 

sieur Wibei'g in the discussion that IV Scanditc nuncupate, III tpiidem 

followed Monsieur Hjalmar Stolpe's jjarvae, una vero quae maxima earum est 

Memoire sur rorigine et le commerce de et maxime orientahs juxta VistuKc 11. 


of the Arctic ocean, as many passages both in the poets 
and in the prose writers abundantly prove. ^ 

Naval and military expeditions contributed much to 
the spread of geographical knowledge, but commercial 
intercourse was still more efficacious, and the amber trade 
especially produced communication between the northern 
and southern parts of our continent. 

Amber was a favourite sul^stance with the Romans ; 
the ladies used it for necklaces, both as an ornament and 
because it was supposed to possess properties that would 
cure diseases of the throat. Juvenal, speaking of a woman 
addicted to astrology, who has an almanac constantly in 
her hands, compares her to those who carry amber balls 
for the sake of their coolness and perfume.- 

We can trace almost with certainty three routes by 
which this traffic was conducted — the eastern, the central 
and the western. The greatest quantities of amber were 
found in the; peninsula of Samland, near Konigsberg, 
Ijetween the Frische and Curische Haff — a fact which is 
curiously illustrated by its being mentioned in a Japanese 
map as the primary source of this material. From the 
embouchure of the Vistula, the first route followed the 
rivers Pregel and Pripetz, passed through the towns of 
Amadoka and Azagarion, marked by Ptolemy,^ and then 
descended by the Dnieper to Olbia, on the Euxine, which 
has been happily described as the morning star of civiliza- 
tion for these barbarous regions.'^ Many autonomous 
Greek coins found in Prussia, Courland, Livonia, and 
even in the island of Oesel, near Riga, together with 
similar discoveries and deposits of amber in the interioi", 
seem to indicate the activity of commercial relations 

ostia . . . A'ocatur aiitem et haec proprie Martial, Epigrams, iii, 65, 5, sucina trita. 

Scandia et tenent ipsius occidentalia xi,8,6,Sucina virgiiieaquod regelatamanu. 

Chajdini. •' Ptulemj', iii, 5. Circa autem Borys- 

^ It i.s needless to add references, as theuem fl. bae Azagarium, Amadoca . ". . 

the must imp(jrtant of tbeni are quoted -^ Olbia was also called Borj-stbenes, 

in tbe Dictionanj of Classical Gtograjilnj, Herodotus iv, 17, 18, 53, 78. It seems 

S.V., Oceanus Septentrionalis. liighly probable that tbe Father of His- 

- Pliny, Nat. Hist., xxxvii, c. 3, s. 44. tory visited this city, and derived bis 

Feminismonilium vice sucina gestantibus, ,information about Scytbia from the in- 

etc. Juvenal vi, 573. In cujus manibus, habitants of that country and tbe Greek 

ceu pinguia sucina, tritas Cernis epbe- traders, who met at Olbia for the puri)oses 

meridas. of c(jmmercial intercourse : Baehr's edi- 

The dame whose il/n««o?o/Jsr('oZo(7.v tion of Herodotus. Excursus ad iv, 18, 

Still dangles at her side, smooth as chafecl gTim, „i /-< „,„.,,,<„<•„ j- ..•< < • ..■ rr j >• 

And fretted bv her everlasting thumb. nnd Commeutatudi vita ct scnptts Herodott 

GiFFORD's Translation. vol. iv, p. 395. 


along this line of conntry at a period antecedent to 
Alexander the Great. The central route beginning- from 
Pomerania, j^i'oceeded by the lower Vistula and Upper 
Oder ; having traversed Silesia, it followed the course of 
the Waag and reached the Danube a little below 
Vienna. Kecent investigations have brought to light 
at Hallstatt, near Tschl, a remarkable combination of 
industrial jDroducts from the North and the South — 
articles in amber from Prussia and bronzes from Etruria; 
hence we infer that the communication between the 
Danube and the Adriatic was carried through this place, 
in accordance witli Pliny's statement that amber was 
brought by the Germans into Pannonia and received 
thence by the Veneti.' The western route may be 
easily traced from Jutland and the mouth of the Elbe 
alons: the Phine and the Phone to Marseilles. Thougfh 
the coast of Denmark was visited by Pytheas, a Greek 
navigator sujDposed to be contemporary with Alexander 
the Great, his countrymen do not appear to have 
emulated his enterprising voyage, for Greek coins have 
not been discovered in the west of Germany. On the 
other hand, Poman coins of the first and second centuries 
of our era show that after Caesar's Gallic conquest trade 
in this direction was considerably developed.^ 

I. In a paper I had the honour to read before this 
Society last summer, I noticed some antiquities dis- 
covered in Brittany as proofs of the vigour and extent of 
Poman civilization, but I now direct your attention to an 
illustration of the same subject, far more striking when 

' Pliny, xxxvii, c. 3, s. 43. I/j., s, 45, in the classical writers, the south of 

we are informed that the German coast Euroi)e seems to have been colder in 

from which the Romans obtained amber ancient than in modern times. " The 

was about 600 miles from Carnuntnm in Grecian colonies to the north of the 

Pannonia, which would agree with the Euxine . . . drew supplies of peltry, 

situation of Samland. In the same chai)ter the skins of the otter and beaver, from 

Pliny, describing a show in the amjjhi- the very interior of Russia, and possibly 

theatre, says that all the objects exhibited even inmi the shores of the Baltic." 

during one day consisted of amber exclu- Heeren, Historical liesearches, Asiatic 

sively (totus unius diei apparatus . . . Nations, \, i2. Com\YAve Herodot. iv, 109, 

e sucino). vii, 67. Tacitus, Gcnnaniu, c. 17, im- 

2 The trade in fm', as well as that in plies that a trade in furs with Germany 

amber, diffused some knowledge of the was cari'ied on l)y the Scandinavians, as 

northern regitnis amongst the Greeks and he mentions skins that were imported 

Romans. Their requirements in this from the outer ocean and the unknown 

respect were, of comvse, restricted by the sea (exterior Oceanus atque ignotum 

warmth of their climate ; however, as far mare). 
as we can draw an inference fi-om allusions 

liucl^ct Handle aiul I'.ns, from i'l-oiullijcm. 
KroDi Lorange " Saniliuscii af Norske Okls.iger i Ijcrgens Mur.cui: 


we consider the locality from which it is derived. The 
province of Trondhjem, which is as far north as Iceland, 
has yielded no unimportant supply of Eoman bronzes. 
The most interesting of these has found a resting place in 
tlie Bergen Museum, and has been figured and described 
l)y Monsieur Lorange, the Curator of that collection. 
This object consists of a handle and ears that l^elonged to a 
bucket, which is lost ; they are well executed and in good 
preservation. On the upper part of the handle there is a 
thick ring, and both its ends have the form of a serpent's 
liead ; the ears exhibit in the centre a female head of a 
somewhat Egyptian type, with long flowing locks, a neck- 
lace and fan-shaped collar, while on each side a long 
animal's head projects/ The snake as a finial frequently 
occurs in remains of Roman and Gr?eco-Roman art — in 
rings, bracelets, patera3, mirrors, ladles for sacrifices, 
(simpula), fibulae, lamps, candelabra, and water-taps ; the 
heads of rams, swans, and other birds are similarly used 
for decorations.- There can be no question about the 
E/oman character of this object, as examples of the same 
kind have lieen found all the way from South Italy to 
Trondhjem. Some closely resembling tlie one under 
consideration are engraved in Montfaucon's Antiquitee 
Expliquee ; he also gives what is of rarer occurrence, an 
instance of a head with the fan-shaped collar, which, he 
says, was an amulet worn suspended from the neck, like 
a bulla.^ With reference to tlie serpents' heads, it may 
1)e observed that they are simple imitations of nature in 
the classical style, not grotesque or symbolical, as is the 
case with mediaeval dragons. The Museum of Bergen 

' Loi-iuige, Samling af Xomke OUhancr iJi retro hlcu ; Roacli Smith, Ilhtstrritioxs 

i Bergens j\[i(seHi)i,\). \\2 \ Nordiske Old- of Jioiiian London, steel for sliarpeiun<^' 

sagcr idvt KoHfjelige Museum i KJnhenhavn, knives found in Princes-street, with 

ordncdc o:j forhlaredc af J. J. A. Worsaoe, liandle consisting of a horse's head 

p. 75, No. 307. This catalogue raisonne springing from the leaves of a lotus 

i.s most useful, and even indispensable, to ]>. 141; conii)are tlie bronze cock of a 

the student of Scandinavian antiquities ; fountain found in Philpot-lane, ib., p. li't. 

it contains upwards of 600 well-executed Rich, latin dictionary, s.v. simj)ulum. 

engi'avings of objects belonging to the These specimens show how ancient art 

Stone, Bi'onze, Iron, and Middle Ages, lavisheii ornament upon the must common 

with introductions to each period. The utensils of domestic life, 
price is only two kroner, or little more ■' ]\Iontfaucon. Antlrjxilii E.cpliqufi^, 

than two .shillings. Tome ii, ]). 147, PI. Ivii, nos. ], 2, R, 

- Paderni, liaecolin di Diphtti, Mo- handles of vases. Tojue iii, p. 71, PI. 

Knie', Sfe., Xapoll, 1865; Bronzi, Pis. 130- xxxviii, No. .3, fan-shaped collar. 
134 : Oggetti Preziosi, 136, 137, T'cfcra 



contains also the following articles in bronze :— a strainer, 
wbicli seems to have come from the Roman frontiers ; a 
vessel holding burnt bones, and a hemispherical cooking 
utensil, like a saucepan ; ^ and in Roman glass : — drinking 
bonis with rings round them, like the natural horn ; cups, 
of which the most remarkable peculiarity is the rows of 
ovals on the sides, and draughtmen — some black and 
others blue — round, flat on the lower side, but slightly 
curved on the upper,""' 

As far as I am aware, a denarius of Antoninus Pius and 
a gold medallion of Yalentinian are the only specimens 
of Roman mintage found in Norway, l)ut the barbarous 
imitations are more numerous. The Museum of the 
University at Christiania possesses a very cuiious example 
of the latter class ; it was discovered in 1872 in the large 
chamber of a tumulus near Aak, a place well-known to 
English tourists from its picturesque situation at the 
western extremity of the Romsdal ; this niedal is of gold 
and copied from a coin of Magnentius, who reigned a.d. 
350 — 353. In the preceding year an imitation of a coin 
of Honorius was found at Gimheim, in the Lower 
Telemark.^ These fticts assist us to explain the deriva- 
tion of the bracteates, i.e., thin pieces of money with a 
device upon one side, which are of frequent occurrence in 
the Norwegian series.'' 

Enough has been already said to prove that the Roman 
influence had extended much further northwards than is 
generally supposed, but this view receives additional 

^ These objects were found in the du fer ; epoque byzantino barbare, on 

district of North Trondhjem, which also epocjue des bracteates, entre le v^'me et 

yielded other Konian antiquities, cj/., two viiif^me siccles. The bracteates are often 

glass cups, a bronze strainer and dish, &e. furnished with rings for suspension, and 

Lorange, Cittalogue of the Btrgcii Mhschdi, appear to have been worn as ornaments, 

p. 111. Some of these vessels came fi-om like bulla? in ancient times and lockets in 

the neighb'jurhood of Levanger. our own day. Vi^orfiiiae, Nordiske Ol(hnf;c>-, 

- Lorange, /i., pp. 6ti, 68 and 104, with JeriiahhrcH U Guldbractcnter, nos. 399- 
engravhigs ; Worsaae, //a, nos. iVl. 317, 409, pp. 9.5-97; 409, Efterligning af en 
318, 320. I'oach Smith, Jtonuin Lnndon, kufisk eller arabisk Mynt. Some of these 
p. l-'4, mentions among remarkable ex- bracteates have Runic legends, //^ Intro- 
amples of Roman glass found in London, duction, p. 93. Stevens' great work on 
a drinking cup covered with a pattern Kortheni Antiquities contains many en- 
formed of incuse hexagons, and another gravings of this class of coins, coloured 
with incuse ovals and hexagons ; compare so as to represent the originals very closely. 
Plate xxxi, figure 7. Norijcs Myiiter i lliddftn/derm samJide og 

^ Lorange, ib., j). 99, note. beskreveiu' af C. J. Schive, tab. iv, sqq., 

■■ ]''ngelhardt. Guide Illusin: du Musce shows the Norwegian bracteates from the 

des AiUiqnitis du N'ord a CopenJiague, ])]>. twelfth to the sixteenth century. 
26, 27, and figs. 1,2, 3. Deuxieme periode 



^i^jj^K|j«^j^„.. ^Jayj 

Bronze Vase of Farmen, and SworJ from Einanf^. 
From Lorange " Om Spor af romers'k Kiiltur i Norges ocldre JemnlJer.' 


coiifirinatloii t'roiii the statements made by Monsieur 
Lorange at the Archaeological Congress held at Stockholm 
in 1874. Summing up the results of his investigations, 
he divides the tumuli of the Iron Age in Norway into 
three classes — I. Those which have no chamber and 
exhibit no traces of Roman influence. II. Those which 
have a small chamber sometimes containing ol)jects of 
Roman origin. III. Those which have a large chamber, 
where such objects are almost invariably found. There 
were ninety examples of the second class and eighty of 
the third, as far as known at that date. In 1872 twent} - 
eight Roman bronze vessels had been found in Norway, 
ninety- three in Denmark, and twelve in Sweden. Of 
glass vessels, the numbers for these three countries were— 
twenty-four, thirty-six, and nine respectively, but these 
figures must be considered as approximate, because some- 
times the attribution is doubtful.' 

Among the monuments of this class a prominent place 
is due to the bronze vase of Farmen, in the j^arish of 
Vangs and district of Hedemarken. It was discovered in 
18G5 in the small sepulchral stone chamber of a round 
tumulus. The vase was cast in a mould, but the bottom 
of it was fastened to the foot by a row of nails, wliich 
form a pleasing decoration, like beading. We remark at 
first sight a great difi:erence in colour between the upper 
and lower part ; the former looks as if it had been covered 
with green enamel, while the latter is blackened with 
soot. The feature, however, which most attracts oiu* 
attention here is the inscription, both for other reasons 
and because it is unique in Norway. Betw^een the neck 
and the middle of the vase the following sentence is 
engraved in large, legible and separate characters : — • 


The words are divided by small circles on a level wdth 
the middle of the letters, just as a leaf is often used for 
the same purpose.'* A hole in the urn has produced a 

^ Lorange, Om Spor nf romersk Ii'ulfur S\veclir;h and Danish 

i Xorfffs (c.ldre Ji>uilfh');i-)p. i, [). Mons. ^ Mr. A. S. Murray, of the British 

Lorange, as a Norwegian, h;is defended Museum, ha.s c;ille<l my attention to the 

the antiquities of his own country with fact that a circle is used to divide the 

patriotic enthusiasm against the dis- words because it could be conveniently 

paraging misrepresentations made by made on a metallic substance, as in the 


lacuna, v/liicli, however, may l^e easily supplied, at least as 
far as the meaning is concerned, so that we should read 
cviiATORES " POSVERVNT, and the translation is, 'Libertinus 
and Aj)rus, guardians of the temple, have placed in it 
this offering.' Some have conjectured that the urn once 
contained the ashes of a Roman, but this is highly 
improbable, because the deceased is not mentioned. Nor 
can we suppose that eitlier of the names, Li1)ei"tinus and 
Aprus, belonged to a native Roman, for the former 
signifies a freed-man, while the latter is an irregular 
variety of Aper, unknown to classical Latinity, and 
accordingly i-ejected liy the grammarian Probus ; ' the 
appellations tlierefore must designate provincials. There 
is some difficulty in determining exactly the manner in 
which the final word should be supplied, as there appears 
to be room for a letter Ijetween S and V, so that it might 
have been posivervnt, though an objection may be raised 
against this form as too archaic.^ ' This vase, having been 
conseci'ated as an offering in a temple, should be con- 
sidered in connection with tlie Apollo -vase found in 
Vestmanland, Sweden, as their origin, destiny, and 
inscriptions are similar. Devoted by their first possessors 
to the worship of Roman divinities, in all probability 
they l^ecame the property of barbarous chieftains, were 
employed by them as household utensils, and were finally 
applied to the purposes of sepulture. That the Farmen 
vase was so used before its deposition in the grave is 
proved b}^ the soot on the lower part of it, as well as by 

present ease ; on tlie other haiul, a triangle of Clasnicul Bioyraphi/, but Aprr in well 

or a leaf freiiuently occurs as a mark of kno\\ii as one oi the speakers in the 

separation, when the inscrii)tion is earxed Dudogue on Orutori/ ascribed to Tacitus ; 

on stone. J)r. Bruce, Ilomait IVall, gives, other persons of the same name are also 

]i. 'Hi, many examples of the triangle in mentioned ; Voi)iseus, Nunurian^ cc. 12- 

an insciiption discovered at Carvoran, 15 ; Oruter, Inscriptions, p. dcxii. No. 8. 
which i.s identified with the Roman station - roscivci is found in Orelli's Inscrip- 

Magna, and p. 24.5, of the leaf also on tions, No. 3308 ; posivi in Plautus. 

another stone from the same s[)ot, crmf. I'seudolus X, 1, 4.5 ; ef ppsivcris, Id. 

ib.,Yi.\7. Huhnay, I/iiciip(iuiit:sllrit(nuiU/c Trinununus 1, 2, lOS; Smith's Latin 

Lnthifr, passim. J)lcti( nari/, s.v., jJOno. These old forms 

^ M. Valerii l'rol)i Grammatics Iiisli- sometimes reappear after a long intei'val, 

^;<<w<t'.v, s. .38, ijuoted )iy Lorange ; this and many words, which are not Augustan, 

reference 1 have been unable to verify, are at once a)ite and ^;o,s^Augu.stan. 

Ijut in his Catholica, p. 1457, ed. Putsch, ('omi)are Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, 

I'n^bus gives the f<jrms aper, apri for the p. 21. So Horace says, Ars Poet., v. 70. 

connnon n<)(u\ signifying a hoar. Tlie Midta renascentur, quie jam cceidere ; 

]>ropor name Apni.s does not occur in cadentque, (^uie nunc sunt in honore 

Forccllini's Lexicon or Smith's iJicilonari/ \ocabula. 


the traces of an iron band round its neck, which seems to 
have been placed there as a fastening for a handle. 

It was a practice at this early age to convert into 
cinerary urns sucli domestic vessels as were most con- 
venient, whether of clay or of metal, and to this custom 
we owe many proofs of the spread of Roman civilization, 
which are also records of a period concerning which the 
historians are silent. It seems almost idle to speculate 
about the province from which these objects originally 
came, but the discovery of two Roman burial places at 
Hiiven and Grabow, in Mecklenburg, suggests the pos- 
sibility that they may have been carried across the sea to 
Norway from that part of Germany, especially if we adopt 
the view of Dr. Lisch, who regards these cemeteries as 
indications of a Roman trading factoiy in Mecklenburg- 
Schwerin. The form of the letters inscribed belongs, 
according to Professor Ussing, to the first or second 
century of the Christian era, and this would prove the 
date of the manufacture of the vase; secondly, the denarii 
discovered in Scania and Denmark, being chiefly of the 
second and third centuries, enable us to fix the time, at 
least approximately, when this work of Roman art arrived 
in the north, allowing, of course, some interval for the 
passage of the coins from their place of mintage to 
countries beyond the limits of the empire. This vase 
was full of burnt bones, so that there can be no doubt 
about the use to which it was applied. It only remains 
for us to explain its mutilated condition. By its side 
was found the up^^er part of a. similar bronze vessel, 
crushed and bent by the w^eight of a stone, which, in its 
fall, pressed the one first mentioned against the wall of 
the chambered tumulus. Thus the fracture on both sides 
is clearly accounted for.' 

Next in importance to the Farmen vase is the sword 
from Einang in Vestre Slidre, Valders. It closely re- 
sembles those which were dug out of the Nydam peat- 
moss, described and figured by Dr. Engelhardt, Plates 
VI, vii.^ It bears two stamps, one wheel-shaped, the 

^ This account u£ the Fanueii ^'a.s■,? is weapons, Hword.s, lances, &c. Dr. Engel- 

deiived from Lorauge's treatise, (jiinted hardt is mistaken in sayuis^ that the 

above. stamps are sfjuarc ; they are lung, and 

" Eugelliardt, Dcuiii'tik in the Earbj rectangular. 
hon Affc, c. iii, s. 6, ii[). o'l, 53, offensive 


other rectangular, and containing the letters kanvici. . . ; 
a circumstance worthy of remark, since only eight or ten 
stamps have been found on one hundred swords at Nydam. 
This sword is bent like the one in Plate vii, No, 13, with 
this difference, that the curvature is made in the lower 
part of the Norwegian example, but in the upper part of 
the Danish, Many objects, especially weapons, have been 
brought to light by excavations in an imperfect condition, 
either broken or bent, in order to render them useless. 
Their withdrawal from all piu-poses of human life was 
probably intended to symbolize consecration to some 
deity. So Tacitus, in his account of the war between the 
Bermanduii and Catti, relates that the conquerors devoted 
their enemies to Mars and Mercury (Odin and Thor), and 
that all the property of the vanquished was utterly 
destroyed,^ (jrosius also informs us that when the 
Cimbri defeated the Romans near Orange, garments were 
torn, gold and silver cast into the Rhone, and coats of 
mail cut in pieces, so that there was neither booty for the 
conquerors nor mercy for the conquered.- As some of 
the subject nations, e.<j. the Spaniards and the people 
of Noricum, were very skilful in the manufacture of 
swords,^ the Latin letters ranvici do not prove the 
Einang example to be of Roman workmanship, though 
they, of course, imply a certain amount of intercourse 
with the Romans, for the word seems to be a barbarous 
name that has undergone some modification. Besides the 
objects already mentioned, the wooden buckets bound 
with bronze form a class by themselves, which some have 
considered to be Roman ; but this explanation may be 
fairly questioned, for while they frequently occur in 
Norway and Denmark, and sometimes in Germany also, 
they are very rare in Fi'ance; thus, as we approach Italy, 
the number diminishes — a fact that seems to favour their 
attribution to the Scandinavians as their inventors. 

^ Tacitus, A)i)i., xiii, 57, equi, viri, tern luinc praestut lit in Noricls, aliubi 

cunctii victa uccidioni (laiitur ; c<iiiij)are factura ut SuliUDUe. Martial, EjngramSj 

Ctcsar, BcU. Gall., vi, 17. i, 49 ; xii, 18, and especially iv, .'>4, where 

'•^ F(jr this passage in Orosius, Lib. v, he speaks <if his birthplace, Bilbilis : — 

c. xvi, I am indebted to Ur. Kngclhnrdt's SaevoBilbilinoptinianunetall<>,(iuie vincit 

Guide Illitslyd flu Musde des Aitt. du Nurd Chalyl)asque Noric()S(iiie, Etferro Plateain 

a (Jopenhafjuc, p. 25. suo sonanteni, Quain tinctii tenui .sed 

■'' Pliny, Natural Hiftory, xxxiv, <■. 14, inquicto Arniorum Salo temjjerator ambit, 

.■i. 145, In nustro orbc aliubi vena bunita- Cf. Uor. C^rm., i, l(j, 9. 


With respect to Roman antiquities Sweden occupies 
an intermediate position between Denmark and Norway. 
Denmark contains many domestic utensils as well as 
arms and ornaments that are unquestionably of Roman 
origin : on the other hand, Sweden exhibits few articles 
that relate to comfort or elegunce, but is comparatively 
rich in coins.' About 4,000 denarii have been found 
altogether, some of the first but most of the second 
century after the CJhristian era : approximately 3,200 m 
Gotland, 100 in Oland, 600 in Scania, and only twelve in 
the rest of the mainland. The cessation of the denarii at 
the close of the second century can be easily understood ; 
at that period and under the Emperor Septimius Severus 
a great deterioration of the Roman coinage took place : 
denarii of copper plated with silver, like the modern 
groschen, were issued, and these the barbarians natiu^ally 
refused to take," just as Tacitus informs us that the 
Germans of the preceding century, preferring those kinds 
of Roman money with which they were acquainted — liked 
the denarii that had a serrated edge, and the biga for 
their device.^ In the C(^nstantine period medals and 
medallions of gold foiuid their way to Sweden, and rude 
imitations of them gave rise to a type of bracteates 
exclusively Scandinavian. The total niuiil)er of other 
objects discovered in Sweden, including the adjacent 
islands, is very small; amongst them are l^ronze dishes 
and bowls — one containing burnt bones — and a drinking 
vessel of white glass. A bronze vase from the province 
of Westmanland, now preserved in the museum at Stock- 
holm, is the most conspicuous proof of Roman influence, 
because, like that in Norway above-mentioned, it has the 
jDeculiarity of being inscribed. The Apollo vase, as it is 
usually called, was found in a tumulus, and upon it were 
engraved the following words : 

^ Lorange, Oin S}}or af Momersl: Kxlfin; Jtoimii//, iii, 232, .speaking of the coinage 

(^•c, J). i>. of the first four years of Sept. Sevenis, 

'^ Archscological at Stuckhohii, uses the terms fabrique etrangere, tre.s 

1874. Le Mus^e royale d'archeulogie de gro.ssiere, ef. ib., note 2, and p. 322 Les 

Stockhohn, par !M. Hans Hildebrand, medailles de petit bronze de Septinie 

L'a;/c ditfir, i>. O'ZI. Vlcldiel, I)oc(. X/an. Severe me paraissent toutes . . . des 

Vif., vii, 167, S.V., L. Septimius Severus, deniers faux antiques, 

coniphu-es (mamos) ex his esse fabricic ■' Tacitus, Gcniiaiiio, c. 5. Pecuniam 

rudioris . . . ejusmodi .-iunt etiam syn- i^robant veterem et diu notam, serratos 

chroni numi Caracalhc et item Dommc. bigatosque. See the notes of Brotier and 

Cohen, Jlt'(/<iil/(s frappeis sons V Empire OrelH. 







To Apollo Grannus Ammilius Constans, guardian of his 
temple, has offered this gift ; he has paid his vow joyfully, 
willingly, and deservedly. This epithet of Apollo seems 
to l:>e derived from the Granni, who lived on the river 
Granua, a tributary of the Danube. The word is per- 
petuated in the modern name of Gran, which belongs 
both to a river and to a city well-remembered by tra- 
vellers on account of its magnificent Cathedral, whose 
vast cupola crowning a hill is visible for many miles. In 
this neighbourhood, amid the heaviest anxieties that 
could press upon the mind of a statesman and a general, 
Aurelius composed the First Book of his Philosophical 
Meditations.' The war in which he was engaged lasted 
twelve years with little interruption, a.d. 1G8-180, and 
was the result of the most formidable combination of the 
barbarians, which the Romans had hitherto encountered.'' 
It is said to have included the Germans, Scythians, and 
Sarmatians, but, whether this statement is exactly true or 
not, tliese protracted liostilities on the frv)ntier diffused 
the civilization of the south more widely through central 
and northern Europe. Accordingly, we find among 
existino- remains in Scandinavia evidence of more active 
relations with Home after tliis war with the Quadi and 
Marcomanni. If my interpretation of the word Grannus 
be correct, and the date of the vase, as inferred from 
coins, be assigned to the second century, a remote pro- 
vince of Sweden supplies an object which may be re- 
garded as commemorating an illustrious personage and 
the commencement of the death-stuggle between tlie 
Gothic I'aces and tlie Roman empu-e. Another expla- 
nation of Grannus derives it from a Celtic origin, and 
makes it equivalent to Grian, the sun, with whom Apollo 
is often identified. Tliis may, perhaps, l)e the same as 
Brian, which occurs in Temple Briaii, a place in the. 
county of ('ork, wliere a central stone was discovered, 

' M. Antoiiiiii 7)r /-(/^((.s ,s7^/.v, [.ib. i, liii. wider the Enipiri', XiA. \\\, p. oS4, note 1, 
Tj« iu Kovxooig tt^o; tu V^xvovu. where the north(n'n nation-^ are eniinie- 

- Morivale, Jliatorij of llir Romans rated. 


and others round it. supposed to be the remains of a 
temple for heathen Avorship.^ 

The Roman antiquities in Denmark, taken collectively, 
are more interesting than those of Norway and Sweden, 
but they require less notice, because they have been fully 
described in the English language by Dr. Engelhardt. 
As might have been expected from the geographical 
position of North Jutland, very few denarii have been 
found in that province, while, on the contrary, they are 
abundant in Sleswig or South Jutland, and the islands, 
Sealand and Fyen.'- Tlie peat mosses of Thorsbjerg and 
Nydam have yielded specimens of the Roman silver 
coinage from Nero to Macrinus, A.D. 60 — 217. Two 
handles of bronze vessels bear makers' stamps, disA/cvs f. 
niCtELLIO f. resembling potters' marks, in which the 
abbreviation f for fecit frequently occurs.^ On the tangs 
and blades of iron swords we find native names expressed 
in Latin characters, and sometimes \Aath Latin termina- 
tions, the letters being raised on sunk plates, e.g., pjcvs, 
RicciM, cociLLVS, TASVIT.^ ' The last name is evidently 
barbarian ; it may l^e compared with Tasgetius, mentioned 
by Caesar as King of the Carnutes, and Tasciovanus, the 

^ Armstrong's Gaelic Dictionary, and ejus sabulosvim est magna sui parte." 

O'Brien's Irish Dictionary, s.v. Grian. In the Breton language grouan means 

Smith's nistorii of Cork, vol. ii, p. 418, gravd ; in the dialect of Vannes this 

contains an engraving and ground-plan becomes gro3n. It has been conjectured 

of an ancient heathen temjile at Temple that Grannus is another form of Gryneus, 

Brian. This word is said by Celtic which occurs in Virgil as an epithet of 

scholars to be a corruption of Grian. Apollo {^tx. iv, 345, cf. Eel. vi, 72), but 

Gruter has nine examples of Grannus, this seems very doubtful, 
p. xxxvii, Nos. 10-14, p. xxxviii, Nos. - Engelhardt, Bnimarh in the Early 

1-4 ; the last is from Enderask, which Iron Age. See map opposite, \). 8, sho\\-- 

appears to be intended for Inveresk, near ing where objects from this period have 

Edinburgh; compare Hiibner, Inscrip- been found. The mark -J- denotes Ro- 

tiones Britannicce LaHixe, p. 190, c. Ixv, man coins. 

where this monument is given more '^ Compare Roach Smith, Boman Lon- 

correctly. Grannus occurs also in Bram- don, p, 89, marks and names of potters 

bach's Inscriptiohes Ehenance, No. 484, impressed upon the handles of amphorae ; 

in the iluseum at Bonn, found in that pp. 99 and 101, engravings of these 

city. No. 566 found at Erii in the district stamps ; pp. 102-107, potters' marks on 

of Cologne, No. 1614 in the Royal Col- Samian ware discovered in London; pp. 

lection at Stuttgart, No. 1915 in the 107, 103, a of preserved in the 

Library at Strasburg. Eckhart, Bis- Museum at Douai. In these collections 

sertatio de ApoUinc Qranuo Mogoiiiio in the abbreviations F for fecit or factu.s, M 

Alsatia nuper deticto, contained in the for manu, and or OF for officina, are 

Analecta Hassiaca, Collectio lii, \>. 220 frequent. Worsaae, Korditke Oldmgtr, 

seqq., con.siders Grannus connected with Jernaldereii, i, 308. Brud.stykke af Han- 

the Welsh gro and grajan, the French ken til et Broncekar, med romersk Fabrik- 

ijrave and graritr, and the German stemjjel. 

Griess — words signifying gravel ; so he ■* Engelhardt, PI. vii, Nydam, figs. 18, 

explains Aquisgrannum, " tpiia solum 20, 21. 



father of Cunobeline, who figures so prominently in our 
legendary and numismatic annals. Taximagulus also 
occurs, a king of Kent when Cfesar arrived in Britain, 
and Moritasgus, a king of the Senones. From these 
analogies we may infer, with a high degree of probability, 
that TASVIT was a Cimbric chieftain.' 

With respect to Roman inscriptions Denmark is inferior 
to the other two Scandinavian kingdoms, as the longest — 
if we exclude coins — consists of only two words ael. 
AELIANVS on the boss of a shield, which may be the name 
of the owner or of his general.^ A head-stall, found at 
Thorsbjerg, is remarkable, as the only object of this kind 
that is left from antiquity in tolerably good preservation. 
It is made of leather and decorated with bronze studs, of 
which the heads are silver-plated, so that it resembles 
the harness of the ancients, as we see it on the Antonine 
column. These ornaments, called phalerse, were not only 
worn on the breast by men as military distinctions, but 
also used for the trappings of horses ; so Juvenal describes 
in almost the same terms the soldiers and the animals 
pleased with their phalerre.^ But a breast-plate from the 
same find is still more worthy of notice on account of tlie 
mixture of classical and l3arbarian art. We have here 
Roman Medusa's lieads, hippocampi and dolphins, a semi- 
Roman figure of a seated warrior, and barbarous repre- 
sentations of horses, fish, and mythical animals.^ The 

^ The murder of Tasgetius iti related Trajano Aug. Germ, ob bellum Daeic, 

by Caesar, Be Bell. Gall., v, 25. For the torquib. armill, phaleiis, corona vallar. 

coin.? of Tasciovanus see Akermau'.s Nit- Cf. ih. Nos. 3, 6, 8, 10. In the Trajan 

«ns;na^ip il/r^;«««/, pp. 219-224, and Evans' column the barbarian auxiliaries -who 

Ancient British Coiits, pp. 220-245, Plates served as cavalry are without headstalls 

V, No. 7 — vi, No. 9. Taximagulus occurs or bridles, Fabretti, s. 197, PL xxxii, ; on 

in Ciesar, ib., c. 22, and Moritasgus, c. 54. the contrary, the Romans may be easily 

Tasconus F., Tascilla, and Tascil M., are distinguished by their pad saddles, capa- 

amongst the jiotters' marks found in lisons, and reins. 
London, Roach Smith, p. 106. •* Engelhardt, p. 46, Thorsbjerg, PI. 6, 

- Engelhardt, p. 49 and note ; p. 76 fig. 1 : PI. 7, fig. 7. With these engraving.s 

index to the Plates ; and PI. 8, Thorsbjerg, of breast-plates compare Thorsbjerg, PL 

Nos. 11, 11a, lib, lie: in the last en- 11, fig. 47, where there is a representation 

graving a full size fac-simile of the in- of an object that seems to have decorated 

scription is shown. a helmet ; the figui'es ujion it are a hippo- 

•M']ngelhardt, p. 61, PL 13, Thonsbjerg; camp, Capricorn, boar, bird, and fox or 

Rich, Latin T>\QiioivAvj, phalcrce, pitalc- wolf. As the fii-st two are types common 

ratus. Juvenal, xi, 103, Ut jihaleris in classical art, I cannot agree with Dr. 

gauderet eipius : xvi, 60, Ut laeti ]iha- Engelhardt's assertion that there is here 

leris omnes et torquibus omnes. W. not the least trace of Roman influence, 

Froehner, La Colonne Trajane, Appen- thoixgh it must be acknowledged that the 

dice, Inscriptions relatives aux guerres style of execution is quite barbarous. 
Daces, No. 1, donis donate ab imp. 


hippocampi or sea horses in the border are so small that 
they might escape attention ; however, an antiquary 
should not neglect details because they are microscopic. 
This type appears on the denarii of the gens Crepereia, 
and on large and second brass of Mark Antony's praefects 
of the fleet or admirals, in which case the device is 
peculiarly appropriate.' Again, we may trace a connec- 
tion with British numismatics, and observe that our 
ancestors, like the Scandinavians, imitated Italian art 
in their own rude fashion. The coins of Amminus and 
Tasciovanus show the same marine monster, though his 
form varies in the Roman, Danish, and British exam]:>les ; 
in the two former his hind- quarters are those of a fish, 
in the latter they retain more of the equine shape. 
Whether this emblem was simply copied without any 
special significance, or intended to rejoresent maritime 
and insular position cannot now be easily determined.' 
Hippocampi and d(jlpliins are often engraved on gems, 
sometimes carrying Cupid, sometimes drawing him in a 
shell instead of a chariot ; they are also naturally 
associated Avitli Neptune, Nereus, Doris, Galatea, Triton, 
and other marine deities.^ 

But we may go further and remark that amongst these 
antiquities some vestiges may be observed of a civilization 
older than the Roman ; even here, in the neighboiu-hood 

^ Cohen, MtdaUles Consulnins, PI. xvi, i, p. 341, s.v. Ii;)pocam2jo, gives two 

Cnpereia, Nos. 1, 2: PI. Ixi, Oppia, 7; examples from Eraporiie, in the i^rovince 

PL Ixvi, Scmpronla, 6, 7. Mr. Evans, of Tarracona, with Celtic legends, which 

Ancient British Coim, p. 259, mentions are therefore jieculiarly apposite for our 

Mark Antony's P;'ffc/«'<s, but has failed to present jiurpose. The hippocamjj also 

observe that these officers commanded occurs in Pompeian paintings, and accord- 

the fleet, which is specially ^\■orthy of ingly has been introduced among the 

notice in connexion with this maritime decorations of the Pompeian Court at the 

device on their coins ; the legend contains Crystal Palace, 

the abbreviations praef. class. ^ Gori, Gvmmne Antiqiiae Mmii Floren- 

- For the coins of Amminus see Evans, tin>, Vol. i, Pis. Ixxvii and Ixxviii, p. 153, 

p. 211, PI. V, No. 2, and PI. xiii, No. 7. Cupidines cymbula, vel delphinibus vel 

Ih., pp. 258-260, PL vii, 9-11, the coins of hippoc;impo vecti per mare; Vol. ii. Pis. 

Verulamium are described, which exhibit xlvi — li, Ixxix, pp. 99 and 127, Circi 

the same type ; the letters TAS for Tascio- aliqua prieci])ua oniamenta, delphines, In etc. 'Kiwg, Antique Gems and Itlugs, \ij\. 

some of these cases it is difficult to decide ii, PL liv. No. 10; copper-jilates of 

whether the device is a hii)poc;xmp or a miscellaneous gems, PL iii, No. 4, Cupid 

Capricorn ; its origin may be explained by steering a dolphin by the sound of his 

comparison with the Greek; Combe's pipe ; No. 10, Cupid driving, with trident 

Catalogue of the Hmtterian Collection, s.v., for whip, a marine team of hippocamjn, 

Syracusie, p. 298, etpius niarinus ad yoked to a great shell for a c;ir ; a parody 

sinistram, cf. tab. liv, fig. 15. Fr. De un the usual Victory in her biga ; compare 

Uomiuicis, I{c2)ertorio Xuniismalico, Tome Nos. 12 and 15. 


of the Cimbric Chersonesus, the Greeks have left a 
witness to oriental philosophy and mysticism. On a 
female skeleton, dug up near Svenborg, in Fyen, there 
^\^as discovered, among other ornaments, a crystal ball 
inscribed with the word abaaoanaaba, which has been 
translated — " Thou art our Father " — a Gnostic invoca- 
tion often occurring on gems, which was derived from 
the Syriac, and afterwards corrupted into the Latin 
Abracadabra.' But another example is still more in- 
teresting for the following reasons. The object itself 
belongs to an earlier age, viz., the l^ronze, which preceded 
the iron ; it is copied from a more ancient original ; it 
reproduces a beautiful device of classic art ; and lastly, it 
resembles the old British coinage. A kind of cover or lid 
has been found in Denmark, shaped like a funnel reversed. 
On one of these a figure appears, which is doubtless a 
barbarous imitation of the charioteer in the stater struck 
l^y King Philip II of Maceclon. The same type is 
frequent in the Gallic coinage, and may be traced 
through its successive stages of deterioration by means 
of Fairholt's admirably executed plates illustrating Mr. 
Evans' work above-mentioned." 

^ Wtirsaae, Xordiske Oldsager, Jernal- cuin and two barbarous imitations ; 

dvnn. i, p. 87, fig. 379, engraved of the according to MM. Montelius and Han8 

actual size. Engelhardt, Denmark in the Hildebrand these last were fabricated 

Earhi Iron Age, p. 13 and note. It is towards the close of the Bronze Age. 

stated that tliis is the only crystal ball If we take a comprehensive view of the 

found with an inscription on it ; cf. King, antiquities discovered in the three Scan- 

The Gnostics and their Remains, p. 81. dinavian kingdoms, we cannot but come 

TheinvocationABAAQANAABA accompanies to the conclusion that during the earlier 

the pantheistic representation of the god Iron age an uniformity of style pervaded 

Abraxas, with the head of a cock or lion, their art, manners, and customs, and that 

the body of a man and the legs of an asp. it was deeply imbued with Eoman influence. 

Ulr. Fr. Kopp, ralctorjrapliia Critica, Vol. Abundant corroboration of this statement 

iii, pp. 681-690, gives many varieties of may be found by studying the annual 

this formula, and discusses at great reports of the Norwegian Society for 

length its origin and meaning. It seems the Preservation of Ancient Monuments 

connected with the New Testament (ForeningentilNorske Fortidsmindesmer- 

phrases 'A/3/3« 6 TrctT'/j^, Mark xiv, 36, kers Bevaring) and Worsaae's Illustrated 

Rom. viii, 15, Gal. iv, 6, and Ma^ava^a. Catalogue of the Muscmn at Copenhagen. 

1 Cor xvi 22. For the Latin word The Danish Branch of this subject has a 

Jhrncadabra, which was used as a charm special attraction for the, 

acainst diseases, and written in the because it has been mvestigated with the 

form of an inverted cone, see Forcellini's greatest zeal and care by the local savans, 

Lexicon s v. Bailey's translation. and discussed with a view to establish a 

« Conrires International d' Anthropoloqle rational system of pre-historic chronology. 

etd-JrcMologie Prehistoriqnes,'&tock\\o\m, Mr. Fergusson, Rude Stone 3Ionumcnts, 

1874 8>ir les Commencements de VAge dn p. 275, says, " The Danish antiquaries 

Fcr en Europe, par M. Hans Hildebrand, ha%'e been so busy in arranging their 

Toiue ii W 600, S(i. Engravings are microlithic treasures m glass cases that 

given of A Macedonian stater, a Oallic they have totally neglected their larger 


II. Byzantine art had an extensive and lasting influence, 
overspread southern and central Europe, and left indelible 
marks even in the remote corners of the north and west. 
At fii'st sight we may feel surprised that a style so con- 
ventional and rigid, debased by luxurious tyranny, and 
enslaved hj hierarchical prescription, should have exercised 
dominion over various races and through many centuries. 
But the difficulty disappears, if we consider the circum- 
stances, which were particularly favourable to Greek art. 
Constantinople was the only great city not taken and 
pillaged by barbarians till the close of the dark ages ; 
the Lower Empire had retained many forms of the old 
chissical period to which Christianity imparted new life ; 
and Byzantine symbolism was widely diffVised, because it 
alone satisfied the instincts and embodied the aspirations 
of humanity.' But, whatever may have been the cause, 
it remains an undoubted fact that the peculiarities of this 
school are as clearly visible in Scandinavia as in Italy or 
Greece itself The coins of Magnus I, who reigned 1035- 
1047, show us a seated figure, like that of Christ, with a 
glory round the head, the book of the Gospels on the 
breast, and the right arm raised in benediction. This is 
clearly a Byzantine type, and may be seen on the solidi 
of emperors who were nearly contemporary, viz., John 
Ziraisces, the Armenian, and Nicephorus III, Botaniates. 
Even the patterns of the richly ornamented robes worn 
by Greek sovereigns re-appear on the persons of Danish 
and Norwegian kings. Magnus is dressed like Justinian 
in the mosaics of S^''' Sophia at Constantinople, or San 
Vitale at Ravenna.' Similarly, before the profile of St. 

monuments outside;"" — and again, ji. 297,. ffrrcii, pp. 20-2-1, esi)ecially p. 23 and note 

" In Denmark anything that cannot be 4. Ligner byzantinske Praeg fia Johannes 

put into a glass case in a museum is so Zimisces og Nicephorus Botaniates, se 

comialetely rejected a.s vakieless that no Banduri, Numismata Imj^. Kom. ii, p. 

one cares to record it." Those who can 738 og 748. It is worthy of remark that 

read the elaborate work of Kornerup, the earlier jiieces of this king have a 

with preface by Worsaae, on the Ttnrjal crowned bust on the obverse, but the 

3/o<<««?.$ (KongeliQiene) '/< J(///V/(7 will find later a sitting figure, which is {^I'obably 

therein sufficient proof that the Danes do St. Olaf in the likeness of Christ. This 

not deserve the censures with which they device seems to have been adojjted on 

have been S(j severely visited. account of the assistance ^\hich the saint 

' Kugler's Hamlhook of Pninfing, edited was supposed to have afforded to Magnus 

by Eastlake, Vol. i, pp. 46-91, The Byzau- at the battle (jf Lyrskov. The Byzantine 

tine style. dress on the Noiwegian coins may be 

- For the coins of Magnus I see Schi\e compared with the robes of Justinian and 

and Holmboe, Nvrgcs Mi/uter i Middclal- Theodora and attendant courtiers, a,? they 


Olaf, Ave have a cross raised on two steps, wiiicli also was 
derived from Byzantium ; amongst many other instances 
the coinage of Heracliiis and Constans II may be cited.' 
At this period the course of trade seems to have been 
from Asia to Constantinople, overland thi'ough Russia to 
Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, and thence to Great 
Britain and Ireland ; somewhat later the crusades must 
have impelled traffic still more in the same direction, in 
consequence of hostilities prevailing through the Mediter- 
ranean. These commercial relations between Asia and the 
north of Europe during the epoch of the Vikiiigs from the 
eiglitli to the eleventh century are proved by thousands 
of Cufic coins discovered in Sweden and Denmark, which 
are now deposited in the national Museums of Stockholm 
and Copenhagen.-' 

We shall find the same influence in the architecture of 
the north ; the forms of the capitals and sculptured deco- 
rations in relief equally exhibit it. A good example is 
supplied by the church of Vaage, in Gudbrandsdal, the 
long and picturesque valley that leads from the Miosen 
lake to Trondhjem. The tracery of interlaced serpents, 
which characterizes Scandinavian art, and afterwards 
appears on Irish crosses, only reproduces Byzantine sym- 
bolism, typifying the Fall and Bedemption.^ Another 

appear in the mosaicH at Ravenna (Liibke, worn in the same way, Nos. 399-iOl. 

Gnmclriss dcr KiinsU/cschichte I, 263, fig. Dahl, DeuhmiiUr eincr xehr umgehiUlvtCH 

176. V<jn den Mosaiken aus San Vitale), Holzlmiihunst cms deii fruhcstoi Jahrhnn- 

of which large coloured copies may be seen dertcn in dcii inncrn Landsch'iffeu Nor- 

iu the South Kensington Museum. The tver/ais, says that at the nuptial ceremony 

seated Christ occurs frequently in the the brides wore crowns on which were 

art of the Lower Enijnre; so Eckh el, Z^OfV. hung Byzantine gold coins, bracteates, 

Num. TcL, viii, 257, s.v., Eiidocia says, and solidi of the Middle Ages. 
Chrlstus svdcns more solUo. Ltibke, ih., - Archaahykal Congress at Stockholm, 

fig. 177, Mosaik aus der Vorhalle der tome ii, 9-32 et sq. Arclxvol. Journal, 

Sophienkirclie, which shows the Christ iv, 199-203, contains some interesting 

enthroned and the court dress of the remarks by Worstuie on the course of 

Greek emperor. trade through N(n'ogorod in Russia and 

1 Nuryes Mynter , pp. 14, 15, tab. i, Wi.sby in Gotland. The great importance 

No. 16. Eckhel, viii, 223, Crux insistens of the latter as an emporium is attested 

grndibus, and ib. 225. The coins of by coins and seals, and still further con- 

Romanus I and Christ(jphorus afford firmed by the number and magnitude of 

examples both of the seated Christ and arcliitectural remains, unparalleled in the 

tlie cross on .steps ; -Sabatier, Description north of Europe. Bergman and Save's 

gi'nerak des monnaies Byzcuitincs, \A. book is the best authority for the anti- 

xlvi, 12. quities of Wisby ; it is written in Swedish, 

AVorsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Jcrnul- and accompanied by lithographs. The 

derm, ii, p. 95, gives examples of Byzan- earlier work of Peringskiold may also be 

tine gold coins used as ornaments, sus- advantageously consulted, 
pended from the neck, Nos. 397, 398a, '' Nicolaysen, Norsko Bygninger fra 

398b, and of gold bracteates, ^^•hich were Fortidcn, p. 3, pi. v. Wornum, Analysis 


20 1 

instance occurs in the church of Urnes, where the Avood 
carvings bear a strong resemblance to the ilhistrations in 
the Bible of Charles the Bald and Greek manuscripts of 
the ninth century.' 

The great variety and irregularity in the sculptures of 
these wooden churches must strike even a superficial 
observer. It is easy to explain, if we call to mmd the 
Varangian body-guard of the Greek emperors.- The 
Scandinavians must liave often seen in the south ot 
Europe buildings for whose construction columns, archi- 
traves, and friezes of jDagan temples had been used 
without any regard to architectural symmetry, — hence 
they repeated this confusion when they returned to their 

of Ornament, ]}. 66. '■ The cross planted 
(111 the serpent is fmind sciiljitiired on 
3Iount Athos, and the cross, surrounded 
liy the so-called Runic knot, is only a 
Scandinavian version of the original 
Byzantine image — the crushed snake 
curling round the stem of the avi-ngiug 
cross," &c. Besides the churches men- 
tioned in the text, many others contain 
curious specimens of wood carving ; good 
engi'aviugs of them may be seen in the 
following works: — OixLil and Aardal in 
Norske Bygningcr, Hedal in the Mlnde^,- 
merher af Middvlaldenns Kunst i Xortjc, 
both by Nicolaysen; Hittcrdal, Borgund 
and Vang in Dahl's book cited above. 

The affinity between Irish and Scandi- 
navian art is evident, if we compare ^^•ith 
t'.iese monuments O'Neill's Sculptured 
Crosses of Ancient Ireland, and the Fac- 
similes of National Manuscripts of Ire- 
land, photo-zincographed by Major- 
General Sir Henry James. According 
to some writers this style, of v.-hich 
interlaced ornament is the chief charac- 
teristic, originated in Ireland, and wa.s 
thence diffused into other countries ; but 
I think a careful examination of the facts 
will show that it came from Constanti- 
nople, underwent many modifications in 
Scandinavia, and finally was carried into 
Ireland by the victorious Norsemen. A 
friend reminds me that the testimony of 
the Hiberno-Danish coins corroborates the 
opinion that the so-called Irish art is 
essentially Scandinavian. 

^ This name is also spelt Ornes and 
Urnaes. The termination naes is common 
in Norway, and corresponds to the Eng- 
lish ness and naze. Tliis church, wliich is 
not mentioned in Murray's Handbook, is 
ituated on the promontory of Urnes, that 

juts out into the Ly.ster Fiord, the ex- 
treme north-e; branch of the Sogne 
Fiord ; Korske Bi/gninger, pp. 1-3, Plates 

Seroux d'Agincourt, Histolrc de V Art 
par les Monuments, Vol. iii, Plates xl, xlv, 
gives several engravings of the illustra- 
tions of tliis manuscript, wliich he calls 
the Bible of St. Paul from the Benedictine 
monastery, in which it wa.s formerly pre- 
served. The title page exhibits a king or 
emperor sitting on a throne, with a glolje 
in his hand as a sj-mbol of jjower. The 
name Charles occurs in a monogram as 
well as in an inscription under the paint- 
ing, but whether this is Charlemagne or 
Charles the Bald cannot be ascertained. 
Plates xliv and xlv contain good speci- 
mens of interlaced ornament. Plate Ixxxiii 
represents the Virgin l;ud in her tomb 
by the Apostles and holy women. There 
are Bunic letters in the border, but 
the figures and dresses are Byzantmr. 
Compare Strutt's Chtoniele of England, 
Part i, p. 346, where there is a copy 
of the initial page of a Saxon MS. of St. 
Luke's Gospel ; the letters are explained 
ih., p. 363. 

- Some account of the Varangians wdll 
be found in Gibbon, c. 4, Vol. vii, pp. 82, 
S3, edit. Dr. Wm. Smith ; the etymology 
of the word is explained in the note, p. 80. 
The Varangians, Vicringers, or Bapstyyo/, 
as the Greeks call them, re-appear in the 
English names Waring and Baring ; 
Carlyle, Early Kings of Norway, p. 164. 
Earl Stanhojte, in his article on " Harold 
of Norway," Quarterly Revitiv, vol. cxxxv, 
p. 171, quotes from a modern traveller, 
who states that in Persia all foreigners 
are designated by the name Feringhee, a 
corruption of Varangian. 


own country, perhaps in some cases by the same means, 
namely, by interpolating fragments of earher edifices. 

The monuments of this class have unfortunately suffered 
much mutilation in the course of the present century. A 
fire broke out in the Grue-Kirche, which was attended 
with great loss of life because the doors were made to open 
inwards, and this was impossible on account of the crowd. 
A law was consequently passed requiring all church doors 
to open outwards, and in effecting the necessary alterations 
much ancient carving was destroyed. 

These churches are specially interesting, because they 
are built of wood. As this material is so easily worked, 
it would naturally be employed at an early period, so that 
we may here trace back to their origin designs afterwards 
executed in stone ' The absence or deficiency of foliated 
and floral patterns in these buildings is very remarkable, 
but arose naturally out of the circumstances under which 
they were erected."- In a large part of Norway there is 
scarcely any tree but the fir, whose needle -leaves do not 
readily lend themselves to artistic purposes, and the 
severity of the climate during a large portion of the year 
almost precludes the contemplation of external nature. 

Ill, From the ninth to the eleventh century the 

Northmen were constantly invading and pillaging the 

English coast ; they were therefore brought into contact 

with a nation more civilized than themselves. The 

former excelled in the arts of war ; the latter had made 

considerable progress in luxury and refinement, inheriting 

manners and customs and technical processes from the 

Romans. Hence we may expect the monuments of the 

conquering race to show that the experience of classical 

antiquity was repeated : — 

Groecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes 
Intulit agresti Latio,^ 

^ The tombs of Ljcia and the temples thus the space between two beams ob- 

of Greece afford the best examples of this tained the name of a metopa." Similarly 

progress in the arts of construction. Sir the Roman lacuna meant the decoration 

C. Fellows, Lycia, c. 6, pp. 128-131, inserted in the square compartments 

Plates ix-xii, shows many varieties of formed by the rafters of a roof or ceiling 

rock architecture and tombs sculptured intersecting at right angles; it was after- 

in imitation of wooden buildings. Sir wards applied to the same spaces in 

Henry Fills, Elgin Marbles, Vol. i, ]i. 132, brickwork or masonry. 

exi)laining the metopes of the Parthenon, - (VNeiU, Kisai/ on Ancitntlriih Art, i^.l, 

quotes from Vitruvius, "The Greeks, by nfterenumeratingthecharacteristicsof this 

the word o'ttch, signify the beds of the style,says, "Vegetable forms are very rare." 

beams, which we call cava columbaria ; •' Horace, Epistles, Book ii, 1, 56. 


The fibulae, which are j^erhaps the most curious remains 
of this epoch found in England, have been di\aded into 
three classes — the circular, the cross -shaped, and the 
concave. These abound in the museums of Bergen and 
Copenhagen. The materials and form are identical, and 
the resemblance may be traced in minutest details — in the 
gold filigree work, concentric circles, ovals, chain or 
cable patterns, and stones or vitreous pastes used as 

If we turn to the coins we shall find proofs of relations 
between England and Scandinavia at this period. The 
pennies of Ethelred the Unready compared with those of 
St. Olaf may be taken as an example. 

One of the most frequent types of the former exhibits 
on the obverse the king's head to left without sceptre or 
diadem, and the hair represented by divergent lines, eacli 
terminating in a pellet. The device on the reverse 
consists of a voided cross, with an annulet in the centre 
and three crescents at the end of each arm,'- In Olaf's 
coin all these particulars are exactly copied, and therefore 
need not be described, but the legends deserve notice : — 

Obra-se + VNLAFI + E+ANOr> 
Reverse -f-AS3)Ria) MO NOR 

i.e., Olaf Rex a Normannia, and Asthrith Monetarius 
Normannorum.^ There is here a strange discrepancy 
between the inaccuracy of the first and the correctness 
of the second line. It was necessary to cut a new die to 
express the name and title of the Norwegian king, which 
was done in a very clumsy fashion, the K of Rex 

^ The fibulie, distinguished as concave occur ofteii and with rich vaiiety, but are 
or saucer-shaiied, are also circular. With unknown in the other old Germ.anic lands. 
Wright, Ctflt, lioman and Saxon, p]). 415- See also Worsaae, Sordiske Oldsnger l 
420, and engraving opposite p. 416, and Bet Eongelige Museum i Kjohcnharn ; Nos. 
Akerman, Pagan Saxondom, Pis. iii, vii, 415 and 416 are clover-shaped, similar to 
Tiii, xi, xii, xiv, xvi, &c., compare Lo- that figured in Wright, p. 417 ; Nos. 428 
range, Samlbtgen af Xorsle Otdsager and 429 resemble the cross-shaped. 
i Bogens Museum, pp. 88-90, figs. 564a, • Hawkins, Coins of England, ^thel- 
564b; pp. 117, sq. fig. 451; pp. 148, nod II, A.D. 978-1016, vol. i, pp. 67, .sq. ; 
sq. figs. 2017a, 2017b; p. 172, fig. 1097; vol. ii, pi. xvi, Kos. 203-207, e.specially 
p. 180, fig. 709. Lorange remarks that the last. Schive, at the commencement 
the fibuliC are far more of the Korges Mynter, p. 4, has six wood- 
numerous in Norway than in Sweden, cuts of different types of P^thelred's coins, 
referring to Hans HildeV>rand, Ben Aldre which he exjilains fully on account of 
Jii-naldern i Norrland. The Bergen Mu- their importance as elucidating the 
seum alone possesses 42 specimens, and Norwegian series. 

there are also a great number of them in ' See Xorges Mynter, Olaf II, Haralds- 

the University Collection at Christiania. son (den Hellige) (1015-1028 f 1030), pp. 

He adds that 'in the English graves they 13-17, pi. i, Nos. 15-20, especially No. 15. 



being omitted. On the other hand, as Schive plausibly 
suggests, an Anglo-Saxon die was used for the reverse 
without any alteration, since the letters nor, which 
originally stood for Norwich, would answer equally well 
for Norway, vnlafi is an Anglo-Saxon form of Olaf, ' 
for the Danish language frequently omits the letter n, 
e.g. using the preposition i for in, and the particle u for 
UN in such words as idig, unlike ; Uhyndiglied, un- 
skilfulness. The interchange of u and o is so common 
as to call for no remark. In the legend of the reverse 
we have two examples of the Saxon barred 39, which 
resembles the Greek theta both in form and sound ; 
moreover the Royal Cabinet at Stockholm contains a coin 
of Ethelred bearing the same inscription, as 3) RiaDMONOR. 
During this reign the invasions of the Danes and Norse- 
men were more systematic, and aftected a larger portion 
of the kingdom than at any former period.- Heavier 
contributions of money were therefore levied, amounting 
to 167,000 pounds of silver, according to Dr. Hildebrand's 
calculation.^ St. Olaf also visited England in the year 
1014, and Ethelred's coins must have been familiar to 
him. Lastly, the reign of this monarch was a long one, 
hence the circulation of his money was large, and it 
would on this account be more readily imitated by the 

^ Olaf is called Unlaf in Strutt's son, king of Denmark, who began to 

Chronicle, vol. ii, p. 79. The letter N reign in 1047. . . . The legends are 

often occurs before another consonant in composed of those Runes, so common on 

Anglo-Saxon names, as maj" be seen in the Danish coins minted in Ireland, and 

the genealogies of the kings of Mercia, -which consisted of a mixture of letters 

Northumberland, East Anglia, Kent and and strokes, the latter supplying the 

Wessex, and in the chronological table of place of asterisks, and denoting the place 

the seven kingdoms of the Anglo-Saxons, of a letter." The blundering in the 

Rapin, Historij of E'lgJiind, vol. i, pp. 47, legends of Irish coins closely resembles 

65, .07, and 80, and in the lists of English that in the Norwegian examples men- 

Archbislioi)s and Bishops, \o\. v, pp. 238- tioned above. For instance, in the coins 

254. Ednunid, Alcmund, Osmond, Or- of Anlaf IV the king's name is scarcely 

mond, Andred, Anfrid, and Kenrick will intelligible, and in those of Ifars II, the 

suffice as examjjles. Rapin uses the legends of the obverse and reverse are 

forms Anlaff'or Anlaf, besides Olaph and very rude; Lhidsay, pp. 10 and 12. 

the Latin Olaiis. This old writer will be " Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 285- 

found useful, not only for jjliilological 287. 

illustration, but also for the history of ^ The accounts of the historians are 
the connection between England and confirmed by the great number of Anglo- 
Scandinavia during the Saxun period, Saxon coins found in Sweden; accor- 
which is related in liooks iv and v. dingly the Royal Cabinet at Stockholm 
\'arious forms of the name Anlaf appear is very rich in this department, even 
also on Hiberno-Danish coins; Lindsay's surpassing the collection of the British 
View of the Coiuaye of Ireland, p. 10 ; Museum; Hildebrand, Monnaics Anglo- 
Anlaf iv, |). 12; Anlaf v, p. 13; Anlaf Saxonncs en Sutde. Angloaachslska Mynt 
vi, plate i, Nos. 3, 17-21. "The type of I Svenska Kongl. MijntM>inettet,fnmw i 
No. 20 i» exactly that of Svend Estrith- Sverigen Jord 


less civilized nations that had relations with him, either 
peaceful or hostile. 

Two classes of objects found in Norway., viz., glass 
drinkinof vessels and wooden buckets bound with metal, 
which have been referred to a Roman origm, may, ni some 
cases at least, with gi*eat probabihty be assigned to the 
Saxons, as they were accustomed to imitate late Roman 

Subsequently to the Norman conquest, Norwegian 
architecture exhibits striking proofs of English influence. 
The King's Hall at Bergen and the Cathedral at Trondhjem 
are the most remarkable monuments of the middle ages 
in the three Scandinavian kingdoms, and the style of both 
may be characterised as English. The hall was built of 
stone by King Haakon Haakonson between the years 
1245 and 1260, in jjlace of an earlier wooden structure. 
It was originally used on festive occasions, such as corona- 
tions and royal marriages, but it has undergone so many 
alterations that its former beauty and magnificence 
can with difticulty be discerned." However, by careful 
examination of existing remains and comparison of them 
with some old drawings, Mr. Nicolaysen has been enabled 
to produce a restoration that may be accepted as almost 
certain.^ There were two storeys, the lower of which 
Avas subdi\T.ded by a floor. The upper had seven great 
wmdows on its west side or principal front, and smaller 
ones at the back. These great windows were constructed 
in'the pointed arch style, each probably containing two 
lights [and a quatrefoil above. But there was one much 

' For Anglo-Saxon gla.i.s compare '^ Copies of three old drawings of the 

Wright, Celt, Roman and Saxon, pp. 428- King's Hall are given in pages, 8, 9, 10 of 

431 and engravings, with Lorange, the Norske Bygningcr. Tlie first shows a 

Samlingcn af Xorske bldsagcr i Bergois projection in the roof, which must have 

Museum, p. 67, No. 21 32, woodcut, and been added for the purpose of fixing a 

\\,KordiskeOl(hagcr,\).7<a,'Sio.Z\2. pulley or crane, and proves that the 

- This building has been most fully building was used as a warehouse about 

and accurately described by Nicolaysen the year 1580. The second exhibits the 

in the Korske Bijgninger fra Fortiden, mutilated appearance of the building 

pp. 6-18, plates x-xvi. From his intro- about the year 1653, after the injuries it 

ductorj' narrative we learn that shortly sustained in the wars, during which it 

previous to 1580 this hall was a kind of was one of the batteries for the defence 

warehouse, that it wa.s afterwards used as of the castle. In the third, which i.s 

quarters for soldiers, and in the following dated 1743, we see a double roof and 

centui-y convei-ted into a coni-magazine, other alterations that had been made 

and lastly, that in our own time it ha.s towards the close of the seventeenth 

been employed a.s a prison and a place of century, 
worship for convicts. 


larger in the north gable, which by its position shows that 
the roof consisted of open timber- work ; l^elow it was the 
king's seat in the centre of the dais. A music gallery 
extended across the south end, and the space under it 
Avas employed as an ante-room. The hall was one 
hundred feet long, forty wide, and fifty-four high. From 
these particulars and proportions we see that it resembled 
those baronial and collegiate halls, which are more 
beautiful and numerous in our own country than any 

But this building, interesting as it is, especially to 
Englishmen, cannot vie with the cathedral at Trondhjem, 
which stands pre-eminent among the ecclesiastical edifices 
of Scandinavia on account of its size, its elaborate details, 
and its intimate connection with mediajval history. At 
Trondhjem the petty states of Norway were consolidated 
into a nation by Harald Haarfager : at Trondhjem, in the 
following century, the Christian religion was established, 
and a church erected by Olaf Tryggvesson. Here the 
first archbishopric was founded, here many kings Avere 
crowned and interred, but, above all, here was the shrine 
of Olaf, the patron saint, revered by the neighbouring 
nations, and visited by pilgrims from regions more remote."' 
A minute accoiuit of this structure Avould be superfluous, 
but it is worth while to observe that the great transept is 
a fine specimen of the Norman style, while the choir and 

' Ferguason, JSintori/ of Architecture, aa euteriug at a window above. Bitshop 

Vol. ii, pp. 76-78. The Kongehalle at Jocelyu'is Palace at Wells is of nearly 

Bergeu is more than a century older than the same date as the Kongehalle, and its 

Westminster Hall as we now see it, fur genei-al construction is analogous; Murray's 

it was rebuilt under Richard 11,1397-1 399. Ilandboolc of the Southern Cathedrals, Part 

Both in external appearance and interior i, pp. 264 sq., and Mr. J. H. Parker's 

arrangements, the great Hall at Eltham Architecture of the City of Wells ; the 

resembled the one at Bergen ; it was used latter work supplies much curious infor- 

for siniilar purposes, the sovereign often mation, it is also copiously illustrated Ijv 

dined there, Edward III held more than plans and views. 

one parliament, and gave a splendid re- * Mr. Nicolaysen has recently pub- 

ception to John, King of France, within lished a pamphlet relating the historj^ of 

its walls. See Archecoloffia, Vol. vi, pp. the cathedral, and accompanied by engra- 

366-372, Plates li, lii, and liii. The vings that show its ground-plan, present 

author of this excellent memoir calls appeai'ance, and intended restoration, 

attention to the small window in the This church is rendered very accessible to 

u))per end (jf the Hall, and at a con- \-isitors, who are conducted through it by 

sideraljle height from the floor ; through it a candidate for the ministry. G<J<jd pho- 

the king, in his pi'ivate apartment, could tographs of the whole structure, of its 

.-see all that passed below. This assists principal divisions, and of the architec- 

iis to explain a passage in Shakespeare's tural details, can be pui'chascd fivm the 

Jliiirij VII T, act v, sc. 2, where the attendants, 
mouciruh and his [ihysiciau arc introduced 


tomb -house are Early English, with details of the Deco- 
rated period in the interior of the latter. The dimensions 
remind us of our smaller cathedrals, the total length being 
350 feet, and the width of the nave 84, Exeter is 383 
feet by 72, and Lichfield 319 by 66.' The wonderful 
lightness and elegance of the tomb-house suggest a 
comparison with the extreme east end of Canterbury, 
called Becket's Crown, while the west front of unusual 
l^readth, adorned by sculpture and gilding, must have 
produced an effect not unlike the facade of Wells. ^ Such 
are the merits of Trondhjem Cathedral ; on the other 
hand, it is disfigured by want of symmetry, caused by 
many unfavourable circumstances. In the twelfth century 
a group of three churches stood where we now see one ; 
when additions were made it was necessary to retain the 
high altar on the spot where St. Olaf was buried, and to 
include his sacred well withm the walls ; the side-aisles 
of the choir could not be sufiiciently enlarged on account 
of the adjoining sacristy and chapels ; lastly, after the 
Keformation, the simplicity of the Protestant ritual 
interfered with a design conceived in Roman Catholic 

It is gratifying to be able to state that this noble edifice 
which has suftered so much from destructive fires and 
tasteless alterations, is now at last recovering much of its 
pristine beauty, though we cannot expect that it will ever 
again be enriched with the splendid ornaments lavished 
on it by mediaeval pietism. It will, however, hold its 
place as a national monument, restored with a skill which 
our own architects would do well to imitate — the glory of 
the citizens who dwell in its shadow, and a powerful 
attraction for visitors from foreign lands. ^ 

' Fergusson, History of Architecture, Cathedral ; Schwach, frontispiece, No. 6, 

ii, 78. Comparative Table of English view of the west end as it appeared in 

Cathedrals. 1661, from the copper-i)late of Maschins ; 

- See T/iroiid/cin.s Domkirlus Historle Murray, Eastern Cathedrals, pp. 57-60 ; 

og Beshrivelse af C. K. Schicnch, frontis- Ferguson, History of Architecture, ii, 49. 
piece, No. l.v ground-plan. No. 4, Thron* ** Xorske Mindesincvr/ccr afteyiiedc paa 

dhjem Cathedral from the nm-th-west en Reise iyjennem en Deel af det Norden- 

side ; and Murray's Handbook to the South- fjeldske, og beskrevne af Lorentz Diderich 

em Cathedrals of England. Wells, ground- Kliiwer, 1823. Pages 1-39 and Plates 

plan and west front, p. 220. The three 1-10 of this valuable work are devoted to 

jiortals in the west front at Throndhjem, Trondhjem Cathedral, and especially to 

(Drontheim), though very inferior, bear the grave-stones dating from the eleventh 

some resemblance to the three great arches century to the Keformation, together ^nth 

in the corresponding pai-t of Peterborough the Runic and monkish inscriptions. One 



This account of Northern antiquities is necessarily very 
imperfect, but I hope it may induce some younger tourists 
to remember that these countries contain othei* objects of 
interest besides snow-capped mountains, romantic fiords, 
and giant forests : that a heroic race lived there in the 
olden time, that its monuments still remain, that its words 
and deeds are so blended with the language and traditions 
of Englishmen, that we may almost regard them as be- 
longing to our own inheritance. 

of a, later date is in Engliwli, aud may 
amuse tlie reader by its quaiutness ; it 
was composed in lionour of a Scotch ship- 
master : — 

Tho' Borious Ijlasts & Neptune wav^* 

Hath tost me to & fro, 
Yet by the (^rder of gods decree 

I liarbour here below. 
Whei-e now I ly at anchor shure 

With many of our fleet, 
Expecting one day to set sail, 

My Admiral Christ to meet. 
Kliiwer mentions, p. 13, his disct)\'ery 
of speaking-tubes, rather more than an 
inch in diameter, which went through 
the vaultings and the walls of rooms in 
the upper part of the chou*. He adds 
that these tubes were provided with 
small holes in their sides, as in a flute, 
to increase or diminish the sound at 
pleasure, and conjectures that they were 
used for monkish deceptions (Munkebe- 
dragerier), especially because they pro- 
ceeded from secret apartments, where 
the monks, themselves unobserved, could 
see all that passed Ijoth in the choir and 
the church. Schwach, in his Historie og 
BcsJcrkchc, 1838, pp. 15-16, confirms this 

account, but thinks the tube might also 
have been used iov a special purpose on 
Good Friday, viz., to utter the painful 
cry of Judas, " I have sinned in that 
I have betrayed the innocent blood." 
Schwach also mentions a small room in 
an octagonal pillar of the choir — " It 
received light from a high narrow window 
in the north-east side of the pillar, and 
was called the Chamber of Excommuni- 
cation (Banlysningskammeret,) because, 
according to tradition, the Archbishop, 
when an excommunication was to be 
promulgated, remained there unseen till 
he stepped out on the balcony, and hurled 
down his bolts as if they issued from the 
clouds." The classical traveller will re- 
member similar arrangements in the 
Temple of Isis at Pompeii. 

The most elaborate work on Trondhjem 
Cathedi-al is that by Professor Munch, 
Christiania, 1859, but an account of still 
more recent investigations will be found 
in the transactions of the Norwegian 
Society of Antiquaries, Forcningen til 
Norskc Fcrtidsmindcsmerkem Bcvaring, 
Aarsbcretnwg for 1866, pp. 6-25. 


This Momoiv is derived from pei\sonal observation during a j ournoy 
tlirough Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, in tlio summer of 1876, 
from conversation with eminent antiquaries in these countries, and 
from a careful study of their writings, especially those of MM. 
Nicolaysen and I-orange, AVorsaae and Engelhardt, Wiberg and 
Hildebrand, whom I have closely followed, and in some cases 

My special thanks are due to Overintendaut Kammeherre Hoist, 
Secretary uf the University of Christiania, for tho great kindness and 
courtesy with which ho facilitated my researches, and placed at my 
disposal sources of information not easily accessible to foreigners. 


Besides the works above mentioned, the following will be useful to 
those who wish to pursue the study of Northern antiquities : — 

Nicolaysen, JVorsIce Fornhvninger, 1862-1866. 

C. A. Holmboe, Norske Vaegtlodder fra 14''« Aarhundrede. 

En maerh-aerdUj Samling af Smiikkev, fontvrstedelen af 

Guld, og Mynter . . . paa Gaarden Hoen. 

Bet Oldnorske Verhum oplyst ved Sammenligning med 

Scotskn't og andre Sprog af sanime ^t. 

F. C. Schiibeler, Die AJtnonoegische Landwirthschaft. 

Bet Oldnorske Museum i Christiania. 

TJie ancient vessel found in the parish of Tune, in Norwaxj. Christiania, 

Carl Andersen, Be Banske Kongers Kronologiske Samling. 

Ben KongeJige ILjnt-og 3IedailJe- Samling paa Prindsens Palais. 
Kiobenhavn, 1869. 

Oscar Montelius, Filhrer durch das Museum Vaterlandischen Alter- 
tlii'imer in Stockholm, iibersetzt von J. Mestorf. 

Antiquites Suedoises. 

A. P. Madsen, Banske Oldsager og Mindesmerker . 

Bihliographie de I'Archeologie Prehistorique de la Saede pendant Ir 
xix" Siecle. Stockholm, lo75 

British Scandinavian Society, Library Cafahgne, including Icelandic 

Quaritch, General Catalogue, 1874, "Scandinavian Philology," 
pp. 1073-1084. 

Supplementary Catalogue, 1876, " Bibliotheca Septen- 

trionalip," pp. 1018-1089. 

Qnaritch's list, though long, omits some of the most important 

The prospectus of the University of Norway (Index Scholaruni in 
Universitate Regia Fredericiana . . . hahendarumj gives the names of 
distinguished Norwegian savans, such as Daa, Eygh, Bugge, &c. 

It is much to be regretted that some English authors have written 
on Scandinavian history and antiquities withoiit a competent know- 
ledge of the Danisli language. This has been a fertile source of 
error. Names are frequently misspelt, and their true significance 
therefore lost ; for example, Rardrade is written for Haardraade, 
which is compounded of haard, hard, and Raad, counsel. Those who 
wish to learn Danish only for literary purposes will find the Nor- 
wegian Grammar of Frithjof Foss, pp. 49, sufficient, the Norwegian 
language differing from Danish only in pronunciation. Swedish is so 
closely connected with Norsk that it can be mastered with little 



The village of Kempley is situated in the north west 
corner of Gloucestershire, about seven miles from Ledbury, 
the nearest station on the Worcester and Hereford line. 
The church, which is some distance from the present 
nucleus of the village, does not possess any special 
external attractions, but contains some of the most 
interesting mural paintings in the kingdom. It is dedi- 
cated to St. Mary, and is a plain Noiman fabric, with 
a chancel, nave, and a west tower, a later addition, on 
which a slate cap now occupies the place of a former 
spire. There m a plain Norman doorway within the 
tower, formerly the western entrance to the church, but 
the present and only entrance is through a line Norman 
doorway on the south side of the nave, within and partly 
concealed by a wooden porch. The arch over the door is 
ornamented with several rows of chevrons and a double 
row of pellet moulding, and on the tymj^anum is the tree 
of life, similar to that on the south door of Moccas 
churcli in Herefordshire. There is one shaft on each side 
unusually massive, and with an early foliated cap of a 
peculiar type, which also occurs in the chancel arch, and 
of which other examples exist at the neighbouring 
churches of Uymock and Pauntley, and at the churches 
of Bromyard and Tliornbury in Herefordshire. Within 
the church with tbe exception of the jmintings, the only 
ornamental work is on the chancel arch, which is a fine 
specimen of Norman work, and is enriched with the 
chevron and star nioiddings. The windows with one 
exception are small, round headed, and deeply splayed, and 
on the north wall of the chancel is a plain aumbrey, or, 
as has been suggested, an early example of an Easter 
sepulchral recess. Tlie church was restored in 1872, and 


it was then, on the removal of the white wasli, that the 
numerous paintings about to be described were discovered, 
and, as far as possible, most carefully preserved. 

On entering the church the first painting to be noticed 
is that on the west wall of the nave, on which are remains 
of blue letter Scripture texts, wliich date either from the 
latter part of the fifteenth or early part of the sixteenth 
century. In removing the whitewash in the nave two or 
three courses of colouring of various periods were dis- 
covered, but on account of the crumbling and rotten 
character of the distemper it was exceedingly difficult to 
discern the scheme of any particular subject. This is 
especially the case with a large painting on the south 
wall of the nave. It is much obliterated, and appears to 
be a jumble of more than one series. One subject seems 
to have been in compartments ; in the lower part are two 
figures in armour, one holding out a sword ; above their 
heads is a cross surrounded by rays of white light. It 
has been suggested that this subject represents the 
Conversion of St. Paul or the History of Constantine. 
Within the splay of a window, an insertion of the 
fourteenth century, on the south side of the nave, is the 
figure of an archbishop with a crozier. On the north wall 
of the nave is a large wheel with ten spokes radiating 
from the centre and terminating in as many medallions, 
within the outer circle. The subjects of the medallions, if 
any ever existed, are all obliterated. Similar wheels exist at 
Rochester Cathedral, at the west end of the original north 
aisle of the Priory Church at Leominster, and another one 
could be seen twenty years ago at Catfield in Norfolk but 
is now hidden by a fresh coat of whitewash. These wheels 
are commonly called " Wheels of Fortune," and must be 
distinguished from such wheels as those now existing at 
Arundel and formerly at Ingatestone and elsewhere, and 
exemplifying the Seven Deadly Sins. These Wheels of 
Fortune probably date from the thirteenth century. Within 
the splay of a Norman window, also on the north side of the 
nave, is, on one side an Archangel weighing a soul, with the 
Blessed Virgin Mary interceding on the soul's behalf, and 
on the other St. Anthony with his usual symbol of a 
pig ; the figures are all as on tracings on a red ground, 
and appear to belong to the Norman loeriod, though no 



other example of the subject of an Archangel weighing 
souls treated in this particular manner, is known as 
belonging to so early a period. In the head of the arch 
is a pattern of blue roses on a white ground ; on the 
south side of the chancel arch is a large figure of a Saint 
under a semicircular canopy, doubtless dating from the 
twelfth century ; there was probably a corresponding 
figure on the north side, but here the plaster had been 
destroyed and a tablet was erected in the last century, 
which has now been removed. The mouldings of the 
chancel arch have been colom'ed in red, yellow and white, 
and the soffit of the arch is ornamented with alternate 
squares of red and white. Above the west face of the 
chancel arch is a diaper pattern of the Norman period, 
and above again and partly mixed with the diaper pattern, 
is a large and indistinct subject probably representing the 
Day of Judgment.^ 

Far more perfect and interesting than the paintings in 
the nave are those in the chancel, which will, it is hoped, 
be conclusively proved to be entirely of Norman workman- 
ship, and to be the most perfect and brilliant specimens of 
colouring which we have remaining from that early period. 
The chancel is small, about 20 feet by 12 feet, having 
one window on the East, North, and South, and a plain 
barrel roof. There is no ornamental moulding of any 
kind, which tends to prove that the painting of the ceihng 
and walls formed part of the design of the original building. 
Those who have seen the better known paintings in the 
apsidal chancel of Copford Church in Essex will be struck 
with the numerous coincidences which occur in these two 
churches, the general scheme being almost identical in 
each case. At Copford there is little doubt that the 
paintings have been restored at some time subsequent to 
their' execution, and they have, within the last year or 
two, been in a great measure repainted, while at Kempley 
the paintings remain exactly in their original condition. 
At Copford again, the various ornamental patterns are, 
with one or tA'/o exceptions, if Norman, of unusual design, 
while at Kempley the chevron and other ornaments are 

^ A comi)letc set of coloured <lraAvingR of the paintings in the chancel is about to 
be published in the Archaolorjia. 


such as are commonly found among the distinguishing 
mouldings of the twelfth century. 

Tiie whole of the ceiling or vault is occupied as at 
Copford and in the chapel of St. John in the crypt of 
Canterbury Cathedral, with a painting of Our Lord in Glory. 
Our Lord is represented as seated within an irregular vesica, 
with His head to tlie west, and in the act of benediction. 
The monograms " IHC " and " XPS " are within the vesica, 
and the difference betw^een the " sigmas " is especially 
noticeable. Our Lord is surrounded by the emblems of 
the four evangelists, two on each side, while at His head 
stand two cherubims with folded wings and with pennons 
in their hands, and two more cherubims and St. Peter and 
the Blessed Virgin, with the names scs. petrus and sca. 
MARIA, stand at His feet. By His side are the seven 
candlesticks, and scattered about (;n the groundwork, 
which is of a deep red colour, are the sim, moon, earth, 
and stars. As a border to the east and west ends of the 
]3icture are some interlacing chevrons or lozenges in red, 
yellow, and white, forming a most elegant design. On 
the north and south walls of the chancel, filling up the 
whole space between the chancel arch and the windows 
on the north and south sides respectively, are paintings of 
the twelve apostles, six on each side, seated on thrones, 
and in attitudes of profound adoration. As at Copford, 
where however only ten of the apostles are depicted, 
St. Peter, in this instance, only holding one key, occupies 
the most eastern place on the north side, and he is the 
only apostle who has his distinctive emblem. The 
apostles are represented as being seated under semi- 
circular headed canopies painted yellow, the pilasters 
supporting the arches being j^iei^ced with long round 
headed openings. Within the splays of the windows on 
the north and south sides of the chancel is a pattern of 
alternate semicircles of red and white on a black 
ground, with a semicircular boixlering of red and white to 
the one and of yellow to the other, and above the heads 
of the windows are pamted numerous towers and turrets, 
doubtless meant to convey an impression of the Heavenly 
Jerusalem. Between these windows and the east wall 
are, on the south side beneath a canopy, a female Saint 
with a curious mural crown and holding a sword, and 



supposed to be the Blessed Virgin, and on the north, St. 
James the Great. The scraping off of the whitewash has 
not been completed in this north-east corner of the chancel. 
On each side of the east window, under a canopy, is a large 
figure of a bishop in mitre and eucharistic vestments 
holding a pastoral staff, and in the act of benediction. 
On either side, at his feet were discernible on the north, 
the chalice, and on the south, the host. The splay of the 
east window, only partially exposed, contains similar 
ornaments to those on the north and south sides. Above 
it within medallions are three ancrels, seated and holding: 
what appear to be scrolls. Two much larger figures 
of angels occupy a similar position at Copford. On 
the east face of the chancel arch, is a sort of orna- 
mented "tan" pattern, similar to the embattled parapets 
of Flemish houses, the pattern being carried round the 
outer courses of the arch in successive orders of red, white 
and yellow. It is the opinion of a very high authority 
on this subject, that this pattern is one of the ornaments 
used only in the style of Byzantine architecture. Round 
the inner course are a series of ten medallions, the subjects 
of which are entirely obliterated. These may have con- 
tained the signs of the Zodiac, which are painted on the 
sofiit of the chancel arch at Copford, and though here 
there are only ten medallions, it is possible that two signs 
may have been represented in the same medalHon, as is 
the case in the Norman arches at Shobdon and Brinsop, 
in the neighbouring county of Hereford. 

Such is a brief description of these most interesting- 
paintings. The whitewash still remains undisturbed at 
the west end of the north and south walls of the nave, 
in the north-east corner of the chancel, and on one side 
of the splay of the east window ; but in these particular 
locahties it was found that some comparatively recent 
disturbance had taken place, so that it was deemed use • 
less further to interfere with the surface. There can be 
no doubt that the whole of the painting in the chancel, 
and a considerable amount in the nave, date from the 
Norman period. On close examination, it appeared that 
the paintings m the chancel, and some of those in the 
iKive, ^veYe executed on a very thin coating of dis- 
temjoei', proljably not exceeding one-sixteenth of an inch 


in thickness. It seems, therefore, highly probable that 
as the paintings are executed on this very thin coating of 
distemper, which is directly laid on the rough surface 
of the wall, the paintings are, as has been previously 
suggested, coeval with, and formed part of the original 
design of the building. As to the date of the building of 
the church, no record exists. Kempley is mentioned as 
Cheneplei in Domesday Book, and seems to have been 
situated in the centre of a forest district. It may be 
worthy of discussion as to how these elaborate paintings 
came to be executed in a place, which seems always to 
have been out of the way and of no importance ; and one 
theory suggests that it may have served, as in the case of 
Greenstead in Essex, as the temporary shrine or resting- 
place of the body of some saint or important personage. 

Judging from the massive character of the chancel arch 
and the south and west doorways, the date of the church 
can hardly be later than the year 1130, and to this date, 
or very shortly afterwards, the execution of the paintings 
may be assigned. In a gazetteer of Gloucestershire, in 
which some account of the paintings is given, the probable 
date of them is said to be 1160; while it is stated that 
Mr. Gambler Parry considers them as late as 1180. 

The paintings at Kempley are, in all probability, by 
far the most interesting of the Norman period, which are 
at present known to be in existence in England, and they 
certainly remain as most valuable examples of the manner 
in which even the j^lain and comparatively poor Norman 
buildings were beautified in order to atone for deficiency 
in stone or ornamental carving, and they afibrd an 
additional proof, if any were required, that the interior of 
churches, even as far back as the twelfth centuiy, did not 
present the bare and cheerless appearance that one is 
accustomed to notice in their present condition. 

A list and short account of such other examples of 
Norman paintings, of wluch any information has been 
obtained, though probably only a portion of those actually 
in existence in England, will perhaps form a fitting con- 
clusion to this subject. 

^^Beerhurst.^ The earliest existing paintings in England are probably 
ose at Deerhurst in Gloucestershire, which are assigned to a period 

' Archacolojiial Association Journal, ii, 390. 


anterior to tlie Norman conquest, thougli, as we know that this 
church was consecrated in the 3'ear 1056, the early date given to these 
paintings must he received with some hesitation. 

Canterluri/. Tlie earliest mention of church painting in England is 
a record b}' one of the early chroniclers of the splendid paintings in 
Prior Conrad's Choir at Canterbury Cathedral. It is not improbable 
that those now remaining in 8t. Michael's Chapel, on tlie north side 
of the north choir aisle, and consisting of parallel bands of colour, 
zigzags, foliage and other Norman decoration, may belong to this early 
period. The paintings in St. John's (or more properly St. Gabriel's) 
Chapel, on the south-east side of the crypt, certainlj^ belong to the 
Norman period. On the ceiling of the nave are numerous medallions, 
which are still partially concealed by whitewash. On the ceiling of 
the diminutive chancel is a representation of Our Lord in Glory, and 
on the walls the incidents connected with the Birth of Our Lord and 
St. John the Baptist, the Vision of Ezekiel, and St. John writing the 
'' Book of Eevelation," with the Angels of the Seven Churches and the 
Seven Stars in medallions. 

Durham.'^ At Durham Cathedral ti*aces of colour remain on the 
chevron mouldings of the arches of the Galilee, and on the east wall 
of the same building are two full length figures, supposed to represent 
Richard I and ]')ishop Pudsey, and to have formed part of a painting 
of the crucifixiou of the latter part of the twelfth century. 

Petcrhorough At Peterborough Catliedral, on the ceiling of the 
nave are various figures, supposed to have been painted in the twelfth 
century. The ceiling was probably put up by Abbot Benedict, who 
ruled the monastery from 1177 to 1193. 

Ulij. At Ely Catliedral round the arches at the (^astern end of the 
nave, and on the vault of the south aisle, are cable, zigzag, and flower 
ornaments. In two chapels on the east side of the north transept are 
some circles and other ornaments, and in the vestry on the west side 
of the south transept are some scroll and floial patterns j^artly restored, 
these are all late twelfth century. 

Noncich. At Norwich Cathedral are remains of painting on the 
arches and capitals at the east end of the choir in the choir aisles, en 
the ceiling of the sacrist's room and of St. Luke's Chapel ; also 
(restored) on the eastern face of the chancel arch, and on the ceiling of 
the Jesus chapel, date about 1170. 

Worcester. At Worcester Cathedral round an arch on the east side 
of the south transept is a roll moulding with an elaborate beaded cable 
pattern painted on it. 

St. Albans. At the Abbey church of St. Albans, the tower arches, 
and the Norman arches and piers of the choir to the west of the tower 
and the north side of the nave, are ornamented with patterns of roses, 
cables, chevrons, and squares or oblongs in alternate colours, red and 
3'ollow being the most common ; the capital of one column at the east 
end of the north side of the nave is painted so as to represent the 
early cushion capital, and round the windows in the north transept 
are painted arches resting on Norman shafts and caps. In the spandril 

' ^lyiixiiy' a Ilaialbuuk of Larhant ; iii^uil' a Aiili>jH(tri<(/i GlcaniiKjt;, V\. vii is. vm. 


of the arch opening from the south transept to the south choir aisle is 
the figure of a seraph with a scroll. 

Doncastey} Round the arches of the church of St. Mary Magdalene, 
Doncaster, now destroyed, were scroll and other patterni of the twelfth 

Jlovbnjham. At the Norman church of Hovingham, in Yorkshire, 
were discovered and destroyed numerous layers of paintings^ the lowest 
of whicli probably dated from the Norman period. 

Halesoicen and Beaudescyt. Round the splay of a Norman window 
at the churches of Halesowen in Shropshire, and of Beaudesert in 
Warwickshire, are some masonry ornaments of the twelfth century. 

Yaxley."^ At Yaxley church in Huntingdonshire, in the north 
transept is a I'epresentation of the Torments of Hell, which has been 
re-whitewashed, though drawings are in existence. 

Leomimter. At Leominster priory church, on the south side of the 
original Norman nave triforium story are remains of elaborate Nor- 
man decoration, the chevron and scallop ornaments being most used. 

Tewl-eslury. At Tewkesbury Abbe}'' church, numerous most in- 
teresting paintings, stated to be of the twelfth century, have recently 
been discovered. 

Devizes. At St. John's church. Deviz'^s, on a Norman arcade, 
walled up in the chancel, remains of early painting were discovered. 

Avington. At Avington church, Berkshire, on the columns of the 
chancel arch is a lozenge pattern, and on the soffit of the arch an 
irregular row of stars. 

Stanford Dingleij. At Stanford Dingley, in Berksliire, are masonry 
patterns, late twelfth century. 

Sfeicl-h)/. On the soffit of the chancel arch at Stewkley in 
Buckinghamshire a floral pattern was discovered and destroyed. 
The design has been copied in the present decoration of the vault of 
the chancel, the original being probably late twelfth century. 

Castle Hedingfiam.^ At Castle Hedinghara church, Essex, on the 
south wall of the chancel is a painting of a bishop in full pontificals, 
now whitewashed over. 

Hadlciglt} At Hadleigh, Essex, within the splay of a window is 
a figure with the inscription " Beatus Tomas " below it. This is by 
some supposed to have been painted between the years 1170 and 1173, 
tJie dates of the martyrdom and canonization of Thomas a Becket. 

Eaat Ham? At East Ham, Essex, are some masonry patterns. 

GuildfurdS' At St. Mary's Church, Guildford, are numerous paint- 
ings of the twelfth century, conjectured to be the work of AVilliam the 
Florentine ; the subjects represented are, St. Michael weighing souls, 

' Bnilder, 1864, p. 688, anda 'n'ork on « Buihicy, 1864, p. 724. Collin's Gothic 

the Chinch, by tht; l-{ev. J. E. Jackson. Oniaments, plates 37-40 and 44. Archceo- 

• Ecdesiulof/ist, in, 55. logical Journal, x.wii' 413. Rraylev's 

* Builder, 1864, p. 724, Ilititory of Hurreij. Murray's Handbook 
^ ^luvray's Ilai/dliook of E.ssex. of^'iirrei/. 

2 Builder, 1864, p. 688. 


the Torments of Hell, Our Lord in majesty, and various others, in 
medallions, with numerous scroll patterns. 

Pirford. At Pirford church, Surrey, are paintings assigned to the 
early part of the twelfth century, viz., on north wall of nave " a scroll 
with figures above it, and beneath it two angels welcoming a soul to 

Bralourne. At Brabourne, Kent, at the east end of the chancel, 
some walled up Norman arches with a floral pattern have been recently 

Ulcomhe. At Ulcombe^ Kent, on the soffit of an arch are some 
chevrons, late twelfth century. 

Chichester} On the east wall of the church of St. Olave, Chichester, 
are paintings of "The Assumption," " twelve figures in niches, &c.," 
assigned to the twelfth century. 

WesUmston." On the east wall of the nave of Westmeston church, 
Sussex, were subjects from the Passion, &c., twelfth century, now 

Slindon? At Slindon church, Sussex, are ornamental patterns, 
partly of the twelfth century. 

Battle} On the north wall of the nave clerestory at Battle church 
in Sussex were discovered "a series of paintings of the twelfth 
century, with outlines of red ochre and flat tints of green, blue, 
yellow and red representing sacred subjects, with figures of saints and 
worthies in the window jambs." These are now very faint. 

WinchJieU. On the exterior of the tower of Winchfield church, 
Hampshire, is a large, though now faint, representation of a Sala- 
mander or serpent, probably coeval with the Norman tower. 

Milton Abbas. At Milton abbey, Dorsetshire, on two panels, are 
early portraits of Athelstan and his queen, which may possibly date 
from the Norman period. 

Tiyitagel} At Tintagel, in Cornwall, beneath several layers of later 
paintings, a bold chevron pattern was discovered, which is now again 
concealed by a coating of yellow wash. 

Brabourne. In conclusion should be mentioned as an unique speci- 
men of Norman painting in a perfect state, a small window on the 
north side of the chancel of Brabourne church in Kent, the glass of 
which remains in perfect condition. This is believed to be the only 
perfect window remaining in England of the Norman period ; and in 
Normandy there is also but one perfect relic of the glass of the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries. 

^ Sussex ArchaologicalJoitnial. * Rev. E. C. Mackenzie Walcot's 

2 ArchccoUgical Journal, xx, 168. Battle Abbey, -p. 11 \ Journal Brit. Arch. 

3 Sussex Archaological Journal, xix, Assoc, ii, 147-155. 

130. ^ Ecclesiologist, xii, 234. 



After the decisive victory at Evesham in 1265, in 
which Simon cle Montfort, with ]iis eldest son Henry, 
was slain, his widow Alianora, second daughter of 
Kmg John and Isabella of Angouleme, with her only 
daughter Alianora, retired to a monastery at Montargis. 
His second son, Simon, after holding out for a time in 
Kenilworth Castle, and being excepted from taking any 
]3enefit under the Dictum cle Ken'iUrorth, fled finally to 
the Continent, and we hear of him in 1270 as taking part 
in the murder of Henry, eldest son of Ptichard, king of 
the R-omans, at Viterbo. He was Count of Bigorre in 
France, where he founded a family bearing his patrimonial 
name. Almeric, the third son (Dugdale calls him the 
fourth), was first a priest in York ; he embraced the 
military profession abroad, became a knight, and died 
shortly after 1283. Guy, the fourth son, (whom Dugdale 
calls the third) was taken prisoner at Evesham, and after- 
wards escaped into Ital}', where he joined his brother 
Simon in the murder of his first cousin above mentioned. 

" For scarcely mass was done 
When Leicester's offspring, Guy and Simon fierce, 
Pierced his young heai't with unrelenting swords." 

He was Count of Anglezia and progenitor of the Montforts 
of Tuscany. Of the fifth son, Richard, Dugdale makes 
no mention ; and Brooke, in his Catalogue of Nohility, 
says that Edward and Richard, sons of Simon de Montfort, 
died young, a statement which has not been corrected by 
Vincent on Brooke. 

In Nichols' Ilisforif of Leicester,^ is the following deed, 
quoted as from Vincent's MSS., p. 40 b: 

(1) Vol. i., part ii, appendix, p. 39, Charters and Grants of the early Earls of 
Leicester, paraffraph 15. 



" 8ciant preseiites et futuri quod Ego Wellysborne filius 
comes Symonis de Monteforte unus filiorum domina Alia- 
nora filia Johannis Regis Anglise dedi concessi et hac 
present! carta mea et concessione Marias ux mei Ricardo 
de la Rosehnlles, imum messuagium cum gardino et cum 
tilag' et cum aliis pertin. supra Kingshull in parochia de 
Hugenden. Hiis testibus, Symone de Hugenden, Galfrido 
Tykfer, Ricardo Tere, Willielmo Brand et aliis." 

There are two seals appended to this document. The 
one represents a man in coif, hauberk and gambeson, 
holding a banner of St. George in his right hand, armed 
with a sword suspended in front, and carrying a shield on 
his left arm, slung by a gigue, and charged with a lion 
rampant, double queued, and holding a child in its mouth. 
On either side of the figure, on a lozengy ground, is a fleur- 
de-Hs. The legend runs : + s wellisbvrne • bellator • 


The other seal exhibits a shield within a cusped circle, 
sub-cusped at the sides, hanging from a 1)ough of a tree 
and charged with the lion rampant, double queued, holding 
a child in its mouth, with the legend : wellesbvrne • 
DE • la • monteforte. The reverse is a secretum repre- 
senting a shield within a casped circle, and charged with 
a griffin segreant, a chief chequy, 

At paragraj^h IG of Nichols, as above, the following 
deed is quoted : — 

" Ricardus Dominus de Wellesburne, miles, nuper de 
villa de Wellesburne Monteforte, in com' Warwyke Dat' 
apud Wellesburne in com' War', anno 1 Edw. II. 

To this deed is attached a seal containing a shield 
displaying a griffin segreant, a chief chequy, over all a 
bendlet dexter, with the legend, s. ricardi de welles- 
bvrne militis. All these seals are engraved in Nichols, 
(Plate xii, figs. 4, 5, and G). 

There is no notice of Richard de Mont fort in any of the 
Calendars of Inquisitions or Patent Rolls, but there is 
mention in a Close Roll of 49 Henry III. (1264), of a 
grant by the king to Richard de Montfort, son of Simon, 
Earl of Leicester, of fifteen head of deer in Sherwood 
Forest to stock his park, where is not mentioned. 

The following entry appears in one of the old parish 


registers of Hughenden : "Memorandum, Nov. 1690, y'' 
in the Isle of the Chancel of Hitchenden Church was a 
brass Inscription taken oflP one of the tombs toiies, which 
certified y' two children of Richard Wellesbourne of 
Kingshall were buried there above three hundred years 
agoe, whose names were formerly Montforts as ye Inscrip- 
tion specitieth. The brass was stolen away in October, 
1690. Witness my hande, John Jenkins, Vicar." 

A copy of Vincent's deed in Cotton MSS.,^ has the 
following note, signed " W. Camden Clar." 

'•' It is thought to be a forged deed by reason of the 
false Latin, the character new and the style absurd both 
in deed and seal." 

Camden was no doubt the earliest writer on heraldry 
whose works are of real value, but whatever fores his 
remarks may have as regards the wording of this 
document, it does not appear that he ever compared 
the heraldry of the seals with that on the effigy in the 
church. Since the genuineness of tliis remarkable figure 
is unquestionable, the joint evidence thus afforded must 
have due consideration, and in regard to Camden's scruples, 
the remarks of Langley, in his History of Desborough 
Hundred, himself no mean authority, are not without 
significance. He says : " No one would forge a grant 
from persons who did not possess the property granted ; 
it at least shows that a son of Simon de Montfort and 
his wife Mary possessed lands in this parish, and it is re- 
markable that true seals were annexed to the deed." 

Making allowance for the inferior work of Nichols' 
engravings there is certainly nothing in the style of the 
seals which is not of the period to which they pretend to 
belong. The only differences in the armorial bearings 
are that the griffin on the surcoat of the effigy holds a 
child in its paws which that of the secretum does not, and 
the lion rampant with a child in its mouth on the shield 

' Xic. Charles Collectanea genealogica e appears to be inaccurate. The copy by 

CiirtLs et registris cum sigill, delineat, Nicholas Charles varies slightly in the 

Julius C vii, Pint, xviii, D. fol. 141. orthography, hwihis drawings of the scids 

We have n(jt been able to find the deed ajjpear ta have been exactly followed by 

quoted by Nichols among Vincent's MSS. Nichols' engi-aver. 
at the College of Arms ; the reference 


oftlie effigy is contained within an orle of crosses, trefflees 
fitclieos, which does not appear upon eithei' of the seals. 
The effigy being of course of a later date than the deed, 
these charges may have been subsequently assumed. It 
is not so easy to explain tlie non-appearance of the child 
in the griffin's paws in the seal to the deed dated 1 
Edward II. The authenticity of this seal has, however, 
never been questioned, and it will be shown that this 
singular addition occurs in every sculptured example of 
this coat exhibited on and about the effigies in the church. 
It would seem that Langley cannot have compared the 
'' true seals " with the effigy, because he says it represents 
Henry de Montfort, a Knight Templar, which he was not, 
and who certainly belonged to the family of the Montforts 
of Beaudesert who bore arms Bendy of ten or and az. 
With some inconsistency he goes on to say that the 
posterity of Richard, son of Simon de Montfort, are said to 
have assumed the name of Wellesborne, and to have 
lived at Wreck Hall in Hughenden. 

Stothard says that RichaTd, fifth and youngest son of 
Simon de Montfort, did not fly the country aftei' the battle 
of Evesham, but retired to Hughenden and assumed the 
name of Wellesborne. He confidently appropriates the 
ofiigy to this j^ersonage, and adds that the faulty Latin of 
Vincent's deed is "perhaps no proof of its l)eing fictitious." 

Lipscom])e gets over the difficulty of the number of 
Simon de Montforts sons by considering that Almeric and 
Kichard were the same person ; and we accordingly find 
tliat Almeric was banished after the battle of Evesham, 
that he returned to Englaud, probably after having been 
to the Holy Land — for A\^hicli there is not the slightest 
evidence — and assuming the name and arms of Welles- 
boiiie, lived at Hughenden. 

Dugdale implies that Almeric died in Italy ; and the 
one point in favour of his claim to be the founder of the 
family which continued at Hughenden until the time of 
Henry VI, is the peculiarity of the armorial bearings, the 
child in the lion's mouth. This has a certain foreign 
a])pearance, calling to mind the arms of the Visconti of 
Milan — a serpent with a female child in its mouth — so 
admii-al)ly exemplified in the fine equestrian statue of 
Bcrnabo Visconti, in the church of St. Giovanni in Conca, 


in Milan, who died in 1385 ; tins resemblance, however, 
may well be fortuitous. 

Now, su])posing for a moment that the deed is fictitious, 
we still lia\e the Close Tioll entry, showing not only that 
Simon de Montfort had a son Kichard, whose existence 
Dugdale ignores, but that he was in favour with the king 
at a time when his father and brothers were in open Avar 
against the crown, for the year before the battle of Eve- 
sham fifteen head of deer were granted to him from a 
royal forest. Whether he at once settled quietly at 
Hughenden, or was one of the 120 knights — the cnice 
signati — who received the cross at the hands of Ottoboni 
at Northampton in 12G8, Avith the view of accompanying- 
Prince Edward to the Holy Land, in 1270, it is needless 
to speculate much. The cross-legged attitude of the 
efHgy is of course of itself no proof of such a voyage 
having been taken, 1)ut the intention may possibly be 
thus signified, and the addition of the crescent, thrice 
repeated at the feet, has appeared to certain authors to 
lend some colour to the belief 

If, on the other hand, we ]Dut faith in the deed and 
seals, we have to consider why the grantor used a secretum 
with the arms of Wellesburne. Langley thinks that the 
subject of the effigy took the name and arms of Welles- 
borne, from a place in Warwickshire belonging to the 
Montforts of Beldesert, called by Dugdale " Wellesborne 
Montfort." This is reasonable enough as far as it goes, 
and is corroborated by the heraldry of the effigy, but there 
does not appear to be the same confirmatory evidence to 
support him in his conjecture that Richard de Montfort 
married a Bishopsden, of wdiich family one of the coats 
was. Bendy of six arg. and sa. a canton erm. — for it will 
be noticed that Bendy of ten, a canton, occ\n*s only upon 
the scabbard of the sword, and it is unhkely that the 
arms of the Avife Avould be placed in such a minor position. 

Again, we may utterly ignore both the deed and the 
secretum, and we still have the authentic evidence of the 
effigy, which exhibits on the surcote the arms of Welles- 
borne. The not uni'easonable inference to be draAvn from 
this is, that R-i chard de Montfort married a Wellesborne 
heiress, Avho brought him lands there and jirobably the 
property in Hughenden. As regards this property Ave 


may for the moment recall the wordmg of the deed, 
where the consent of the wife was thought necessary. 

It will be furfcher shown that the coat of Bishopsden 
occurs only upon minor shields in connection with the 
effigies in the church, while the arms of Montfort of 
Beldesert ai'e quartered with those of Wellesborne wpon 
the principal shield of an effigy of an early period, pro- 
bably of liichard's son ; upon the jupon of a later effigy, 
and upon the shield of a figure of a still more recent date. 

Juliana, a daughter of Henry de Montfort of Beldesert, 
(also called Peter,) was married to William cle Bishopsden, 
who was enfeoffed by Henry with lands in Wellesborne ; 
it is an open question whether Richard's wife was not also 
a daughter of Henry de Montfort, and thus possessed of 
property in Wellesborne and elsewhere. It is not easy 
otherwise to account for the appearance of the Beldesert 
Montfort coat in so conspicuous a manner on the later 
effigies, for it represents quite a different family. Against 
this theory it may be urged that the Beldesert Montfort 
coat does not aj)pear at all on the effigy of Bichard, where 
it might be expected. The date of the figure would partly 
account for this omission, marshalling by quartering being- 
then quite in its infancy, and the arms of Wellesborne 
alone would have the preference as representing the 

As regards the differences exhibited in the heraldry of 
the effigies, taking the deed of 1 Edward II, quoted by 
Nichols, we find on the seal the coat of Wellesborne 
without the child, and differenced with a bendlet dexter, 
like that of Henry of Lancaster (the arms of England 
differenced in the same way). On applying this to the 
effigy, which probably represents this second Bichard, we 
find a quartered shield exhibiting — 1, Montfort (much 
defaced) ; 2, Montfort of Beldesert ; 3, defaced ; 4, Welles- 
borne without the bendlet. On the effigy of the end of 
the fourteenth century Ave have Wellesborne without the 
bendlet, and Wellesborne without the chief ; coming later 
still, an effigy apparently of the time of Henry Y, exhibits 
a cpiartered sliield of Montfort with the child, Montfort of 
Beldesert, and Wellesborne, difterenced with an inescut- 
cheon; lastly an effigy of the time of Henry VI pi-esents a 
shield with the arms of Wellesborne, ditl'erenced with a 


bendlet, which is again differenced with three crosses, 
pattees fitchees.' As regards the differences of the Mont- 
fort coat, the orle of crosses trefflees fitchees appears only 
on the shield of the earliest effigy. The lion of Montfort 
is invariably shown with the child in its mouth, and the 
child in the Wellesborne griffin's paws is similarly a con- 
stant feature. The crescent occurring upon the slabs of 
three of these effigies is very noticeable. It was no doubt 
originally assumed us a badge with some significant 

Thus, we have at Hughenden, in addition to the histor- 
ical points which are involved, a most interesting display 
of heraldry, heraldic differences and de\dces ; and it is 
probable that no five effigies in any parish church in the 
kingdom exhibit such valuable illustrations of cadency. 
Since these authentic memorials have suffered not a little 
from the inaccurate descriptions of historians, and the 
careless work of engravers ; and, as Weever says, " such 
is the despight not so much of time, as of malevolent 
peoj)le, to all antiquities, especially of this kind," - it may 
be well to place on record the information which is still 
affi)rded, both as regards the heraldry and the costume of 
the fio-ures. 

These sepulchral monuments appear to have remained 
undisturbed until 1818, when they were "cleaned" and 
placed much in the positions they now occupy by the late 
Mr. N orris. 

" What call imknown, wliat charms presume, 
To break the quiet of the tomb ? 
AVho is he with voice unblessed, 
That calls me from the bed of rest ? 

Taking them in chronological order. No. I is the effigy 
attributed to Richard Wellesborne de Montfort It lay, 
in the time of Langley, under an arched recess in the 
north wall of the chapel. Mr. Norris placed it on a new 
tomb in the midst of the chapel, where it now remains. 

The figure represents a man in the usual military 
costume of the end of the thirteenth century, viz.: in a coif, 

^ One of eight .sldelds of arms, painted with three crosses pattees fitchees, which 

on paper and fixed on the cap of a shaft are each again diflerenced with an ermine 

supporting the arcade that divitles the spot. These shields were apparently jmt 

chapel from the chancel, exhibits the coat up by Mr. Norris. 
of Wellesborne ^^'ith the dexter bendlet - Ancient Funeral Monuments, p. 661. 


hauberk and cliaiisses of mail, a gambeson, and a surcote, 
confined at the waist by a cinguhim. On the forehead, 
the coif is arranged in a most unusual way. An oblong 
opening is shown over the temples, closed on the right 
side by a lace threaded at intervals through a band of 
mail of two rows, with the links set in the same direction, 
like the mail on the effigy of Peter, Earl of Richmond, in 
the church of Aquabella, in Savoy, who died in 1267. 
The lower edge of the lining of the coif is shown, and the 
object of this contrivance was to enable the wearer to put 
off the coif when he chose. The lace being unfastened, 
this hood would fall backwards upon the shoulders, in the 
same manner as we see it represented in the effigy of a 
De Ros, in the Temple Church ; in that of Brian Fitz Alan, 
at Bedale, and in the effigy of Robert, son of St. Louis, 
formerly in the church of the Jacobins, at Paris. This 
arrangement answered the same purpose as that shown in 
a different manner in a knightly figure at Pershore. 

In this opening is shown the cerveliere or scull cap of 
iron. Joinville in his Memoirs, speaking of St, Louis, says, 
" he raised the helmet from his head, on which I gave 
him my chapelle de fer, which was much lighter."^ The 
gambeson, here represented in the usual manner, calls for 
no special remark ; it was a hot substantial garment, 
padded with cotton or tow, and quilted, as in this example, 
in parallel lines. The knight wears a ponderous broad- 
bladed sword with seven shields on the scabbard, viz : — 
1, defaced ; 2, bendy of ten, a canton, Bishopsden ; 3, a 
chevron, Stafford (?) ; 4, a cross, Bigod, Earl of Norfolk (?) ; 
5, chequy, Warrenne (?) ; 6, quarterly, Mandeville, Earl 
of Essex (?) ; 7, a pale, Grantmesnil (?). Li his right 
hand he grasps a dagger, slung from the cingulum by a 
thin cord. The figure is considered by Meyrick to exhibit 
the earliest example of a dagger worn with the sword. 
lie puts the date as about 1275. 

In the Statutes of William the Lion, King of Scotland, 
(1165 — 1214) a knight is thus spoken of: — " Habeat 
equiun, habergeon, capitium e ferro, ensem et cutellum, 
qui dicitur dagger.-' Again, St. Gelais, in his Viridario 
Honoris, says, " a son coste chascun la courte dague,'' 

^ Meyriclcs Ancioit Armour, v. i, p. 102. 
2 Meyrick, v. 1, p. 130. 

Efflgy in Hiighenden Church 


and, with regard to the sword, " K leiir coste I'espee 
loiigue et large.'"' 

( )ii the dexter side of tlie liead of tlie oHigv is a coat, 
Ijendy often, a chief, Betun {'.). - The principal shield is 
of large size, as in all early effigies, and is charged with 
the folio win o- arms : — Within an orle of crosses trefflees 
fitches, a lion rampant double queued, preying on a child. 
Three crescents are sculptured on a block at the feet. 
The effigy is executed in a light red stone, and represents 
a powerful and life-like figure. There is no departure 
from the usual manner of representing the deceased at 
this period, but there is an amount of repose and vigour 
about the statue which is extremely striking, and we may 
justly admire the dignity which it presents. 

No. II rej^resents a figure in low relief, carved in 
Purbeck marble upon a greatly disintegrated slab, narrow- 
ing to the feet, and probably originally placed level with 
the pavement as the lid of a coffin. It is now placed 
upon a low modern tomb in the arched recess from which 
the effigy No. I was ejected by Mr. Norris. 

A man is here shown in a plain coif and chausses, and 
a " cote gamboisiee." Meyrick tells us^ that these gam- 
boised coats were made more ornamental than ordinary 
gambesons, and this is confirmed by the present example 
which has a collar ornamented with roundels, similar 
decorations occurring on the lower edge of the skirt. It 
is perhaps a unique instance of the representation of 
such a garment on a military effigy. Upon the body is a 
larofe shield coverino- the arms of the figfure and exhibitinsf 
the coats of Montfort with the child, Montfort of Beldesert, 
and Welllesborne ; the third quarter was entirely defaced 
in Langley's time (before 1798). The knight holds up 
in his riofht hand a naked sword and in his left a stafi 
with a cross on the top. In front of the right leg is a 
second sword, not suspended in any way, and piercing 
the neck of a mutilated lion. Lipscombe compares this 
beast to an owl, and his engraver has turned it into 
a cherub. On the slab, at the dexter side of the 
face, are two small shields, one charged with a chevron, 

' Vol. i, p. 139. say whether charges nr pale.s are 

- The bends being onlj' just out of intended, 

the vertical direction it is impossible to ^ Vol. i, p. 139. 




the other showing bendy. On the sinister side are two 
simihxr shields, the one wdth a cross, the other with a 
saltire. On the breast is a heart, and close hj it a small 
shield entirely defaced. 

No. Ill is an effigy in the well known military costume 
of the time of the Black Prince, consisting of a bascinet, 
camail, and jupon, a skirt of mail and the usual defenses 
of plate for the arms and legs, the latter resting upon a 
lion with a shield on its chest, charged with the arms of 
Wellesborne. The original fore -arms and gauntlets had 
been broken away before the time of Langley and rudely 
re -carved, partly out of the upper portion of the body. 
On the jupon, below the waist, are the arms of Montfort 
of Beldesert, Wellesborne without the chief, and Montfort 
with the child. On the breast below the camail is a heart. 
The head reposes upon two couchant griffins, much 
mutilated, and each holding a child within its outstretched 
paws. On the slab at either side of the camail are shields 
bearing the arms of Montfort with the child. Opposite 
the waist on the dexter side is a shield with bendy of four, 
a canton sinister, and on the other side bendy of six. 
Opposite the legs, on the dexter and 
sinister sides are very peculiar cres- 
cents containing lions' faces. Opposite 
the heels, on shields, are the arms of 
Wellesborne, on the dexter side and 
on the sinister, the same bearing with- 
^ out the chief. The effigy is carved in 
limestone, and now lies on the sill of 
tlie east window of the chapel. 

No. IV is the effigy of a man of the 
time of Henry VI. This represents a 
bare-headed fioure wearino- a close 
Quarter Full Size. garment witli a collar, and skirts in 
vertical fokls. It is much abraded and no armoiir is 
visible. He holds up a sv^'ord in his right hand and on 
his breast is a shield quartering : — 1, Montfort wdth the 
child ; 2 and 3, Montfort of Beldesert ; 4, Wellesborne. 
Above the head on the slab are two shields with the 
charges entirely defliced and between them a crescent. 
The feet are clear of a greyhound courant. It is carved 


ill limestone, and is now reared up against the wall on the 
north side of the east window of the chapel. 

No. V represents a man in a costume of a slightly later 
date than No. IV. Tt is similarly carved in limestone, in 
low relief, and formerly lay on the floor of the chancel. It 
is now placed in a vertical position against the wall, on 
the south side of the east window of the chapel. Here 
we have a knight wearing a helm for the combat a 
Voutvance, with a single cleft, and perforations for breath- 
ing in the upper part. On his body he has a shield with 
the coat of Wellesborne, debruised by a bendlet dexter, 
charged with three crosses, pattees fitchees. He wears 
tassets reaching to the middle of the thighs and a skirt 
of ring mail. In his upraised right hand he carries 
a mace or masuel, perhaps the only instance of such 
a weapon occurring upon a monumental efligy in this 
country. It reminds us of the martel or horseman's 
hammer, borne by a figure of an earlier period, at 
Great Malvern. The example at Hughenden is no 
doubt a mace for the tournament of which the herald in 
Chaucer's Knight's Tale thus speaks : 

" CtocI speed you goth and layeth on fast, 
With swords and long mases tighten your fill." i 

It was the special weapon of the sergeant -at-arms, and 
as such is represented in an incised figure now in the 
church of St. Denis. On the dexter side of the slab, 
which is 6 ft. 3 in. long, 2 ft. 1 in. wide, and 9 in. thick, 
the following arms are sculptured upon shields : — 1 , a 
saltire and a cross, pattee grady ; 2. a cross of St. George, 
and an inescutcheon ; 3, on a chief three pellets ; 4, 
Montfort of Beldesert ; 5, a chevron, between three 
crosses pattees, Berkeley (?) ; 6, bendy of 10, a chief 
chequy ; a coat of Wellesboiuiie (?). On the sinister side 
are these coats : — 7 as 3, 8 as 2, 9 as 4, 10 as 1, 11 as 5. 
The efiigy probably represents John Wellesborne, whose 
name occurs among the gentry of the county in 1 2 Henry 
VI. (1433), and who was Member for V/ycombe in several 
sessions during that reign. The costume is of the latter 
part of the time of Henry VI. 

Upon a high tomb, in an arched recess in the south 

1 Edit. 1597. 


wall of the chapel, is a ghastly representation of a full 
sized corpse, stretched upon a winding sheet or shroud, 
which partly envelops it. The sternum or breast bone is 
hollowed out in the shape of " a mystic oval," containing 
a little figure, with the hands elevated. This represents 
the departed S(nil, and may be compared with a similar 
object in the hands of a knight of the fifteenth century 
in the church of Minster, Isle of Shejjpey ; ' On the 
breast are eight incised crosses. 

The figure shows considerable power of sculpture and 
knowledge of anatomy, and is of a kind not unusually 
found in most cathedral churches. Here, as elsewhere, 
the foolish legend is attached that the deceased en- 
deavoured to fast for forty days. These repulsive 
memorials were no doubt intended to convey a salutary 
lesson to the living, and are striking instances of the 
terrors with which death was associated in the minds of 
our forefathers.- We happily live in a more rational age, 
and "the lively picture of death" merely appears at the 
present day as a strange ensample of the religious teaching 
of the fifteenth century. 

It is a matter for congratulation that these valuable 
memorials of an ancient family are now under the en- 
lightened protection of the noble owner of Hughenden ; 
and that, in this instance at least, we cannot say with 
Weever : — " Alas ! our own noble monuments and pre- 
cyouses antiquyties wych are the great bewtie of our 
lande, we as little regarde as the parynges of our nayles." 

^ Scu Arcltavluykul Journal, vol. vi, p. ~ A similar figure at Tewkesbury has 

354. lizards and other reptiles creeping about 

the body. 



Few persons can have anticipated that the wild and nninliabited 
plateau of Hissarlik would surrender to the excavator such treasures as 
are now exhibited at the South Kensington Museum. The history of 
Dr. Schliemanu's discoveries on this memorable site is well known to 
all archasologists, but the fruits of his successful labours can at length 
be fully realized and appreciated. The collection which^he has gene- 
rously brought to England for exhibition fills twenty or thirty cases, 
and consists of about one-twentieth part, but that by far the most 
important portion of the total number of objects brought to light. 

It will be remembered that below the remains of the Greek city, 
Ilium Novum, the strata of four separate cities were found one below 
the other, the native rock being only reached at a depth of fifty-two 
feet from the surface. The earliest of these cities extends upwards for 
nineteen feet, tlius occupying in the series of the strata the space lying 
between the depths of thirty -three feet and fifty-two feet from the 
the present surface soil. 

The principal objects discovered in this stratum consist of highly 
glazed black vases with two vertical tubular holes for suspension, 
funeral urns of black clay, brooches of bronze or silver, indented Hint 
knives, spindle whorls of clay with or without incised ornaments, 
needles of bone and ivory, whetstones, stone hammers and axes, hand- 
mill stones, black and highly glazed hand-made pottery, with incised 
ornamental patterns filled in with white clay, and a glazed red goblet 
with one handle, closely resembling the Mycenaean goblets. All these 
remains afford evidence of a very early, but not of the rudest, stage of 
civilization. They are, indeed, the relics of the city, which, according 
to the tradition preserved by Homer, underwent destruction at the 
hands of Herakles himself. 

' Og TTore Civp eXOiovive'^ iinriov Xaonkoovroq 
Cjt, oiyg aw vr]vai Kai avcpuai TravpoTepoiaiv 
IXiou i^aXaTra^s iroXiv, yJ]pioat S ayviaq 

II. V, 642. 

" With but six ships, and with a scanty band, 
The horses by Laomedon withheld 
Avenging, he o'erthrew this city, Troy, 
And made her streets a desert." 

Lord Derhjs Translation. 

The next succeeding city, which Dr. Schliemann identified with 
the Troy of Homer, reaches upwards, from the depth of thirty-three 
feet to the depth of twenty-three feet. The discoveries made in this 


stratum probably attract the most general interest. They may at once 
be readily distinguished, OAving to the simple and convenient method 
of classification which has been adopted, whereby each individual object 
in the entire collection is marked with a printed label, shewing the 
depth at which it was found. In this city, the second from the 
])ottom and the fourth from the top, was brought to light that Avhich 
Dr. Schliemann called the "Treasure of Priam," and which is here 
designated the ''Trojan Treasure." It has already been rendered 
familiar to English readers by the excellent illustrations given in his 
well known work " Trou and its Remains,^' and it now forms the contents 
of two large glass cases. Most conspicuous among the numerous 
golden ornaments are the two diadems, severally identified by Mr. 
Gladstone, with the ttXeictt] ava^ea/nr] such as Homer describes 
Andromache to have M'orn. Either of them may possibly be the very 
one which she tore from her head in her grief at the death of Hector. 

Tf/Xe S airo Kparog jSaXe otCjiioTa a/yaXotiTo, 
' AfiiTrvKa KtKpv(f)a\6v re ihl ttXe/ctijv avaoea-|tiJjv 
Kprj^ijiivov o pa ol SCok^ y^pvaer] A(ppooi.Tr]. 

II. xxii, 470. 

" Far off were tlung tli' adornments of her head; 
The net, tJie fillet, and the woven bands ; 
The nuptial veil by golden Venus giv'n." 

Lord Derby's Translation. 

They appear bright and perfect as if newly made, whilst the inge- 
nuity and regular workmanship shewn in their construction, at once 
gives them a liigh ai^tistic value. The larger one of the two consists of 
sixty-one small chains, formed by leaves of repousse work, and evidently 
originally suspended from a flat golden band or cijuttu^, which would 
have encircled the head of the wearer. >Seven of these chains, at either 
extremity of the band, are about ten inches in length. They would 
probably have fallen over the sides of the head, whilst the remainder 
formed a sort of fringe, four inches long, over the forehead. At the 
bottom of every chain hangs a peculiarly shaped flat piece of gold, 
stamped with a line down the centre and two dots on either side, 
forming, as Dr. Schliemann thinks, an unmistakeable representation 
of the T\avKMTnq h.B)]vr\. 

In the other diadem the corresponding pendants of the chains are 
difi'erently ornamented, but it is possible to observe in them a conven- 
tional configuration of the human form. 

The beautiful golden cup with two handles is one of the most striking 
and the most interesting features of the Trojan Treasure. Its intrinsic 
value is also considerable, as may be inferred from its weight, one 
pound and six ounces. Until quite reeentl}^, Dr. Schliemann was of 
opinion that it had been cast in a mould. It now appears, however, 
that this is not the case, for it has been discovered that the body of 
tlie cup is composed of two separate plates of gold welded together by 
the hammer, (T(bvpu\aTov. In this respect it answers to the description 
of the cup or disli given by Achilles, for the fifth prize in the games 
celebrated after the funeral rites of Patroclus : — 


II. xxiii, 270. 

"Forllie fifth, a vase 
'\"\'itli double cup, untouched liy fire, he gave." 

Lord Derhys Translation. 

There can be no doubt that it is, as Dr. Schliemana says, the 
Homeric geVac d/ncpiicvireWov, and that the meaning of these Tvords is 
not, as was formerly supposed, a double cuj) with a common bottom in 
the centre, but a cup with a handle on either side, an interpretation 
supported by the analogy of the word dwpKfyopivc , and more consonant 
witli the idea implied by the word a'^i^i. It is suggested that the 
mouth at one end, being larger than that at the opposite end, may 
have been used for pouring libations, and that the worshipper after- 
wards drank from the smaller end, as when Achilles poured a libation 
to Zeus from the cup which he treasured tip in his chest. The cup is 
not, however, here called a/.i(f)iKVTrsX\ov ; none ever drank from it 
save Achilles himself, and he poured libations from it to Zeus alone. 

£v9o Of Ol S^TTCIQ SaKi T^TVyj-dvOV, OVck TIQ uWoQ 

OvTt Te(t) airevSeaKe Oeiov, oti /.u) Att TraTpi. 

II. xvi, 227. 

"There lay a goblet, richly clias'd, whence none 
But he alone, might drink the ruddy wine, 
Nor might libations thence to other Gods 
Be made, .=ave only Jove. 

Lord Derby's Translation, 

A passage in Yirgil seems fully to illustrate the use of a cup of this 
nature : — 

"Dixit, et in niensam laticuni libavit honoreui 
Priina(|ue, libato, suninio teuus attigit ore, 
Tuni Bitiaj dedit increpitans ; ille inipiger hausit 
Spuniantem paterain et pleno se proluit auro, 
Post alii proceres." M\\. i, 740. 

Here Dido first poured the libation and then drank herself, handin"- 
the cup on to Bitias, who in turn passed it on to the other chiefs. 
The two handles would seem to be necessitated by the shape of the 
cup itself, and they would be convenient for the j)urpose of sending it 
round at the banquet from one person to another. 

Other cups of gold and of silver, together with golden bracelets and 
earrings and an immense number of small gold jewels, also form part of 
the Trojan treasure, as well as six flat blades of pure silver, which 
Dr. Schliemann thinks are most probably Homeric talents ; tliej' con- 
sist of three pairs, differing in size, the largest pair weighing about 
one pound, and the smallest pair about one ounce less. Their several 
values theref(n-e would not have been uniform. Irrespective of the 
Trojan treasure, the principal relics of the Homeric Ilium were 
numerous hand-made vases and wheel-made dishes, many of the 
former bearing the owl-headed or the human typo, idols or figures of 


boue, marble, clay or common stone with incised owl heads, funeral 
urns witli human ashes, spindle whorls, either plain, ornamented, or 
bearing inscriptions in Cyprian characters, lyres of ivorj', needles of 
bone or ivory, silver broodies, and immense jars of baked clay ; and, 
as in tlie lowest stratum of all, indented flint knives and hammers and 
other stone implements were found along with bronze weapons. 

i^.moug the remains of the city next above this Homeric Ilium, hand- 
made pottery was also discovered, but it was infei-ior in character to 
that of the older and lower city ; spindle whorls, owl vases, and stone 
hammers were common, but goblets in the form of hour glasses were 
peculiar to this stratum. 

In the next succeeding city, the remains of which extended from the 
depth of six and a half to thirteen feet from the surface, the buildings 
were chiefly of wood, a fact now attested by the vast layers of ashes 
which have taken their place. Here, the implements were mainly of 
flint, and the level of civilization generally indicated is lower than that 
of either of the two preceding and older cities. 

This curious concurrence of stone and bronze instruments in the 
older cities, couj)led with a i^rogressive decadence in the social arts, 
betokens perhaps somewhat of an anomaly, but as Mr Philip Smith, 
the learned editor of the English edition of " Troy and its Ite mains,'''' 
has pointed out, it demonstrates the impossibility of fixing by a hard 
and fast line, at any rate in this locality, the respective ages of stone 
and bronze. 

The collection of j)ottery is very large, and it embodies a great 
variety of shapes and forms. Some of the long narrow necks and 
spouts closely resemble the wares which are made at the present day 
at Chanak Kalessi, tlie seaport town, about fourteen miles from the 
site of Homer's Troy. The representations of the Ilian goddess, the 
0£a yXavKbJTTig ''AOrjvr], are quite evident in many of the vases or jars, 
jiarticularly in that splendid example discovered in the palace of 
Priam, wliich now stands in the case where three human skulls are 
shown. It forms illustration No. 219, at p. 307, of " Troi/ and its 
Bemains.'''' Occasionall}', tlie lid or covering of a jar is made in imita- 
tion of the (paXog or helmet, as may be seen in illustrations No. 19.5, 
at p, 2S3, No. 207, at p. 294, and No 173 at p. 2o8 ; but there are 
other examples in which it is less easy to discover the cliaracteristics 
of the owl countenance, whilst in two instances at least the whole 
human face is clearly delineated — see No. 185, p. 268, and No. 74, p. 
115. In cases where the sharp beak and large eyes of the owl are 
unmistakeable, the addition of the breasts and oixcpaXog in the same 
figure is of course inconsistent with the view that it represents the 
Oea yXavKtoTTiQ Adiivt], unless it is conceded, as regai'ds the age 
to which these examples must be assigned, that this expression 
signifies '' Athene, with the face or countenance of an owl," and not 
merely '' with large or bright eyes." In this connexion it is interesting 
to note that Dr. Schliemann, in 1872, anticipated the subsequent 
discovery of the image of the |3ow7r<c 'H|Ojj upon idols, cups, or vases 
at Mycenre (Troi/ and its Remains, p. 113) and a few specimens from 
that place, exhibiting the cow's head and horns, one being beautifully 
engraved as a seal on a piece of agate, are added to the Trojan collec- 
tion at South Kensington. 


Dr. Schliemann's summary of the arguments, with his final conclu- 
sions, regarding tlie respective meanings of the epithets yXavKOJirig 
and BoroTTig will be found at page 22 of his most interesting work 
upon his discoveries at "No one," he writes, *:' will for a 
moment donbt" that these Homeric epithets shew tliat Hera and 
Athene were severally represented at one time with the face of a cow, 
and with the face of an owl, but that in the history of the two words 
there are evidently three stages in which they had different significa- 
tions. In the first stage the ideal conception and the naming of the 
goddesses took place, and in that naming the epithets were figurative 
or ideal, that is, natural. Hera, as deity of the moon, would receive 
lier ei^ithet 3oCjTrig from the syinbolic horns of the crescent moon and 
its dark spots, which resemble a face with large eyes ; whilst Athene, 
as goddess of the dawn, received the epithet yXavKonrig, to indicate 
the light of the opening day. In the second stage, to which the pre- 
historic ruins of Hissarlik and Mycenae belong, the deities were 
represented by idols in which the former figurative intention was 
forgotten, and the epithets were materialized into a cow- face for 
Hera, and an owl- face for Athene. The third stage, in which the 
Homeric rhapsodies are included, is when, after Hera and Athene had 
lost their cow and owl faces, and ruceived the faces of women, the cow 
and owl had become the attributes of these deities, and the ancient 
epithets (SoioTrig and yXavKU)7riq continued to be used probably in tlie 
sense of " large-eyed" and "owl-eyed." An unprejudiced and careful 
examination of tiie present collection will tend to confirm this theory. 
It will further illustrate the general anthropomorphous tendency of the 
prc-Homeric as well as of later ages in regard to culture and the arts. 

The projections wliich at the sides of some of the vases are mani- 
festly meant for ears, as in illustration No. 102, p. 171, and 
No 18-5 at p. 268, appear in others in an altered shape, and are 
affixed to the sides so as to serve merety as handles or ledges for 
lifting the vessel, as in illustration No. 136, p. 171 ; hence we meet 
with such an expression as Tpiiroda wrw£vra, II. xxiii, 264, of which 
an admirable representation may be seen on page 1-52, No. 106, or 
p. 229, No. 161. 

Numerous specimens of terra cotta cewa u/LKpiKvirsWa, of exceedingly 
graceful shape, are grouped together in one case, each with supports 
to keep it in the proper position for holding licj^uid, for the bottom 
terminates in a point which would not preserve equilibrium. Some 
belong to the stratum of tlie Homeric Troy, wliilst others of similar 
design and character come from the latest Greek city, having been 
discovered at a depth of about only six feet from the surface. Spindle 
whorls of terra cotta were found in great numbers at all depths at 
Hissarlik, and several hundreds of them are exhibited. They are of 
innumerable kinds, and display great diversity of ornamentation. 
Rude figures of animals or representations of lightning, or of the stars 
of heaven are here and there plainly discernible ; several small round 
balls of terra cotta are marked in a somewhat similar manner. One 
which is suspended in order to show the whole of the design upon its 
outer surface is described thus: "The Ilian Minerva, in form of an 
owl, with two hands (one of which has three fingers) rising to heaven, 



having to .^ler right a wheel symbolical of the sun, to her left the full 
moon, and between the sun and moon the morning star. On the 
reverse, the hair of the goddess is distinctly engraved." No. 2579. 

The actual purpose served by the spindle whorls is not very clear, 
unless they were, as Dr. Schliemaun suggests, ex voto offerings ; this 
explanation however does not seem to be founded upon anything but 
supposition, nor does it account for the reason why these offerings 
should have assumed so peculiar a character in such numerous 
instances. They do not appear to have been, in any case, vised for the 
practical operations of spinning as they show no signs of friction or 
marks of wear and tear. In shape they answer to the description of 
the acbovSvXoi, given in the tenth book of Plato's Republic, § 616, 
where the Spindle of Necessity, the mother of the Fates, is said to 
revolve to the songs of the Sirens as a new cycle of mortal existence 
is prepared for the departed spirits. 

" TT)v ^e Tol3 a(f)Ov^v\ov (pvaiv nvai TOjavSe, to /.dv ayjiixa o'lairsp 
XI Tov evOa^i' vo'i]<7ai St Set tL, lov eXiye, roiovcs avrov £ivai, (xxrwsp 
av ei ev tvi /.leyuXu) crepovBvXio KoiXto /cat escyXu/tijHevw oiafiinpeg 
aXXoQ TOiovTOQ eXoVtwv lyKtoiTO apiiioTToJv, KaOairep oi Kaooi oi eig 
aXX{]XovQ api^iOTTovTiQ' Kai ovTLO 01] rpiTOv aXXov KCll TiTOprOV KCll 
uXXovQ TBTTapaQ. Oktu) yap fivai tovq ^vpnavrag a(l)OVCvXov(,, 
IV aXXi]Xoiq kyKBipivovQ kvkXovq avcoOev ra \iiXri (paivovrag, viotov 
(Tvve^eg n>og g(j>ovSvXov cunpya'Coj.iivovq Trepi ttjv i]XaKaTr]v iK:iivi]V 
be cici iA£(TOV tov oycoou cicipiriplg tXi]Xaa9ai. 

Or, as Professor Jowett translates, "Now the whorl is in form like 
the whorl used on earth ; and you are to suppose, as he described, 
that there is one large hollow whorl which is scooped out, and into 
this is fitted another lesser one, and another and another, and four 
others, making eight in all, like boxes which fit into one another ; 
their edges are turned upwards, and all together form one continuous 
whorl. This is pierced by tlie spindle which is driven home through 
the centre of the eighth." 

It should be added that among the patterns engraved upon these 
Trojan whorls, and other terra cotta objects, is frequently found the 
Swastika, one of the most ancient emblems of the Aryan race, a 
circumstance which would seem to indicate the common Aryan descent 
of all the successive inhabitants of the site of Hissarlik, before 
the age of the Gfreek city Ilium Novum. But the chief point of 
interest in the whorls is the discovery of inscriptions upon some of 
them in ancient Cyprian characters ; it is not improbable that one 
of these has been correctly deciphered by Professor Gomperz of 
Vienna, who reading frora right to left, made out the characters to 
represent the Greek words rayw St'w, "to the divine commander." 
Tliis interpretation cannot be utilized at all as a key to the solution of 
the meaning of the other marks or characters which can be traced 
on whorls or vases, terra cotta balls, or other objects ; still it is suffi- 
cient, as Professor Gomperz maintains, to prove that although no direct 
mention of the art of writing is made in the poems of Homer, still the 
Greeks before that epoch were acquainted with a written language. 

©n'gmal ©ocumrnt. 

Communicated by JOSEPH BAIN, F.S.A. Scot. 

This document -u'as noted some time ago in consequence of hearing 
and in due time reading Mr. G. T. Clark's interesting memoir 
on Guildford Castle {Archceoloyical Journal, vol. xxix, pp. 1 et 
seqq.) There is no date or signature, nor is the name of the 
king given. So these particulars can only he guessed at from 
the persons who are suggested as fit gaol-deliverers for the 
counties of Sussex and Surrey. William Brayboef appears as one 
of the Justices itinerant at Winchester in the Octaves of Hilary, 
1280-1 {Calendar of Documents, Ireland, by Mr. H. S. Sweetman. iS'o. 
1778). AVilliam de Braybof, possibly the same person, appears a little 
earlier in letters of attorney, directed to the king's bailiffs in Ireland, 
about 4th June, 1278 (lb., No. 1458). William de Wintreshill is a 
witness to a deed by Thomas de Clare on aOth March, 1270 (lb., No. 
867). From Brajdey and Mantell's Surrey (vol. ii, pp. 31 and 53,) it 
appears that William de AVintreshull was a landowner in the Hundred 
of Woking in 1270, and died in April, 1287. And though his brother 
Justice, W- de Braboef, is not mentioned by name, yet as there was a 
manor of Brabeuf or Brabief, near Guildford, which was owned by 
Geoffry de Brabeuf and his descendants from the 16th of Henry III 
(1232) for 130 years, it is more than probable that this Justice was also 
a Surrey landowner (lb., vol. i, pp. ^02-3). Sir William de Wynters- 
hylle and other Justices are found sitting at Winton, in August, 1271 
(Luard's Annates Jlonastici, Eolls' Pub., ii, p. iii). I do not find auy 
mention of Sir Dauid de Jargovile, so far as I have been able to look. 
It may thus be concluded that the document is, in all probability, to 
be referred to the end of Henry Ill's reign or beginning of his son's. 
And as the keep of Guildford Castle, doubtless the "prison" referred 
to, does not seem to have been converted to that use before the 51st of 
Henry III (1267), (Brayley and Mantell vol. i, p. 320,) it would appear 
that it was very soon found to be defective in its accommodation ; 
though, as we learn from authorities, it continued for upwards of two 
centuries to be the common gaol for Surrey and Sussex, till the 
inhabitants of Sussex, making a strong representation to Parliament 
(3rd of Henry VII., 1488), obtained the prayer of their petition, that 
their county gaol should be at Lewes (Brayley and Mantell, vol. i, p. 
321). The contractions of the original are supplied. It is seven inches 
long by two deep, and forms No. 4692 of the collection of Eoyal, &c., 
letters in the Public Eecord Office. Mr. W. D. Selby of that Office 
has kindly decyphered several doubtful letters in the last sentence, 
shewing that the matter was very urgent. 

"Por ce que la prison de Guildeford est plaine et grant mestier et 
auroit de deliurance nos vos prioms cj^ue vos voillez grantor que mon 
sire Willaume de Braiboef Sire Willaume de WintreshuU et Sire Daui 
de Jargonuile ou un [ou] deus de eus par autres cheualiers que il 
porront acompagner a eus — des Contes de Sussey ou de Surrey, 
poussent deliurer les prisons des deus Contez. Aussi ceus qui [sont] 
rete de mort de home com dautre ret. Ceste chose vos prioms nos a 
ceste foiz despecial grace." 

[No Endorsement.] 

Pi'Ofeetimgs at iHrrtmgsi of tbe iRopnl ^^rdjaeological 

April G, 1«77. 
The Lord Talbot de Malahide, President, iu the Chair. 

A paper, by Mr. Gr. T. Clark, ou Norliam Castle, was read, in the 
absence of the author, by Mr. Brailsi-ord. The value of this careful 
account of the celebrated "Castle Dangerous," of the Marches, Avas 
spoken of by the noble CiiAiR?*rAX, who expressed his great satisfaction 
that this interesting building had found such an accomplished exponent. 
The author had added one more to the long list of the valuable 
memoirs which had proceeded from his pen. A cordial vote of thanks 
was passed to Mr. Clark for his paper, which is printed in vol. xxxiii, 
p. .'307, of tlie Journal. 

Mr. M. H. Bloxam then read the following notice : — 

'*0x an Ancient Inscribed Sepulchral Slab, eound at Monk- 
wEAii:M0UTir, IN THE CouNTY OF DuRiiAM. — Of the Original church of 
the ancient Monastery of Monkwearmouth, near Sunderland, iu the 
County of Durham, erected by Benedict Biscopius, a.d. 674, ten years 
earlier than the foundation of JarroAV, which took place a.d. C84, no 
part of the structure now exists, except the tower. 

"Interesting particulars of the foundation of Monkwearmouth Monas- 
tery, and of the erection of the church, are given by Venerable Beda. 
He, indeed, may be considered as a contemporaneous writer. The 
workmen Aveio from Caul, brought over expressly by Biscoj)ius. The 
windoAvs were glazed, and the walls covered with paintings and other 
decorative embellishments. 

"Biscopius himself was the first Abbot. He died a.d. 690, and was 
succeeded in the Abbacy by Ceolfrid, who died a.d. 716, Avhen 
Iluaetbertus became the third Abbot. 

"This Monastery was destroyed by the Danes about a.d. 869, and 
again a.d. 1070. The church has been recently restored, and was re- 
opened for divine service a.d. 187-5. 

"On the 24tli of September, 1866, the Porticiis inffrcssus, forming the 
lower or ground stage of the towei', was excavated under the super- 
intendence of Canon Grreenflrell, the Eev. J. F. Hodgson, and other 
members of the Archaeological Society of Durham and Northumber- 
land. In the excavations which then took place — the rubbish, which 
covered the floor of the portions — was cleared away, and about eight 
feet below the external surface the labourers raised with their jjicks 
an oblong sopulcluMl slab of sandstone, which had evidently been 
removed from its original position, as the inscribed face had been laid 
downwards. Beneath this slab was found a stone coliin, said to be of 
a lucdiajval type, full of human bones, mixed together indiscriminately 

Tlie i'l.ilims liiyrCiSUi-,— ^K'iiU\\ earmuulli Chuvth. 

Sci.iikhv;il Sbl> 
fuiLiid ^il .Mi,]il<wcannoulli Cliuixli. 


with upwards of a dozen skulls. This sepulchral slab was four feet 
loug by two and a half feet wide.' It was covered with a cross in 
low relief, and on either side of the cross was a Latin inscription, in 
letters carcfull}' cut by some skilled Avorkman, well defined, and very 
perfect. Tlie shape of the cross is that of a rare and early Anglo- 
(Saxon type, of, I should think, the seventh or eighth century. An 
ancient sepulchral slab, with an incised cross approximating this 
shape, was, in the year 1833, discovered at Hartlepool. This slab, 
bearing a IJunic inscription, has been considered by Professor Stevens, 
of Copenhagen, to be of the seventh centur3^ 

"In the famous Gospel, called the Grospel of St Chad, now preserved 
in Lichfield Cathedral, and supposed, from the paleography, to have 
been Mritten about a.d. 700, is an illu:nination which exhibits in 
outline much the same form of cross as that on the sepulchral slab 
found at ^Monkwearmouth. 

'• The inscription on this slab, which is peculiar, is as follows : — 

Hie in sepulchro requiescit 
corpore Herebericht PEB 

The three last letters with the line over forms the abbreviation of the 
word "Presbyter." 

" Venerable Bede or Beda died and was buried at Jarrow, a. d. 735. 
In the twelfth century, a.d. 1104, his remains were translated to 
Durham Cathedi-al. AVilliam of Malmesbury, one of our ancient 
Chroniclers, who fiourished in the early half of the twelfth century, 
gives us the original epitaph over the tomb or grave of Beda at Jarrow. 
The first line of which is as follows : — 

Presb3'ter hie Beda requiescit carne sepultus. 

" On comparing this inscription with that on the slab at Monk wear- 
mouth, we may at once perceive how nearly they coincide. One 
indeed appears to have been a plagiarism on the other. For if "w 
sepulchro'''' we read " sepultus ," and for "corpore^' we read ''came," 
the rest is a mere transposition of words. 

" But who was Herebericht, of whom this sepulchral slab at Monk- 
wearmouth was commemorative ? 

"Beda, in the fourth book oihis Ucclesicfsticdl His fori/, chap, xxix, 
A. I). 687, tells us of a companion to St. Cuthbert of this name, ' Erat 
enim Presbyter vita) venerabilis nomine Hereberct.' 

"There was a certain Priest of venerable life called Hereberct." 
" Then the legend goes on to state that he died on the same dav as St. 
Cuthbert, the 11th of the kalends of April (20th March}, a.^d. 687. 
This Hereberct lived a solitary life on an island in the lake of Derwent- 
water, but as he was accustomed to visit St. Cuthbert every year, and 
paid his accustomed visit .shortly before the death of the latter, it is 
probable he died at a distance from his liermitage. To this Presbyter 
Herebericht I would assign this sepulchral slab, n'hich, if I am correct, 
is probably the earliest Christian sepulchral monument in this country, 
to which a precise date can be assigned. 

" The discover}^ of this slab, therefore, the form of the cross, the 
latinity of the inscription, the formation of the letters by a skilled 
hand ; carrying us back probably to the days of St Cuthbert and to 

' Aiiotli(.'r accmuit fjtiitc'i it to liiu e been furty iuclic^ loiiy by twenty iuchc,< wido. 


those of venerable Beda — to a somewhat remote period in our Anglo- 
Saxon ecclesiastical history, is a matter not devoid of importance. 

"The name of Herebericht occurs in the Durham Liber Vita, but at 
what period this Herebericht lived I am ignorant ; the entry in that 
book is said to have been of the ninth century, but I think the slab is 
of an earlier period. There is, however, room for a difference of 

" Unable during the last summer and autumn, to visit Monkwear- 
mouth, as I had lioped, I feel under obligations to Mr. li. Danks, of 
19, Olive street, Sunderland, for having most courteously answered 
several of my letters of inquir3^ To him, also, I am indebted for 
photographs of the sepulchral slab, and of the Anglo-Saxon doorway 
of the Porticus ingressus of the church, of Moukwearmouth, published 
by Mr. x\. M. Carr. Bridge street, Sunderland." 

^ntiqutu'cs antj JKHofh^ of ^rt ©xljt'bitEli. 

By Professor Chuiich. — A silver-gilt mounted and inscribed Mazer 
bowl of knarled root- wood of maple, six and a half inches in diameter 
and two inches high. This had been loug preserved in private hands 
at Cirencester, where a tradition of a somewhat indefinite character, 
states that it belonged to one of the hospices of a religious guild in 
that town. It was taken to Gloucester and purchased by Professor 
Church in the spring of 1878. It has no Hall mark, but is undoubtedly 
of English manufacture, and may be compared with a cip/ius of the 
same period, which it greatly resembles, belonging to Mr. Fountaine, 
of Narford Hall, Norfolk, engraved in the Archccologia, vol. xxiii, p. 
393. The date of the Narford Mazer may be safely placed at 1532, 
and the Cirencester example cannot be much earlier, although the 
monogram in the bottom, consisting of two interlaced A's, engraved 
upon a circular plate two and a half inches in diameter, has been 
attributed to Alice Avening, a local benefactor, who was alive in 1501, 
but who Avas probably not living after that year. On the outside of 
the rim, which is one and a quarter inches deep, is the following 
inscription in letters seven-eighths of an inch high : — " Miseremini • 


These letters appear to be about thirty years later in date than the 
monogram. The groxmd is engraved in zig-zag lines, technically 
called " nurling," like that of the inscription on the Narford bowl. 
The field of the monogram is partly ornamented in the same way, and 
partly ndth chevron punctures. 

Successors of the Drinking-horns (which are still in use in German 
University towns), the tv);/// munri, were made of hard or knotty wood 
of maple, walnut, ash, or chestuut ; and were in common use among 
all classes of society in the middle ages. They were hooped and 
mounted or "harnessed" in silver; special names were given to them 
by their owners, and they are mentioned in ancient inventories among 
the most costly objects. Physical properties were attributed to the 
various kinds of wood ; and the inscriptions or sentiments round the 
silver rims vary in character from grave to gay. Thus the fine mazer 
in the possession of the Ironmonger's Company bears the following 
inscription: — "Ave • Makia • gra' • plena • d'ns • tecum • 




SSrt o a « rt rt 1 o 9 ■-• rt ■• ^oS SooS, 


-), a oi'^*'' "^ ''S' ;-? 3 ^ ? ^ a ^^ ^ ^ '^ t* 


British Sword. 

UTT/nu. s> 

AH dd. 

^'"' ^- Fi?. 2. Fi-. .1. 

I'.ronze Weapons from the Led of ihe Thame';. 
One tiuarler full size. 


Mr. Shirley's well known example of the time of Eichard II, allures 
the reveller in the following words: — "In • the • name • of • 


Mazer bowls were of all sizes, some with covers like a hanap, others 
with feet like Archbishop Scrope's Indulgence Cup at York. The 
expression "harnessed in silver," was a common one in the middle 
ages. In the Vision of Patriclc's Purgatory, by William Staunton, 
(Eoyal MS , 17, B 43), he relates how he saw people in 1409 with 
"harneist horns about their necks;" and in the will of Thomas 
Raleigh, of Farnborough, Warwickshire, who died in 1404, he 
bequeaths to his son AVilliam a sword "harnessed with silver." 

Mazer bowls were in use in the time of Pepys, and with his usual 
appreciation of anything of a convivial kind, he does not fail to men- 
tion in his Diary, 1659-60, that when he visited the almshouses at 
Saffron Walden, "they brought me a draft of their drink in a brown 
bowl tipt with silver, which I drank off, and at the bottom was a 
picture of the Virgin with the Child in her arms, done in silver." This 
mazer still exists. The custom of giving a bowl of spiced wine to 
criminals on their way to Tyburn was evidently a remnant of the use 
of drinking vessels of this kind. 

By Mr. T. Layton. — A large collection of bronze weapons and imple- 
ments, chiefly from the bed of the Thames. Among these objects was 
a sword or dagger (see plate), found in the Thames ballast off Mort- 
lake in 1861, and pronounced by Mr. Bloxam to bo British. This 
was an iron blade, rusted in -a sheath, formed of thin overlapping 
plates of brass, rudely rivetted at the back, where also the sockets for 
the suspending loops remained. Several fine leaf-shaped sword blades 
of bronze, in remarkably good condition as regards the edges, were also 
exhibited. Figure 1 represents an example found at G-reenwich. An 
empty sword sheath of bi'onze, and another rusted on to a blade, found 
in the river off Isleworth in 1865, (fig. 3) were specially noticeable. 
Many of these blades had been greatly bent and twisted by violence, 
but the tenacity and cohesion of the metal was well shown by the 
absence of any cracks or flaws in it. Among the many examples of 
spear heads was a verj'- elegant one (fig. 2). A number of celts, 
chisels, gouges, and other implements found at Hounslow and in the 
neighbourhood, also came from Mr. Layton's collection. 

By Mrs. Fitzpatrick. — A marble slab, from the Catacombs of St. 
Calixtus, in Eome, incised with a dove bearing an olive branch. 

By Mrs. Jackson Gwilt. — A Eoman lamp, found in Paternoster 
Eow ; a similar object from Southwark ; a lachrymatory from Italy; 
a piece of painted glass, representing a man's head, from Lacock 
Abbej' ; rubbings of sixteenth century brasses ; one of a priest holding 
a cup and wafer, in the Chapel of Merton College, Oxford ; and 
rubbings from the well known brasses of " Sire Johan D'Abernoun 
Chivaler," about 1277, and Sir John D'Abernoun, who died in 1327. 
In remarking upon the figure of the "Chivaler," Mr. Waller said it 
was the earliest example of a sepulchral brass, not only in England, 
but also on tho Continent, and the only instance of a knight bearing a 
lance. He remarked upon the large size of the blue enamel plates on 
the shield, which were contained in shallow copper trays, let into the 
slab. Mr. Hartshorne made some observations upon the costume 
exhibited on the brass of Sir John D'Abernoim (1327), and the number 


of garments which were worn, including the cyclas, a rare military 
vestment, and of which so few instances occur in monumental effigies 
and brasses. The fluted bascinet, also of very infrequent occurrence, 
and which was compared with a similar example on a wooden effigy 
at Paulersperry, in Northamptonshire, and the distinct kinds of mail 
shown, all tended to prove that mediaeval sculptors not only worked 
from actual armour but also represented their patrons accurately " in 
their habits as they lived." Mr. Waller called attention to the 
engraver's marks — a mallet and a mullet — and explained the most 
probable method of construction of "Banded Mail," so long the crux 

By Mr. A. Saavyer. — A curious self-feeding breech-loading gun, 
which had been converted from a matchlock, with the name, " Robert 
Smyth " on the lock, and a scrap-book containing portions of illumin- 
ated MSS. 

It was reported that two Roman pottery kilns had been discovered 
at Lexden, near Colchester, on the property of Mr. P. 0. Papillon, 
who was kind enough to offer facilities to any members of the Institute 
who might wish to inspect them. 

May 4th, 1877. 
The Lord Talbot de Malahide, President, in the Chair. 

At a meeting of the Council of the Institute, held on April 14th, 
1877, it was proposed by Stephen Tucker, Esq., Rouge Croix, seconded 
by Sir J. Sibbald D. Scott, Bart., and imanimously resolved that the 
Diploma of the Institute and congratulatory addi-esses be offered to 
Dr. and Mrs. Schliemann on May 4th. In accordance witli this reso- 
lution a large and distinguished company assembled in honour of the 
great explorer. Among those present were the Lord Acton, A. J. B. 
Beresford Hope, Esq., M.P., Sir J. Sibbald D. Scott, Bart., Sir W. H. 
Drake, K.C.B., 0. Morgan, Esq., Canon Venables., C.T. Newton, Esq., 
C.B., C. S. Greaves, Esq., C. Drury E. Fortnum, Esq., John Hender- 
son, Esq., AV. Jeremy, Esq., J. Bonomi, Esq., H. G. Bohn, Esq., 
R. H. Soden Smith, Esq., S. Tucker, Esq., lloiKje Croix, Col. Pinney., 
John Stephens, Escj., H. Yaughan, Esq., The Rev. J. Fuller Russell., 
H. T. Church, Esq., Capt. Malton., The Rev. C. W. Bingham., J. G. 
Waller, Esq., Sydney Hall, Esq., A. Dryden, Esq., etc. Mr. Crladstone 
was prevented from attending by a prior engagement. 

Lord Talbot de Malahide, in introducing Dr. Schliemann to the 
meeting, spoke in the highest terms of his discoveries, which had 
placed him and Mrs. Schliemann in the first ranks of explorers. The 
noble Chairman then read the following addresses : — 

"To Dr. Hexry Sculiemann, 

Honorary Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, &:c., &c., 

"We, the President, Vice-Presidents, and Council of the Royal 
Archfcological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 

"For ourselves, and on belialf and in the name of the Society we 
represent, beg to tender you our heartiest welcome here, and our 
warmest congratulations on the great achievement in antiquarian 
investigation and discovery by which you have placed your name in 
the foremost page of archoeological history and distinction. 

"Sympathising as we naturally do. in all such objects as that in which 


you have been so honorably and successfully eugagod, we need not say 
that we have watched from the first, with the most profound interest, 
the i^rogress of the great work upon which j-ou entered, and which you 
pursued Avith such indomitable energy and ability, and we feel that 
we are not emploj'ing the hyperbole of complimentary address when 
we say that to j'ou is due one of the greatest antiquarian discoveries 
which has j'et been chronicled, and Avhich, by reason of its classical 
associations, has conferred a benefit and diffused an interest through- 
out the whole educated world. 

"It is our privilege to number you amongst our members this day, 
and we are sensible how much their list is honored by the addition. 

" In conclusion we wish you " Grod speed " in your return to your 
labors, and we hope that it may be at times an encouraging and 
gratifj'ing reflection to you to remember how entirely those laboiu's 
are appreciated by your friends in England, and how sincerely they 
will welcome their completion and your presence again amongst them." 

" To Mrs. Hekey Schliem.v>'x. 

"We, the President, Yice-Presidents, and Council of the Eoyal 
Archa?ological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 

"Beg to tender to you the homage of our most respectful admiration 
in the work in which you have proved yourself, in its truest sense, a 
help-meet to ycur distinguished husband. AVe who know and honor 
him here are loth to detract in any way from the merit we ascribe to 
him, but we are justified by his own affectionate testimony to your 
devoted and chivalrous aid, in what will ever be accounted as your 
joint work, to associate you in our congratulations and thanks, and to 
ask 3'ou to permit us to enrol your name on the list of our Honorary 

"It is a disappointment to us that we are deprived of the greater 
pleasure of receiving and personally honoring you here ; but you will 
be at least assured by this and the other testimonials you will have 
received, that the essential part you have taken in the unprecedented 
discoveries of Troy and Mycena; is fully understood and gratefully 
appreciated by numberless sympathising friends in this country. As 
the first lady who has ever been identified in a work so arduous and 
stupendous, you have achieved a reputation which many will envy — 
some may emulate — but none can ev^r surj^ass." 

These were signed respectively, in behnlf of the Eoyal Archaeo- 
logical Institute, by the Lord Talbot de Malahide, A. J. B. Beresford- 
Hope, Sir J. Sibbald D. Scott, Bart., C. Drury, E. Fortnum, 0. S. 
Morgan, John Henderson, W. D. Jeremy, E. H. Soden Smith, 11. 
Yaughan, H. T. Church, Sir W. H. Drake, k.c.b., S. Tucker, John 
Stephens, A. Hartshorne, and W. Brailsford. 

The Diplomas, engrossed and illuminated upon vellum, sealed with 
the seal of the Institute, and contained in a morocco leather box, were 
then presented by the noble President to Dr. Schliemann, who spoke 
as follows : — 

"My Lord President and Gextlemex, 

" I warmly thank you in my own name and in that of Mrs. Schliemann 

for the high honour you confer upon us by these diplomas of honorary 

membership, and I assure you that we shall endeavour to the utmost 

of our abilities to render ourselves worthy of them. You are aware that 



Avo havo a JinjKin for tlie coutinuatiou of our excavations at Troy, and 
that we intended to resume them at once, but unfortunately, as long as 
the war lasts, it is impossible to return to the Troad, for my servant 
writes me that Mount Ida abounds now witli deserters from the army, 
Avho have turned robbers to satisfy their hunger. In Mycenae, I think 
I know for certain the exact place to which tradition pointed as the 
sepulchres of Clytaemnestra and iEgisthus, but I will not divulge it 
to the Greek Government, for they think that nothing is more easy 
than to find treasures at Mycenoc, and consequently the Greek Parlia- 
ment has voted 50 m. dr., 45 m. fr. annually for continuing my 
excavations by their own officials and without me. But an ex- 
perienced pickaxe is necessary to discover treasures ; thus I expect 
they will not find anything, and that after having worked in vain for 
six months, and after having spent one thousand pounds, they will get 
tired of it and will beg me to continue the excavations for them, which 
I shall gladly do. But meanwhile, I may go to the island of Ithaka, 
because, except the small excavation which I made there in 1868, it is 
virgin soil to archroology. In the Odyssey, the town of Ithaca is 
merely called ^o'?i;;, and there are two places in the island which may 
claim the honour of being identified with its site. One of them is a valley 
still called tto't^i^, and the ancient ruins we see in it can leave no doubt 
that a city once stood there. The other place is at the foot of Mount 
'AsToi, and in fact all over the small isthmus by which the southern part 
of the island is joined to the northern one ; here also once stood a city ; 
the deep accuuudation of debris proves this "nith certaintj^ A man 
who buys a house must, before he concludes the bargain, carefully 
inspect it ; in the same way, ho who wishes to explore an ancient site 
ought, before anything else, to examine into the state of the debris in 
order to see whether it is worth his while to undertake the excavation. 
This is easily accomplished by sinking a few shafts down to the virgin 
soil, because each shaft must necessarily bring to light the remnants 
of all the houses which stood on the site since the first settlenient. If 
then the explorer sees, by the monuments he brings to light, that the 
pi'ospects hold out encouragement, he mu&t as soon as possible get well 
accjuainted with the underground topography, and to this end he at 
once sinks a large number of shafts in all the most promising parts of 
the site, and according to the residt ho arranges the exploration. But 
the archajological researches, whether on a vast or on a very small 
scale, should be made with tact, system and plan, and unless monuments 
are found which prevent the explorer from digging deeper, all excava- 
tions should invariably be made down to the virgin soil, and the 
debris which are thrown out should be removed to a place where they 
can never be in our way. He who throws the debris on the site he 
has to excavate invariably makes himself double and treble labour. 
Wheelbarrows should only be used where the distance does not exceed 
one hundred feet ; if the distance is longer man carts should be used, 
and invariably horse carts if the distance exceeds two hundred and 
forty feet. Tramways are only useful if the distance exceeds one mile. 
"My Lord President and Gentlemen, I again warmly thank you.'' 
On being called upon by the President, Mr. Newton said that " the 
irue value of Dr. 8chliemann's discoveries at Myccnio coidd hardly be 
appreciated yet. It would be necessary carefully to compare the 
objects found at Mycenie with specimens of archaic art extant in 
various musoums, and by such comparison to fix, if possible, th 


period to -whicli they belongecl. His impression was, that the result 
of such a comparison woukl be to shew that the Myceuajan antiquities 
belonged to a very remote antiquity, tliat they were probably pro 
Homeric. But in making tliis remark he would carefully guard 
against too hasty an assumption that these antiquities from tlie M}'- 
cena^au Akropolis could be identified as belonging to tlie tombs of 
Agamemnon and his companions, which Pausanias notices. It must 
be borne in mind that the dynasty of the x^treidtc can hardly be re- 
garded as an historical one. This line of Pelopid kings, projected on 
the blank background of an unknown past, seems to the sceptical eye 
of modern historians hardly more substantial than that shadowy pre- 
cession of kings shewn to Macbeth by the witches, or to take a more 
modern illustration, it might be likened to one of Mr. Whistler's 
portraits in the Grosvenor Gallery. And even if we admit that the 
Greek belief in a Pelopid dynasty rested on an historical basis, how 
are we to decide how much in the legend of the Atreidfc is true, and 
how are we to disengage this residuum of truth from the mystical 
compound in which it is involved. He who attempts to solve such 
problems as these, finds himself constantly at fault, he is for ever trying 
to steer between the quicksands of specious pseudo-historical myths 
and the shifting shoals of an uncertain chronology. But, admitting 
that the problems raised by Pr. 8chliemann's discoveries are yet to be 
solved, let us not forget liow deep is the debt of gratitude which we 
owe liim for what he has achieved. Those who have been engaged in 
cnterprizes similar to his, can testify how much of ungrateful labour, 
anxiety, and weariness of spirit has to be gone through before success 
can be achieved. To parody well IcnoxMi lines, he would say, 

" How little knowest thou wlio hast not tried, 
What toil it is in digging long to bide, 
To speed to day to he put off to-mori'ow." 

"He would then hold up the enterprize of Dr. Schliemann as an 
example of single minded and disinterested devotion wliich has no 
parallel in the annals of arehasology. And here, addressing an 
Institute specially devoted to kindred research, he would exhort the 
members present to aim at a discovery which it would be in the 
power of any of them to make. The discovery wliich he had in view, 
a discovery, the ultimate value of wliich to archaeology might be almost 
incalculable, would be to find, somewhere in tlio rank and file of 
British millionaires, — some of whom are so rich that their money is a 
burden to them — some one whoso enthusiasm, intelligence, and love 
for archceology would entitle him to rank as another Schliemann." 

Mr. Beresford Hope begged to be allowed to add his thanks to Dr. 
Schliemann, as himself one who desired the alliance of classical 
archceology and classical literature, for the eminent explorer's dis- 
cover}-, not only of the topography, but to so great an extent of the 
very -ways of living in tliose far off daj's, aye and of the household 
stuff and of the cunningly wrought bidlion TroXixpt^ ooio Mt/Kiium of the 
Mycenpe, — not only of Homer but of iEschylus. It was not so long 
since that even the most accomplished scholars would read those 
wonderful descriptions with eyes blind and minds dead to all tlie 
living accompaniments. The learners were not so lazy, perhaps, 
and they turned to the frontispiece of their well-thumbed books 
only to realize Agamemnon as a ruffianly Eoman soldier of tlie later 


days of the Empire, apparently issuing from a building that might 
have been designed by the office boy in Palladio's studio. Now, thanks 
to that noble band of discoverers of Avhom Dr. Schliomann, though 
latest, is anything but least, Greek is no longer as Eoman, nor heroic 
Gfreek as Athenian Greek ; now even the arms which Agamemnon bore 
and the type of face which he exhibited have burst into the light of 
day. With such helps, the men and women of those great poems are 
again the men and women of their age, and not merely abstractions or 
the dull creations of ignorant draftsmen earning the wages of Paris 
or Leyden engravers. He prophesied for classical literature, thus 
brought face to face with life itself, a deeper rooted popularity and a 
stronger grasp of intelligent sympathy. 

A general discussion ensued, in which the President, Mr. Greaves, 
and Mr. Tucker took part, and the meeting closed with the usual 

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Xoticcs of "^ilrdjccolorjical Publications. 

INDUCTIVE METROLOGY; or, the Recovery of Ancient Measures from the 
Monuments. By W. M. Flindkks Pktrie. (London : Hargrove Saunders.) 

The object of tlie author of this book is to obtain from existing 
monuments the standard measures used in ancient times. For this 
l)urpose he employs three or four modes to ascertain the ratios between 
the different measured lengths ; and from these ratios he derives the 
probable number of units of which the lengths are formed. 

It would seem, however, that, as a graphic method is employed in 
planning, and an analogous method in setting out for construction all 
buildings and monuments, that the standards of measurement used by 
the ancients would be more easily arrived at, especially by those who 
are not mathematicians, by adojDting such a method in order to trace, 
from actual measurement of the monuments, the units employed. For 
instance, in the example of the Cypriote Tablet from l)ali, the readiest 
mode of proceeding would be to mark off to scale, on a straight line, 
the measurements 1-45, 2-15, 2-92, 3-24, 5-77, 25'49, and 44-2 inches; 
then, it will be readilj' seen, by dividing off the lengths with a pair of 
compasses, as near as may be into multiples of the smallest measure- 
ment, that if 1-45 was the unit of measure used, there were respectively, 
1, H, 2, 2J, 4, 17J, and 30^ units in the different measurements given ; 
or, to do away with the fractional multiples, if -^^-^ was the unit, there 
were respectively 2, 3, 4, 4^, 8, 35, and 60 units. 

It may also be seen by setting the compass to the length of 5" 7 7 
inches, that the difference_ between 44-2 and 25'49 or 18-71 is very 
nearly equal to 3 x 5-77 + 1"45 and 25-49 is very nearly equal to 
4 X 5-77 + 2-15 or in terms of units 44-2= (3 'x 8 + 2) 4- 
(4x8 + 3) units=61 units instead of TO as given in Mr. Petrie's 
results. If 44-2 is divided by 61 it gives the unit -7245, if by 60 it 
gives -7366 as the unit. The latter multiplied by 35, 8, 4^, 4, 3 and 2, 
gives the lengths 25-78, 5-89, 3-31, 295, 2-21 and 1-47, while the 
former gives 25.36, 5-80, 3-26, 2-90, 2*17 and 1-45, which evidently 
agree much better with the actual measurements; and as Mr. Petrie 
proposes that surveyors and others who have opportunities for 
measuring ancient monuments should furnish plans as accurately as 
possible of them, it would bo well, in order to have their assistance 
in obtaining the different standards of measui-es, to add for their 
guidance in more detail than is possible in a short review, a descrip- 
tion of such a method as that indicated above, and any result they 
might obtain could afterwards be proved by calculation, whereas on 
the other hand, where the units have been obtained by calculation, as 
in his book, they could easily bo checked by the graphic method. 

If the standards found by the inductive method arc sufficiently 


accurate, as they ought to be, they should, where any literary record 
exists, receive full confirmation. 

The second and third chapters of the book give the application of 
tlie doctrine of probabilities in order to ascertain the limits of error, 
and treat also of the sources of error in the mean units found, and 
here xhe author very justly remarks that the number of mean units 
resulting from his investigations is not astonishing. Even in our own 
day, in Avorks of a building or of a monumental character there would 
probably be a large number of mean units arising from any attempt 
to find theoretically the standards of measures used, and this would 
appear of necessity to be the case in all works which do not require in 
a high degree accuracy of measurement. 

Mr. Petrie appears to have made his investigations with great care 
and precision, and the case of the Eoyal Egyptian cubit is worth 
noting, where the mean derived from twenty-eight monumental 
examples agrees almost exactly with the mean of about a dozen 
examples of cubit rods which have been discovered. 

Edited by John Fethiorston, F.S.A. (Harleian Society). 

This valuable Society has recently issued to its members another 
sumptuous Volume of more than 460 pages, inclusive of the full Index 
of Names, being the " V-'isitation of the County of Warwick" made 
by William Camden, Clarencicux King of Arms, and his deputies in 
1619. The greater part of the MS. from which it is j)rinted is in 
Camden's own handwriting, nevertheless it does not appear to be the 
original record, neither is the official copy preserved in the Herald's 
College. Both are transcripts. In the British Museum (Harl. MS. 
1195) are some of the original loose papers signed by the representa- 
tives of the families whose pedigi-ees are recorded. Of these signatures 
Mr. Fetherston gives fac-similes at the end of his volume. The last 
Visitation of Warwickshire wf.s made in 1682, the only MS. of which 
extant is in the Herald's College. An alphabetical list of the pedi- 
grees recorded at this last Visitation, made by the Editor some twenty 
years ago through the courtesy of a Herald now deceased, is printed 
in the Preface to the work before us. 

The volume appears to have been very carefully edited, and all the 
Arms are engraved in outline, the blazon being supplied underneath. 
It would, however, we think, have been better had the tincture marks 
been shewn on the shields, so that the blazon of the Arms might have 
been read at a glance. 

The same objection obtains with respect to the appropriation of the 
quarterings. If, instead of this information being given in a table 
preceding the pedigrees, the names had been inserted under the arms, 
or had been introduced, within parentheses, in the blazon, it would have 
been far more convenient. In some cases this has been done. AVe 
do not know, however, if, in this respect, the Editor has followed his 
MS. We annex the engraving of the arms of Digby (p. 16) as an 
example of the manner of treatment. 

Arms — Quarterlj^of six. 1. Azuir, a ficur-de-lia 
nr(j(nt, in dexier chief u cfescent fur dijf'crencc. 
2. Gules, a fesH ermine. 3. Arr/enf, on a hend 
f/idesj flircc rnnrilefs^ or. \. Ar([cnt on a fcss 
betiveen three birds sable as man// }indlef^ af ihe 
Held. 5. Ermine, on a hend fjulcs fico cherioiis 
'>/'. (!. As Jirxf. 

CitESX — Ah Ostrieh proper, in it^ heal: a horse- 
shoe (untinctaredj. 


^frcljarologtcal IntelUgencf. 

The Koman Fokum. — The 2Iomiment of 3farcu-<< Auirlixfi. — '\^'e are 
indebted to tlie courtesy of Mr. S. Russell Forbes, of Eorae, for tlie 
following communication : — 

"In excavating the open space of the Comitiura upon the Forum in 
the summer of 1872, an interesting discovery was made of two marble 
screens or balustrades sculptured on either of their sides, the one being 
some historic scene, the other representing animals. At the time, and 
since their discovery, many suggestions have been offered as to their 
siguitication and use ; but none seemed satisfactory ; at least to us. 
After considerable thought, examination of the ground, and putting 
this and tliat together we Jiave arrived at an estimate of their use and 
meaning entirely different from the hitlierto received opinion ; in 
which we are supported by their construction and the classic passages 
relating to them. 

" From this it will be seen that we have made an imjiortant discovery 
bearing upon the topography of the Forum, which will be of interest 
not only to classical students biit to every one interested in the word 

" We have discovered that tlie reliefs on the screens upon the 
Comitium in the Forum portray scenes from the life of Marcus 
Aurelius, showing in their back grounds the buildings occupying two 
sides of the Forum ; and that these marble balustrades led up to the 
statue of that Emperor ; the space where it stood can be plainly 
traced upon the pavement, and that is why these pictures refer to 
epochs of his life. The statue is still existing, and now stands in the 
square of the Capitol, where it was erected by Michael Angehi, who 
brought it from the Lateran in 1538, where it had been placed about 
1187, when it was removed from the Forum near the column of 
Phocas, where it had long been looked upon as a statue of Constautine, 
and is so called in the Regiona Catalogue, hence its preservation. 

" The four ends of the screens or balustrades are finished, showing 
that they could not have been attached to any building. It is worth 
while to 'look into the details of these reliefs. Commencing in their 
historic order, we see the Emperor standing on the Rostra Julia, 
which fi'onts towards the Fig-tree and Mars3-as, he is holding in his 
left hand a roll and addressing the peojile below ; the two foremost 
figures are holding up their togas with their left hands, whilst their 
right hands are held out with fingers extended, five by one, three by 
the other, thu> making eight ; the number of years Marcus Aurelius 
had been away and the number of pieces of gold which the}' demanded. 
Just above the hands of the Emperor and of one of the figures, which 
nearly meet, are two small round pieces of marble which could not be 
connected with the roll, as one is not in its line, and the other is 

VOL. XXXIV- 2 s 


separated from it by one of the extended hands. The highest is the 
attache of the Emperor's hand. May not the other represent the 
money given by the Emperor ? One of the other figures of the group, 
further back, likewise has his arm extended. The head of the 
Emperor is unfortunately gone, and the others are very much 
damaged. The next scene represents a female figure approaching 
a man seated on a curule chair, behind which four people are standing. 
The female figure had evidently a child on her left arm, the usual arm 
to carry a baby, whilst by her right hand she leads a child up to the 
Emperor, to thank him for founding the orphan schools in memory of 
Faustina, the fragment of whose head is far more like the head of 
Marcus Aurelius than anj'one else. Then we have the Eicus Navia 
and the statue of Marsyas, whose pedestal still stands upon the 
Forum. The next relief commences with the Fig-tree and Mars3'as, 
so that if it were turned round it would form one with the other. 
There we have represented figures bearing packages and depositing 
them in a heap upon the ground, to which one figure is applying a 
torch, which is just discernible. At the end, just a fragment remains, 
showing the old Rostra which looked towards Marsyas and the Fig- 
tree, in the opposite direction to the other, the marks where it stood 
can be traced on the Comitium, upon which we may presume the 
Emperor stood to witness the burning, whilst in the background was 
seen the Temple of Concord, but this piece is unfortunately missing. 

"Thus we have two scenes of history, one taking place between the 
Eostra Julia and the Fig-tree and Mars^-as, the other between the old 
Rostra and Marsyas and the Fig-tree. 

"The whole group was evidently erected in honour of Marcus 
Aurelius, and in commemoration of the important events in his life 
depicted on the screens, as recorded b}^ Dio (Jassius ; 

" Giving the donation of eight pieces of Gold. 

"Roma, or perhaps Faustina, thanking him for the Paellas Faus- 

" Burning the -IG years' arrears of taxes. 

" After he had come back to Rome, as he was one day haranguing 
the people, and speaking of the number of years he had spent abroad 
in his expeditions, the citizens with a loud voice cried out 'Eight.' at 
the same time extending their hands to receive as many pieces of gold. 
The emperor smiling repeated 'Eight,' and ordered every Roman 
eight pieces, which was so considerable a sum that so great a one was 
never given before by any emperor." 

"After that he remitted all that had been due to the Public and 
Imperial Treasuries for the course of 'JG years, M'ithout including 
therein Hadrian's reign, and ordered all the papers of claims to bo 
burnt in the Forum." — Dio Cassim. 

"This was on the marriage of his son Commodus with Crispina. 

"From a long and careful study of has and ff/i^o reliefs we are convinced 
that the buildings lepresented in their back grounds actually existed; 
this is borne out when we compare these designs with the remains and 
Avith the buildings as shown on coins. Reliefs generally present to 
our view some historic scene — in fact, they are pictures in stone ; and 
v.'lion there were so many ancient monuments for the artist to depict, 
perhaps in the neighbourhood of which the scene took place, there 
would bo no occasion for him to draw upon his fancy for buildings to 
fill up his back ground. To demonstrate our idea we will notice some 


reliefs, wliicli after study and comparison present to lis the buildings 
surrounding three sides of tlie Forum Eomanum. 

" We will take first, the relief No. 43 from the stairs of the Palazzo 
dci Conservatori, which represents the Emperor Marcus Aurelius in 
his chariot passing in triumph along the Via tSacra, in front of the 
temple of the dei^ed Julius and arch of Fabius ; the second, the 
marble screen in the Forum nearest the arch of Septimius Severus ; 
third, the other marble screen ; and fourth, the relief over the left 
hand archwa}' of the arch of Constantino facing the Colosseum. 
Placing them in the order mentioned we have a panoramic view of 
three sides of the Forum presented to ua. The first building shown is 
a temple on a lofty basement with four Corinthian columns in front 
and a pilaster at the side ; this agrees with a coin representing the 
temple of the deified Julius, the rem.ains of which are at the lower 
end of the Forum. Next is represented the Foridx Fabius, remains of 
which were found in making the excavations between the temples of 
Cajsar and Castor. The second relief represents the same arch, as can 
be seen by comparing them. The next buildiug shows a temple 
approached by a lofty flight of steps with Corinthian capitals, exactly 
resembling the remains of the celebrated temple of Castor and Pollux. 
Then wo have a space marking the line of the Vicus Tuscus which 
turned out of the Via Sacra between the temple of Castor and Basilica 
Julia, which latter is represented by the arcade of Doric columns. At 
the end of this relief is the Fig-tree planted by Tarcj^uinius, in memory 
of Attius Navius cutting the whetstone in two with a razor ; and the 
figure of Marsyas, the emblem of civic liberty. The next relief shows 
the same Fig-tree and Mars3'as in the same position, but the relief is 
to the right instead of to the left, as in the other. This shows that the 
same line of buildings is continued ; and, carrying on our story, the 
first building represented is the remainder of the Basilica Julia. This 
was confirmed in rather a singular manner. When the Basilica was 
excavated Signer Eosa found one of the columns of the arcade in frag- 
ments, which he has had restored in situ ; and a fragment of this relief 
was found afterwards broken from the rest, which, when fitted into its 
place, exactl}' represented the restoration made by Signer Eosa. In 
the next building we have a temple shewing six Ionic columns in 
front ; this agrees with the ruin of the temple of Saturn. Next 
further back is shown an arch ; this is one of the closed arches of the 
portico of the Tabularium, the lines of which arch can still be seen 
between the Temples of Saturn and Vespasian when viewed from our 
standpoint. Next in order is a Temple with Corinthian columns 
agreeing with the remains of the temple of Vespasian. Unfortunately 
the remainder of this screen was not found, which would have shown 
the temple of Concoi'd; this we have restored from a coin. The 
fourth relief represents the buildings along the head of the Forum at 
a lower level. First, the Doric columns of part of the Basilica Julia, 
agreeing with the other reliefs and the fragments ; then the arch of 
Tiberius, which spanned the Vicus Jugarius, and which is not yet 
excavated ; then the third Rostra (ad Palmam), showing the statue of 
the Genius of Eome, Constantino (minus his head), addressing the 
people, and the statue of Claudius II. Remains of this rostra, which 
should not be confounded with the first rostra, still exist with the 
Umbilicus Roma at one end, whilst the Milliarium Aureum stood at 
the other end^ under the temple of Saturn. The last building repre- 


sented is the arcli of Septimius Severus, with which it corresponds, as 
comparison will pIiow. 

"In our lectures upon the Forum we have demonstrated this many 
times, and when pointed out our audience has agreed with us tliat it 
must be so, the remains corresponding with these pictiires in an 
extraordinary manner, the Eomans themselves having left us a graphic 
sketch of the buildings on three sides of their principal Forum. 

" Upon the inner sides of the avenue are represented on each balus- 
trade, a boar, a ram, and a bull; the animals offered at the tiiple 
sacrifice or Suovetaurilia (from sus, ovis, taurus), which was performed 
once every five years, or Lustrum, for the purification of the city. 

''It was an institution of Servius TuUius, the ceremony consisting 
in leading the boar, ram, and bull, thrice round the assembly of tJie 
people, and then offering them to Mars. There is a similar represent- 
ation upon a relief of Trajan on the arch of Constantino and upon a 
pedestal at the entrance to the Palace of the Caesars, found near the 
arch of Septimius Severus. 

" AVe were ourselves present at the discovery of tliese remains of what 
must have been a grand and unique monument ; a tower of the middle 
ages being built over them, this was destroj'ed, and the stones of the 
balustrades fitted close together, they having fallen somewhat apart ; 
and a new piece of marble was inserted under them, so that they do 
not now rest upon the travertine as when found, but they are exactly 
in the same position. Close by, was found a piece of an inscription, 
evidently referring to this monument ; but it has been placed upon one 
of the restored bases of the Basilica Julia, (the last to the right). It 
is in beautiful characters filled in with red. 





" At the time of their discovery it vins stated, and this has been the 
received opinion, that the scenes referred to events in the lives of the 
Emperors Trajan and Hadrian ; and that it represented the burning of 
the bonds which Hadrian had remitted. We could not accept that 
opinion, because the Fig-tree represented to our mind a scene in the 
Eoman Forum and not Trajan's Forum, where the bonds where burnt 
under Hadrian. The Fig-tree, planted by Tarquin. gave us the key to 
our important discovery of the scenes here depicted, and of the pano- 
ramic view of the Forum left us by the Eomans From the accounts 
lianded down to us of this act of Hadrian we shall see that it does not 
agree with the scene before us. 

"As soon as he entered Eome, Hadrian released all that was due 
from private men for sixteen years together, amountiiig to 900,000,000 
sesterces (£8,541,666, 13, 4), both to the private treasury of the 
Emperor and to the public one of the Eoman people." J)io Cassius, 

" Hadrian remitted ir.numerable simis which were due from private 
debtors to the privy purse of the Emperor in the city and in Italy, 
and even in other provinces ; he collected the bonds of the sums 
remitted ; and for greater security he enclosed them in oak boards and 
burnt them all in the Forum of Trajan ; and he forbade any of the 


money that had been forgiven to be received into the public treasury." 
Sparfinniis in Uadrinno. 

"As we have demonstrated, the scene on the relief is an act taking 
place in the Forum Eomanum, and not Trajan's Forum ; and further, 
the bonds, as here shown, are only tied together, not "enclosed in oak 
boards," as Hadrian's Avere. Marcus Aurelius, it is true, only followed 
his example ; and according to y/«.<«o;i;H.«, Grado actio 21, the Emperor 
Gratian did the same. This scene is represented on a coin of Marcus 
Aurelius ; as is also the act of Hadrian, upon a medal of his time. 

" The orphan schools founded by Marcus Aurelius had special refer- 
ence to Eome, whilst those of Trajan were for the whole of Italy. They 
were endowed by him in the form of loans to the landed proprietors in 
the different districts, the}' pa3ing the yearly interest. Coins and 
inscriptions still present this subject to our view. Near Piacenza a 
bronze tablet was found 10 ft. by 6 ft. containing 670 lines of the 
mortgage deeds on the sums lent by Trajan in this neighbourhood for 
the maintenance of these schools, the interest being 5 per cent. Part 
of a similar inscription was found at Beneventum. Hadrian Antoninus 
Pius and Marcus Aurelius followed this wise and good example, and 
in A. D. 177 the latter Emperor founded orphan schools in Eome in 
memory of his wife, and called them after her name, PuelhB Fausti- 
niana). Upon the walls of the Villa Albani are two small reliefs, 
representing processions of girls called the ori:)hans of Faustina, but by 
what authority, or where they were found we cannot discover. 

"It has been asserted that such good sculpture, as these reliefs 
evidently were, was not made after the time of Hadrian, and so they 
must be of his time ; such a statement could hardly be made by any 
one who knew anything of art in Eome under the good Emperors. 
The reliefs from the arch of Marcus Aurelius, his equestrian statue, 
his column, numerous busts and statues, ecpial anything we have of 
the time of Hadran. Sculpture did not fall so low in the short space 
of twenty-five years, that these balustrades could not have been 
executed. Their style is very similar to the reliefs from his arch, 
perhaps they are by the hand of the same master." 

Mr. Eussell Forbes has arranged a most interesting photograph, 
giving a panoramic view of the Forum as shown on ancient reliefs. 

" The fore-ground of our photograph we have filled up with a plan of 
the Comitium, in order to show the i")osition of the two marble balus- 
trades, Marsyas, and the Fig-tree. This tree has been confounded by 
many writers, both ancient and modern, with the Euminal Fig-tree 
which grew upon the south west slope of the Palatine ; and whicih had 
nothing whatever to do with the tree on the Comitiuni, which was planted 
by Tarc[uin, in commemoration of Navius Attius cutting the whet-stone 
in two with a razor ; these being buried at the spot where was erected 
the prajtor's seat called Puteal Libonis. This is represented on a coin 
as round, and was probably erected over the deep round hole existing 
on the Comitium, and marked on our plan. Near bj' " stood the statue 
of Attius Navius, over the very spot where he had cut tlie whet-stone 
in two, to the left of the Curia." — Plinj/ xxxiv, 11. Bio Casxius says it 
stood near the fig-tree, and we place it upon the pedestal existing to 
the right of the hole, (see Zivi/, i, 36). To the left of the hole is 
another pedestal, and upon this we place Marsyas, with the fig-tree 
beside bim, thus agreeing with the reliefs. It is rather a curious 


coiucidonce, but since tliis ground has been cleared a fig-treo lias 
sprung up by the ruined pedestal on which we place IMarsyas." 

The Santo Calix of Valencia. — Through the kindness of Mr. J. 
C. Robinson, we are enabled to reproduce a portion of a communica- 
tio]i upon Art Treasures in Spain, made by him to the Times at the 
end of last year, and which, as coming from such an authority, cannot 
fail to interest our readers : — 

"The Santo Calix of Valencia, like the so-callad emerald dish at 
Genoa, has from time immemorial been considered one of the most 
sacied relics in Christendom. The Genoa dish was thought to be the 
veritable San graal, whatever that mystical vessel may have been, 
while the holy chalice of Valencia is still held to be tho veritable cup 
used by our Saviour at the Last Supper. As to how and when it found 
its wa}^ to Valencia there is no record ; its advent is shrouded in the 
mist of antiquity. At all events, it is likely enough that generation 
after generation of devout believers, for a thousand years or more, 
have adored it with bended knees and downcast eyes, scarcely daring 
to cast even furtive glances at the sacrosanct utensil. Need it be said 
that to see and examine such a treasure had long been a desideratum 
with even a heretic like mj^self? There were, moreover, special 
reasons for wishing to get to know the real form and fashioning of 
this venerable cup ; the curiosity of archoeologists and ritualistic 
antiquaries had always been stimulated by innumerable pictorial and 
other representations of it, executed centuries apart ; but scarcely any 
two of these representations were alike. In short, a delightful and 
tantalizing mystery prevailed in regard to the Santo calix. 

" I will, however, now set speculations at rest by describing exactly 
what the Santo calix really is, and approximately when it was made. 
It is clear from the litter disagreement of the various graphic 
representations, that they were all made from memory, and that 
nobody had ever been allowed to look long enough at the precious 
relic, to be able to carry away the precise details in his mind's eye. 
All the representations, however, agreed in one thing — that is, in 
depicting the Santo calix as a cup-shaped vessel, of some jirecious 
stone or other, mounted on a tall stem, flanked by two large loop- 
shaped lateral handles. Now, two-handled chalices are of extremely 
rare occurrence, and alwaj^s of great antiquity. My own impression 
was that it would prove to be a work of the seventh or eighth century. 

" The chalice is — or, at all events, was, when I was at Valencia — 
exhibited on certain days to parties of eight or ten persons at a time, 
who were required to kneel before it. After a prolonged interval of 
expectation, the chalice was bi-ought out with great solemnity by its 
priestly guardian, and, the stem being enveloped with a linen cloth, 
it was held in succession, for a brief instant only, before the face of 
each person ; at the same moment the worshipper was allowed to kiss 
a certain precious stone, projecting from the gold framework of the 
foot of the vessel. In this way the entire ceremony occupied only a 
few minutes. Being forewarned as to the conditions of the exposition, 
I awaited it with eager eyes, wUh a little card in the palm of one hand 
and a pencil in the other, ready, although in frantic haste, to make 
some sort of graphic memorandum in the presence even ; but whether 
my fixed and earnest gaze contrasted too strongly with the reverend 
glances of my neighbours, or whether the astute priest caught sight of 
the poaching apparatus in my hands, certain it is that, when my turn 


cailie, the chalice was unceremoniously whisked from under my nose, 
and all I saw was a passing formless gleam, while the read}', but I 
fear faithless, kiss died on my lips. The defeat was complete and 
ignominious. Fortunately, I was not pressed for time in Valencia, 
and there was nothing for it hut to undertake a siege (la)is les regies. 
There is, however, a key to every lock, and it is not necessary to 
explain how, with patience and perseverance, I finally got a view of 
the Santo calix, all to myself. The following is the result: — The 
chalice consists of a circular cup, nearly four inches in diameter, 
hollowed out from a single splendid hair-brown sardonyx. A plain 
but tasteful moulding wrought in the stone, round the lip, in addition 
to the evidence of the precious material itself, showed it to be of 
antique Eoman origin. The base is formed of another fine sardon^-.x 
cup of shallower form, and fixed in an inverted position. This is of 
larger size, not less than about 6^ inches in diameter. In one or two 
places I detected some incised marks, very like ancient Cufic characters, 
and from these and the general shape I suspect that the base is less 
ancient than the bowl. The bowl and the base are united by a 
straight stem in pure gold, with a circular knop in the centre ; four 
strap-work bands of gold connect this stem with the sardonyx base, 
the lower edge of which is also bound round with a gold band or 
gallery. The stem, as has been already noted, is flanked by two 
peculiar "ogee" shaped handles, also in pure gold. The stem, knoj), 
and handles are inlaid with delicate arabesque patterns in black 
enamel. The band or galler^^ round the base bears on the summit a 
string of fine Oriental pearls, which are also continued on the vertical 
bands. In the midst of each of these bands is set, projecting in high 
relief, a splendid Cabochon gem. These stones, four in all, are respec- 
tively two rubies, a sapphire, and an emerald. Finally, the entire 
height of the chalice is about 8.V inches. As X have said, the cup itself 
is of Eonian work, therefore, however improbable, it is not actually 
impossible, that it should have been used at the Last Supper. The 
sardonyx base is, I think, of JMore^co origin, probably of the eighth or 
ninth century, and I have now little doubt that the original gold 
mountings were of the same period. A moment's glance at these 
sufficed to tell me their story. This is what has evidently happened : 
The ancient gold mounts in the course of time becoming dilapidated, 
some time about the year 1 400 the band or gallery round the foot wa.? 
renewed, and a current Gothic pattern of the day, consisting ot small 
pierced quatrefoils within lozenge-shaped panels, was substituted for 
the original design, wliatever it may have been ; somewhat more than 
a century later (probably about lo20) all the rest of the gold mounts 
were renewed, bu^. this time the original pattern was, I have no doubt, 
followed, exce])t in one respect — that is, in regard to a beautiful 
arabesque pattern in black enamel with which the various decorative 
surfaces are unifoimly adorned ; this consists of an elegant pattern of 
interlaced work and clelicate foliage, the peculiar style and workman- 
ship indicating, without any doubt, the hand of a skilful Spanish 
goldsmith of the period above indicated. The Santo calix as it stands 
is thus a work of four disfinct periods — namely, of the lioman Imperial 
epoch, the eightli or ninth century, and the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries respectivel}'. Ford states that the chalice was broken in 
1744 by a clumsy canonigo, one Vicente Trigola ; but I saw no evidence 
of that disaster, and if it occurred it was probably only some dislocation 
of the gold mountings. 


" In regard to five of the thirty pieces of silver which Judas received 
for betraying our Saviour, and which, being only filthy lucre, are 
handed round for inspection after the exposition of the ^<(lnto calix, T 
can only say that the coin put into my hand was a fine Greek tetra- 
drachni of, 1 think, Thuriuni. 

*' Among the other precious aUutJas of the Cathedral at Valencia, are 
three large altar frontals, each about 12 ft. long by 3 ft. 6 in. high, the 
designs representing subjects from the Passion of Christ, finely 
executed in I'aisecl work of gold and silver thread and silk embroidery. 
The special interest of these frontals, however, is from the fact that 
they originally belonged to old St Paul's Cathedral in London, 
and were purchased and brought to Spain, at the time of the Reforma- 
tion, by two Valencian merchants, named Andrea and Petro de 
Medina. Their English origin is revealed in many characteristic 
details of costume, architecture, ornamentation, &c. To all appearance 
they were made in the earlier j'ears of the sixteenth century, probably 
not very long before the change of religion in England." 

Additiois^vl Eemakks ox a "Tabula Hoxkstae Missioxis," found 
AT Walcot, near Bath. — ''Since I published Mr Lysons' remarks 
upon this talula, ( Ardumhcjiml Journal , vol. xxxiii, 250), I have endea- 
voured, in every possible way, to recover the original fragment, or in 
default, the drawing of it made by Mr. Lysons. In the latter respect, 
I am glad to say that I have been successful. Mr. C. Poach Smith wrote 
me to say that he believed he at one time had a tracing of the drawing, 
but he could not then find it, much to my disappointment. Soon after- 
wards Mr. J. T. Irvine, a well known antiquarj-, who had happened to 
see my paper on the subject, wrote to mo to the effect that t]ie original 
drawing was preserved in the collection of Mr. AV. Long, f. s.a., of 
AVrington, Somerset. On applying to that gentleman, 1 found that 
Mr. Irvine was correct, and Mr. Long has most courteously allowed a 
copy of the drawing to be made. Mr. Long informs me that "it is 
pasted in one of two very large folios, which were purcliased for me 
some years ago from Mr. Lilly, the London bookseller. This purchase 
gave rise, I think, to Mr. Scarth's statement that the ' tabula ' had 
been in Mr. Lilly's possession. It appears to be a copy of the inscrip- 
tion made by Mr. Lysons of the same size as the original, and has 
written upon it 'Tabula honestae missionis, illustrated by ISlr. S. Lysons 
from the original brass fragment in the possession of John Cranch, 
])ec., 1815, found at AValcot, 1815." The following words appear to 
have been added afterwards 'now of Jos. Barratt, 1817.' Barratt 
was a bookseller, and at one time the owner of the large folio volumes 
in which the copy of the inscription is placed." 

" From the annexed plates it will seen that the fragments of inscrip- 
tions remaining on each side of the plate were only: 

(1-) " (2-) 


rp . jjj . A YH IIS QVAS POST 






E T /TW -ET S\/NT IN ' 


Rl BySVE5TlP£/N[)llS HON 

ClvrfATEM^PEPir ETCoNvb/V/Vi cvm 


yUS/NGV(>S s AD 









"These letters will be seen embraced within a border, marking the limits 
of the fragment ; those outside of this line in the plate are Mr. Lysons' 
restoration of the remainder of the lines, which commence at the 
conclusion of the list of cohorts named ; et . lii • a • , referring to the 
third cohort of a people whose national name commenced witli a. As 
stated in my previous remarks, the name of the imperial logati." is Ljst. 
There is, however, one discrepancy between the drawing and the 
account given in the minutes of the Society of Antiquaries. In the 
latter the words ^^ qnoruiii nomi?ia suhcrijita .s««^" occur. In the 
drawing they are absent, but " meruerunV is in their place. 

" I must thus publicly express my thanks to Mr. Long for the facilities 
he has given me, to enable a copy of the drawing to be made. 

" Like most of the other tabulae, this one bears the duplicate inserij)- 
tion on its reverse, at right angles to that on its front, which accounts 
for so much more of the lettering being left on one side, to what there 
is on the other." 

The Chair of St. Peter. — The following account, for which we 
are indebted to Mr. S. Eussell Forbes, will bo specially interesting at 
the present time : — 

"As January 18th was the feast of the chair of St. Peter in Rome, 
some remarks on the chair (which does duty for St. Peter's) may be of 
interest to our readers. A photograph of this famous object was 
taken in 18G7 when it was last exposed to view ; and can be had at 
any of the shops in Eome; visitors must be content with looking at the 
photograph fur t!ie chair itself is not to be seen. At present it is 
enclosed in the bronze covering, which is supported by the four 
colossal figures of the Doctors of the church, in the apse of St. Peter's. 

" It is encased in a frame work, in which arc the rings through wliich 
the poles were inserted in order to carr}^ the person seated ; this casing, 
consisting of four posts and sides, is made of oak, and is very much 
decayed. The straight vertical joints are easily distinguished where 
the frame is attached to the chair itself, which is composed of dark 
acacia wood. The front panel is ornamented with three rows of 
scj[uare plates of ivory, six in a row, eighteen in all, upon twelve of 
which are engraved the labours of Hercules ; and on the other six 
cosntellations, with thin Jaiiiina' of gold let into the engraved lines ; 
some of the ivories are put on upside down, and Jiad evidently 
nothing to do with the original chair ; they are Byzantine in stylo of 
the eleventh century. The ivory band decorations of the back and 
sides evidently belonged to the chair and correspond witii its architec- 
ture, and fit into the wood-work. They are sculptured in relief, 
representing combats of men, wild beasts and centaurs ; the centre 
point of the horizontal bars has a portrait of Charlemagne cro^\ iied as 
Emperor. In his right hand is a sceptre (broken) and in his left a 
globe ; two angels on either side offer him crowns and palms, they 
having combatants on each side. The chair is 4 ft. 8J in. high at 
back, 2 ft. 10-i in. wide, 2 ft. 2^ in. deep, and 2 ft. 1 A in. high in front. 
Fancy St. Peter using such a chair as this ! 

" It is asserted by the Eoman church that this chair was used by St. 
Peter as his upis>jopal throne during his rule over tlie church at 
Eome. Even, if we grant for argument's sake that he was Bishop in 
Eome, there is no evidence to prove that this was his chair ; in fact 
every evidence is to the contrary. All the primitive episcopal chairs 
are of marble and as unlike this one in construction as possible, which 



is not an episcopal throne, but a sella gestatorin or cathedra, similar to 
the chairs intioduced in Eomo in the time of the Emperor Claudius, 
nieutioued by Sueto7iius, Nero 26; and Juvenal 1-64, 6-90. It is not 
unlike in shape to that used to carry tlie Pope in grand ceremonies in 
St. Peter's. Some early authors speak of a sella (/estatoria which was 
placed in the baptistry of old St. Peter's by Damasius, and which 
formerl\ , on the 22nd of February, was carried hence to the liigh altar, 
where the Pope with much ceremony was enthroned upon it. 

"It was eventually passed on from one chapel to another, till it is 
said that when Pome was sacked by the Imperialists in lo27, they 
stripped it of its ornaments and covering, for the sake of its value ; 
and that beneath they found an old carved wooden chair with tiie 
inscription, '' There is only one God and Mahomet is his Prophet.'''' This 
same formula is engraved upon the back of the marble episcopal chair 
in the church of St. Pietro in Castello, at Venice. In 1558 the feast of 
the chair of St. Peter was fixed in Rome for the 18th of January ; and 
in Antioch for February 22nd; and in 1655 Pope Alexander VII 
placed the present chair where it now stands. It is mediaeval, ninth 
century, and is not unlike eariy representations in art of the chair used 
by the Apostle Paul, which we may look upon as episcopal. 

"The ivory diptych of St. Paul, (a.d. 400) the property of Mr. Car- 
rand, of Lyons, engraved by the Arundel society, represents Paul 
seated on a chair holding in his left hand a roll, the symbol of apostle- 
ship, whilst the right hand is raised in the act of blessing Linus, who 
carries a book in his hand. At the back of the chair is St. Mark, 
holding a roll in his left hand. The chair is light, and not unlike a 
modern library one in shape. Later art agrees with the present chair. 
A fresco at St. Clement's (Pome). 1050, represents St. Peter installing 
Clement into the Papal chair — a chair, as far as can be seen not unlike 
the ju'esent one of St. Peter — which was made after the coronation of 
Cliarlemagne as emperor of the Holy Eoman Empire a.d. 800." 

Interkstikg Discovery ix Romk. — We are further indebted to Mr. 
Eussell Forbes for the following communication : — 

" In making a new drain in the Piazza Pietra, near the Temple of 
Antoninus Pius, the workmen came upon an interesting piece of 
sculpture : — 

" It consists of a large base six and a lialf feet high by five feet wide ; 
the marble is cut so as to form a panel, with a projecting cornice, in 
the centre of which is a female fieruro five feet high in alto relief 
standing upon a projecting base; tlio face is unfortunattly gone, but 
the head is surmounted by a Phrygian cap, and one of the curls of the 
hair is still distinguishable. The iigure is clothed in the Roman toga 
which comes down to the feet, which peep out beneath, showing the 
shoes, which are not unlike what wo term an Oxford shoe ; the right 
foot is more advanced than the other, so it can be plainly seen, showing 
that it was not a sandal. The ri^ht hand is gone, but the remains 
show that something was held in the hand ; between the fore-finger and 
thumb of the left hand, which is nearly perfect, the lady holds some- 
thing small. The back of the base is hollowed out, as though it had 
been erected against a column. It is of a good period of art, of white 
marble with a dark grain, end excellent workmanship, the drapery 
being very fine though rather thick over the left leg. 
^"Cicero Ad Atticus XIII, 33, informs us that Julius Caisar com- 
menced a Septa in the Campus Martins for the Comitia Centuriata 


and Tributa. It consisted of a beautiful building of marble surrounded 
with a portico a mile square. It adjoined the Villa Publica. It was 
completed by Lepidus the triumvir, and dedicated by Agrippa, Dio 
53-23. Frontinus, Aq. 22, says the arches of the Aqua Virgo ended in 
the Campus Martins, in front of the Septa. Donati says such arches 
were found in front ot the Church of St. Ignazio, not far from where 
this base has been found. 

"The Comitia Centuriata, when the people meet in their military 
order to elect their highest magistrates, to pass their laws, and to 
vote upon peace or war, always met outside the walls in the Campus 
Martins. Comitia Tributa for less important magistrates, tribunes 
and aediles, met sometimes in the Campus Martins. The Septa 
consisted of pens, (hence the name) into which the tribes passed to 
record their votes, which were given by ballot ; every voter received a 
tabella, tablet, on which he wrote the name of the candidate for whom 
he voted, lie then dropped it into an urn. Near by, Agrippa built the 
Diribitorium, a large building, used for distributing and counting the 
balloting tickets. It was dedicated by Augustus, Dio 55-8, Tliny 
16-40. During a fire Claudius passed two nights here, Suetonius 18. 

" We may conclude that this fragment belonged either to the Septa 
Julia or the Diribitorium. The figure has been supposed by some to 
represent an eastern city, by others a Dacian We think it represents 
Libert}^ as shown by the cap, which is an emblem of liberty all over 
the world, and that it formed the side of an entrance into one of the 
pens of the Septa; that the something between the finger and thumb 
of the left baud is the voting tablet, and that in the other band she 
held an urn, denoting that ever3'body should have perfect liberty to 
vote as he pleased. 

" Witli this was found a beautiful piece of a marble frieze, with the 
eg<^ pattern, below which is a design that wo do not remember to have 
seen elsewhere. The soil beneath tlie find is an accumulation ; below 
this was found a piece of a paved road. The soil above is an old 
accumulation, as shown by the base of the columns of the temple 
opposite. Some fragments of Corinthian capitals were also found, 
and a statue broken into pieces, one foot of which is in a good state 
of preservation." 

Royal Ixstitutiox of Cornwall. — This useful Society was estab- 
lished in 1818, and has just issued its Sixtieth Annual Eeport. It is, 
we believe, one of the oldest of our Archaeological Societies, and has 
done good service throughout its long career. Its objects, however, 
embrace natural philosophy and natural history as well as antiquities ; 
and it possesses a museum at Truro, in which are preserved many objects 
of great interest in each of these branches of study. It has collected a 
most valuable series of meteorological observations, extending from 
1728 to the present time, of which a digest is being prepared for the 
use of members of the Institution and the public. The valuable papers 
printed in its earlier annual reports, and during later years in its 
Journal, sufficiently attest the value of the work of this Society. 

The Fifty-Ninth Annual Meeting was held on the 19th Nov. last, 
when Mr. William Copeland Borlase, f. s. a., the author of Nenia 
Cornuhioe, was elected Pi'esident, in succession to Mr. Jonathan 
Rashleigh, Sheriff of Cornwall. 

BmsToL A.XD Gloucestershire Arcil=eological Societv. — As the 
Society, to which we have just alluded, is one of the oldest, so is this 

322 arch^oloCtICal intelligence. 

of wbicli we now treat one of the youngest of such Institutions ; and 
we are glad to add tliat it displays all the vigour of youth, which 
vigour, we trust, will continue over as long a period as that enjoyed by 
her elder sister. The b'ociety was formed only in April, 1876, and 
already it numbers nearly GOO members. Its Annual Winter Meeting 
was held at Gloucester, on 24th January last, when there was a good 
attendance of members. After dining together at the "Bell Hotel," 
the members and a lai'ge number of friends assembled at the Art 
and Science Institution for a conversazione, where, through the 
praiseworthy exertions of the local committee, a temporary Museum 
had been formed, containing objects of great interest. Several papers 
by local archa3ologists were read in the lecture room, which will be 
printed in the next Volume of the Transactions of the Society, now, we 
are informed, in the press. The First Volume of the Transactions has 
been issued some time, and contains several very valuable and in- 
teresting papers by well-known antiquarian and historical authors, 
including Prof. Eolleston, Dr. Beddoe, Sir John Maclean, Mr. Gr. T. 
Clark, Dr. Smith, and others. 

We have pleasure in announcing that Mr. B. Montgomerie Ranking 
has in the press an annotated edition of Milton's Comus, on the 
priucij)le of the Clarendon Press Text Books. It is prefaced by three 
essay's, on the Masque proper, on the history of this special example, 
and upon its actual origin ; in the last, by parallel passages and 
otherwise, Mr. Ranking attempts to establish the sources from which 
Milton took his idea. A short derivative glossar}', in which the author 
has had the assistance of his brother, Mr. D. F. Ranking, of Hertford 
College, Oxford, will conclude the woi'k, which is published by Henry 
West, 381, Mare Street, Hackney. 

We are glad to know that the Rev. C. W. Boase, Fellow and 
Librarian of Exeter College, Oxford, has in the pi'ess a "Register of 
the Rectors and Fellows" of that College, from the date of its found- 
ation, in 1314, to the present time. The work is not merely a list of 
names and of dates of the admission of the several parties, but contains 
also much biographical matter and many curious and valuable 
motnoranda from the College Registers. 

The Members of the Institute will be glad to hear that the General 
Index to the fii'st twenty-five volumes of the Journal is progressing 
well under the editorship of Sir John Maclean, who has with great 
labour and care, verified every entry as left in MS. by the late Mr. 
Burtt. The appearance of this " encyclopa)dia of Archteological 
information " may be expected by the end of June. Upwards of 200 
pages are now in typo, nearly all of which have been worked off. 
Subscribers' names will be received by the Secretary. 


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CIk 9[rc!)ae0lagiral journal, 

DECEMBER, 1877. 


When our annual gatherings are at a cathedral city, 
it is but reasonable that the cathedral should be our 
j)rimary object of study. The architectural history of 
our cathedrals form the first page in the history of the 
architecture of our country ; and when a great Archaeo- 
logical Society, such as ours, summons its annual synod 
under the shadow of one of these great typical edifices, 
it is naturally expected to be the signal for the full 
investio-ation and elucidation of its architectural and 
antiquarian history ; and such it was when we had a 
Willis for our leader. His monographs on Canter])ury, 
York, Wmchester, and others of our cathedrals, have 
given world-wide celebrity to our Institute. Would that 
his mantle, as well as — on this occasion— his duty, had 
fallen on me ! Having, however, at an unwary moment, 
consented to undertake this duty as regards Hereford 
cathedral, I was not long in discovering that 1 had 
undertaken a most difficult task. 

In some cases the clifliculty in telHng the architectural 
history of a great building arises from too great a 
jDlenitude of information, an emharras de richesse of 
historical fact. Such, I dare say, was felt by that prince 
among those who undertake such tasks. Professor Willis, 
when he compiled his unrivalled architectural history of 
Canterbury Cathedral ; for there, thanks to Ernulph, 
Gervase, and others, the most important parts of its 
history were so fully and accurately chronicled, that he 
must have found clitticulty in condensing his facts, rather 
than in searching them out. 

Far different, however, is tlie case at Hereford. Here 
we have— I will not say a j^awciYy, but almost a mdUty 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 u 


of liistorical information bearing upon the building, other- 
wise than indirectly and uncertainly; and one's task is to 
search in every conceivable direction for such mere waifs 
and strays of History as may suggest or furnish excuses 
for guesses and theories, which after all, in a majority of 
cases, it is impossible either to prove or to test. 

Professor Willis, in writing on this cathedral in 1841, 
says, — " It is much to be regretted that the period of 
erection of no one part of this cathedral has been re- 
corded, with the exception of its first foundation." 
(Willis's Report, p. 9.) How then can I, who am no 
investigator of antiquarian documents, venture to give 
the history of a structure whose builders, and those 
who were eye-witnesses of its erection, have neglected 
to record what they did and what they saw ? Having, 
however, rashly accepted the task, I must beg for kind 
consideration of the difficulty of its performance, for, 
strange as it may appear, the very paucity of sources 
of knowledjjfe has increased tenfold the labour of searchinsr 
for it ; and, poor as is the result, I should be ashamed to 
relate the amount of time and labour I have devoted to 
the pursuit of faithless phantoms, which only held out 
hopes of knowledge to lure me to the doom of dis- 

I must, however, beg a further indulgence. I know 
not whether we view our sister society — the Archaeo- 
logical Association — with feelings more of affection or 
of rivalry. Anyhow, they have been beforehand with us 
on this ground ; and a paper has been published in their 
journal, written by my friend Mr. Gordon Hills, which 
is, to all appearance, so nearly exhaustive of the docu- 
mentary information at present within reach, that any 
idea on my part of ignoring it, or doing its work over 
again, would be absurd. I shall, therefore, with his kind 
consent, make free use of Mr. Hills' collected information, 
adding, if possible, any I may have elsewhere picked up ; 
and, if in any instance I may happen to differ at all from 
his conclusions, I trust that this may in no degree be 
considered as evincing any want of the highest appre- 
ciation for his very able and laborious researches. I 
should add that I am indebted to him for much informa- 
tion privately communicated. 


The See, wliicli now takes the name of Hereford, dates 
from very early times; and it is Ukely enough that there was 
a church of some importance here at least as early as the 
time of Ofta, the great Mercian king, who in the year 793 
treacherously miuxlered somewhere hereabouts his son-in- 
law (or intended son-in-law) Ethelbert, king of East 
Anglia, for the purpose of adding his kingdom to his own. 
Hereford was then known by another name — Fernleigh — • 
and hither the body of King Ethelbrt was brought for 
re-interment by a pious noble named Brithfrid. 

In the year 830, or thereabouts, the church was rebuilt 
in stone by Milfrid, ruler of Mercia, in honour of the now 
sainted King Ethelbert. 

This church was, after about two centuries, rebuilt in 
Edward the Confessor's da,y by Bishop Athelstan, whose 
cathedral, however, was but short-lived, being l^urnt in 
1056 by Griffin the AVelsli king or jmnce, who slew 
Leofgan the bishop and many of his clergy. To him 
succeeded in turn two natives of Lorraine — the first, 
Walter, nominated by the Confessor, and after him Robert 
appointed by the Conqueror. 

Bobert de Lorraine, commonly called Lozing (a cor- 
ruption of Lotharingus), was consecrated in 1079, and 
held the See sixteen years. He undertook the I'econ- 
struction of the cathedral, which had lain waste since 
the invasion by Griffin, and he is said by William of 
Malmesbury to have built it of a rounded Jonn, imitating 
the basilica of Aix-la-Chapelle : " Qui ibi ecclesia in tereti 
sedificavit scemate, aquensem basiUcam pro modo imitatus 
suo." It has been suggested that some other basihca 
than Charles the Great's round church is here referred 
to; but the expression ''tereti schemate" — on a roundish 
or romided scheme — appears to shew what church was 
meant. ^ 

Now, we know something of the church he chose for 
his model. It was on a round or polygonal plan, imitated, 
as it is said, from the church of San Vitale at Bavenna, 
which had, about the year 550, been erected by Justinian, 
possibly in imitation of the Temple of Minerva Medica at 

' The word uiay l>e su.sceptilile of other a rouiKli6h forii), warranto thi.-i iiiter- 
meauiug.s, but I faaty that the fact of iirctatiou. 
the cathedral at Ak-la-Chapclle being of 


Rome, and more probably still of the Church of the Holy 
Sepulchre at Jerusalem. These miitations were, however, 
all of them but very rough ones, and consisted mainly in 
the adoption of a round or polygonal plan. 

Charlemagne's church at Aix-la-Chapelle in all proba- 
bility still exists, and is in ideal very similar to those 
built afterwards by the Templars in rough imitation of 
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, which he probably had 
in his eye quite as much as that at Ravenna, though he 
had seen the latter only, and perhaps connected it in his 
mind with its more sacred type. Be all this, however, as 
it may, the unfortunate fact remains that we have not in 
the Norman cathedral here at Hereford a trace or a 
suggestion of any of these buildings ; and, if Robert of 
Lorraine did really imitate Charles the Great's sepidchral 
basilica, his successors, and probably Bishop Reynelm, 
must have utterly obliterated his work. 

Reynelm held the See from 1107 to 1115. His 
reputed ettigy bears what may be a model of a church, 
and his obit styles him as "fundator Ecclesice Sancti 
Ethelberti," altered in a later hand (and, I think, 
erroneously) to " Hosjncii." Writers on the cathedral 
seem disposed either to deprive him of all claim as a 
builder of the cathedral, or to attribute to him the com- 
pletion of the work begun by Lorraine. Neither of these 
suppositions seems to me agreeable to common sense. If 
Robert of Lorraine comj)leted his own design, or if 
Reynelm completed it, how is it that we have not a 
vestige of anything agreeing with William of Malmes- 
bury's description ? Instead of this we have a church on 
a very straightforward Norman type, apsidal truly, but 
less j)ronouncedly so than usual, and bearing no resem- 
blance whatever to that at Aix-la-Chapelle. Again, the 
architecture is not of the earlier Norman type, but that 
of a more advanced period. Nor did Reynelm complete the 
cathedral, for we find that it was not finished till thirty 
years after his death. I therefore incline to the belief that 
Robert of Lorraine only began the church, and that being 
a German he was proud to do honour to the imperial 
basilica of his fatherland ; while Reynelm, being probably 
a Norman, reverted to the manner of his own country. 
One cannot but retire L that Robert's church does not 

Hereford Cathedral, 

-I 1 1 1 L. 


exist, as it Avoukl have been quite unique among English 
cathedrals. Kobert was a man learned in all the wisdom of 
his age — a favourite, as Dr. E-a^^'linson says, of the Muses as 
Avell as of his king. He was a poet, a mathematician, and 
learned in the stars and their influence on human affairs ; 
and though intimate with Remigius, the builder of Lincoln 
minster, with Wolstan, who built that at Worcester, and 
probably with the builders of Gloucester, Tewkesbury, 
and other vast churches then rising, he perhaps scorned 
to follow in their wake, and gloried in imitating the 
basilica which overshadowed the great hero of his own 
race — a church of which Mr. Fergusson says : " It is the 
oldest authentic examj^le we have of its style ; it was 
built by the greatest man of his age, and more emperors 
liave been crowned and more important events happened 
beneath its venerable vaults than liave been witnessed 
within the walls of any existing church in Christendom." 

Unhappily, what I have said is all we know of the 
building of the Norman Cathedral, excepting that it was 
not finished by Reynelm, but by his third successor, 
Ilobert de Bethune or Betun, who held the see from 
1131 to 1148, and who, having suffered, and his cathedral 
likewise, during tlie wars of King Stephen's days, lived 
to recover and repair the injuries incurred, and whose 
biographer says of him, " Sepultus est in Ecclesia sua 
matrice quam ipse multa impensa et sollicitudine consum- 
mavit ipse solomonis exemplo, solemnisse dedicavit." 

The cathedral, then, throwing Lorraine out of the 
calculation, took forty years in building in its Norman 
form. The scheme of its design was as follows : — 

Its nave was of eight bays of not unusual Norman type, 
supported by massive round pillars, to which double 
shafts are attached, both to the north arid south. The 
triforium was of moderate height and good design ; the 
clerestory somewhat lofty. The choir, (or rather the 
presbytery, for the choir proper was beneath the central 
tower), was of three bays, supported by piers which are 
rather masses of wall than columns ; and judging from 
the great projecting pilasters uj^on their inner faces, I 
agree with Mr. Gordon Hills that it must have been 
vaulted, which was very unusual at that time in churches 
of so great a span. 


It terminated eastward in an apse, not formed, as was 
so frequent, by the swinging round of arcade, triforium, 
clerestory and aisles upon the altar as a centre, and 
uniting themselves together in semi-circular continuity ; 
but a separate and narrower structure, opening into the 
presbytery by an arch of moderate dimensions, over 
which the eastern wall returned in a square form. Each 
aisle also terminated in a smaller apse, and each of the 
three apses had its own separate roof. 

The transepts, of which one only remains, were of an 
ordinary type, without (at least the remaining one is) the 
apsidal chapels which are so usual.' 

I have elsewhere shown that the three not distant 
monastic Churches of Gloucester, Tewkesbury, and 
Pershore followed a scheme ]ieculiar to themselves, and 
displaying great originality of invention. There is no 
trace of this scheme at Hereford. I am not siu'e, 
however, whether the nave liere was not more beautiful 
than that of its more original neighbours. The less lofty 
columns, surmounted l)y a well proportioned triforium 
and lofty clerestory, formed a more elegant composition 
than the exaggeratedly lofty columns of Gloucester and 
Tewkesbury, unduly stunting the upper storeys of the 
nave ; though it is possible that the two ranges of aisles 
in the choirs of tliose churches, running unbroken round 
the apse, and the continuous aisle with its apsidal chapels 
may have produced a more pleasing effect than the non- 
continuous arrangement at Hereford. 

It matters little, however, which may have looked the 
best. They display two quite different systems, each 
good, and each nobly carried out. We see them now but 
in imagination, for all these churches have been so altered 
that the true effect is visible in none. 

I have said that the architecture at this cathedral is 
not early but advanced Norman. Its details are, in 
all the principal parts, decidedly rich in ornamental 
character ; very different indeed from those of Remigius' 
work at Lincoln, at the consecration of which Lorraine 
would have been present had the stars been propitious. 
No concurrence of stars, however, could render such details 

(1.) The Htyle of this transept is so is earlier than the choir, which, however, 
simple as to lead to the impression that it I think unlikely. 

Hereford Cathedral. 


Hereford Cathedral. 



as those at Hereford, possihhj contemporaneous with those 
of Remigms' work. Not a stone do I l^eheve remains in 
place of Robert of Lorraine's cathedraL 

The great glory of the Norman cathedral at Hereford 
was its West front. We get a good idea of its design 
from Merricke's view, given by Browne Willis. I have 
attempted a restored elevation of it, which I exhibit. It 
was probably the work of Robert de Bethune, and was 
consequently very late in the style. I may mention that 
what Norman vaulting remains (which is right little) is 
without diagonal ribs. Possibly, Bethune's work may 
have been otherwise, as that feature had become frequent 
in his day. At some time during the Norman period was 
erected the great timber hall of the Bishop's palace, and 
the very curious double chapel of St, Margaret and St. 
Catherine, which adjoined it. 

Bethune's successor was the famous Gilbert Foliot, 
who, after ruling here for fourteen years, was translated 
to London in 11 G 3. We hear nothing of him respecting 
the Cathedral, but he was too great a man to be passed 
by unnoticed. He was a most strenuous opponent of 
Becket ; so much so, that tlie Evil Spirit is said to have 
addressed liim, while revolving as he lay on his bed the 
plans lie had been devising with the King against the 
Primate, as follows : — 

" Gilbevto Foliot, 
Dum revolvis tot et tot, 
Deus tuns est Ashteroth." 

The Bishop intrepidly replied : — 

"Mentiris Deomon, Deus Mens est Deus Sabaoth." 
Forgive my egotism in saying that a great ecclesiastic 
has done me the iionour, while remarking on my wander- 
ings about on church matters, to parody the words on me, 
in the more favourable version, saying : — 

" Georgi Gilberte Scott, 
Dum revolvis tot et tot, 
Deus tuus est Sabaotli." 

Two more prelates succeeded, of whom nothing is told 
us relating to the church. During this period Norman 
architecture had been undergoing a gradual but radical 
change. I had the honour, two years back, at Canter- 
bury, of reading a paper l^efore this Listitute on this 


great transition in mediaeval architecture, and I shewed 
that, while it had been going on for some time in 
England and in an English Avay, it was precipitated, 
and its manner changed in a French direction through 
the rel^uilding by William of Sens of the choir at Canter- 
bury. Unluckily, in this cathedral, we have no specimen 
of the earlier and more English phase of the transition. 
The cathedral was complete, and as yet unaltered, during 
its rise. 

Bethune's two successors, Gilbert Foliot and Robert of 
Melun, had not seen French transitional art in an English 
building. The third, Robert Foliot (the friend of Becket), 
saw it, but as far as we know, was not architecturally 
disposed. The fourth, William de Vere, took more to my 
art. Godwin says of him, " Qui multa dicitur construx- 
isse." Leland says : "As appears by his epitaph, he 
constructed many excellent buildings ;" and his epitaph 
itself said : " Strenue rexit spatium xxx annis et multa 
edificia egregia per spatium construxit." Dean Mere- 
wether thus gives the epitaph, but he must have copied 
the number of years incorrectly, for De Vere ruled but 
fourteen years. As usual, we are not told what buildings 
these were : but, judging from style alone, we may fairly 
guess that the alteration of the east end of the cathedral 
was Jiis. It may have been by his predecessor, who died 
just after the Canterbury work was done, but we do not 
hear of him as a builder ; and De Vere reigning from 
118G (two years after the Canterbury choir was finished) 
to 1199 — ^just the time of the two greatest transitional 
works in the west, Glastonbury and St. David's — is more 
likely to have been the promoter of this work, which dis- 
plays some marked resemblances to both of those splendid 
structures. I may mention that the older abbey at Glas- 
tonbury had been burnt in 118G, the very year of De 
Vere's accession at Hereford. The few next years were 
devoted to the exquisite chapel of St, Mary, now known 
as that of St. Joseph of Arimathaea; while the last decade 
of the twelfth century saw the rise of the unequalled 
abbey church itself. The chapel is more Romanesque in 
its character than the church,, though both alike display a 
refinement of detail and workmanship, and an artistic 
sentiment impossible to be excelled. They are the 


right glorious cotemporaries of De Vere's work here at 

This work is in very fine transitional architecture, with 
a large supply of that rich semi-Norman decoration Avhich 
charactei'ises the two great works alluded to ; yet with 
other features derived from France, and with evidences, 
such as the great projection of the foliage of the capitals, 
that it is not quite early in its style. 

This great alteration consisted of the entire removal of 
the three apses, and the suhstitution of an eastern aisle, 
supplying the deficiency in the first scheme of a con- 
tinuous aisle or ambulatory round the apse, and the adding 
to this aisle eastward a range of chapels. 

I do not think that it was a part of De Vere's scheme 
to make what now take the form of eastern transepts. 
These, I think, resulted rather by accident from his plan. 
I rather imagine that an ambulatory and chapels weve 
all he thought of His scheme was some years later 
imitated on a less scale at Dore Abbey, where it takes 
the simpler form of an eastern aisle with five chapels, 
occupying only the width of the church. Here at Here- 
ford either six chapels, or one wide central one and foiu' 
narrower ones, two on either side, were aimed at ; and as 
either the central two chapels or one occupied the width 
which at Dore Aljl:»ey is given to three, it followed that 
the scheme had to be extended in width to the north and 
south, which is clearly proved on the south side both by 
the base of the corner shaft, and by the remains of a tran- 
sitional doorway at the extreme end of the ambulatory. 

Whether this scheme embraced a Ladij Chajyel cannot 
now be ascertained ; the division of the central space into 
two by columns is rather against it, while, on the other 
hand, the triple shaft on either side of the second bay, 
which by the ranging of its courses is shewn to belong to 
De Vere's work, she^vs that the central chapel or chapels 
were intended to go at least one bay eastward of the 
others. I think it probable that all the chapels gabled 
towards the east. It may be mentioned that, while the 
central bays were divided by single columns, the side 
chapels were separated by heavy piers. 

The point most open to objection in De Vere's altera- 
tions was the blocking up of the fine eastern arch of the 
VOL. XXXIV. 2 r 


presbyteiy, by which the interior was deprived of its 
culminating feature without the substitution of any thing 
in its ]olace, and the beauty of the choir was most seriously 
damaged. The re-opening of this arch is a work of our 
own age. and has done much to remedy this radical 

We have now passed through what may be gathered 
of the cathedral's history through the Norman and semi- 
Norman period, and have arrived at the opening of 
the great thirteenth century; and here we must start 
afresh with, if possible, less direct information than we 
have hitherto found, though the church is rich in noble 
work of every part of the century, but every part left to 
tell its own tale, almost without the suggestion of a date. 

I pass over, at present, the mere guess that the first 
bishop in this century, Egidius de Bruse, built the central 
tower (the predecessor of that which now exists), of this 
we have no other evidence, than that his reputed effigy 
holds the model of a tower in its hands. This certainly 
was not the tvestern tower, as some have supposed, for no 
such structure existed before the 14tli ceriturv ; and, as 
to its being the central tower, I am content to say with 
Dr. Rawlinson, " wliicli supjjosition I cannot altogether 
confide in, therefore must leave it dubious, till I am 
convinced by a more sufficient proof." 

First of all, then, comes the noble Lady Chapel, 
wholly undated, and unappropriated to any founder. 
Mr. Gordon Hills seems to suppose it to have gone on 
continuously from Vere's time to its completion. The 
aro-uments in favour of this seem to be the transitional 
details of the porch leading down into its crypt, and also 
of the arcade of intersecting arches over the exterior of the 
windows. Against these evidences we have to balance, 
firstly, the circumstance that, though the porch leading to 
the crypt has unquestionably some transitional details, the 
crypt to which it leads has none. Secondly, there is a 
well defined break in the work inside after passing the 
triple vaulting shaft above named ; for, while the courses 
of stone forming those shafts range with the courses of 
I)e Yere's work to the west, they are wholly disconnected 
from those of the Lady Chapel to the east. Thirdly, the 
mouldings and decoration of the ]'ibs of the vaulting in 


the Lady Chapel wholly dift'er from those of De Veres 
work. Fourthly, the details generally of the Lady 
Chapel are not Transitional, but are developed Early 
English, and the same may be said of the crypt below it. 
I conclude, therefore, that, though the Lady Chapel is 
somewhat early in its style, a marked interval must have 
ela})sed between the closing of De Vere's works and the 
beginning of the Lady Chapel. True it is that at Lincoln, 
Ely, St. Albans, and Winchester we find developed Early 
English work at the very beginning of the thirteenth 
century ; but, nevertheless, where we have Transitional 
work of a very pronounced character up to the very end 
of the twelfth, we can hardly believe that the style at 
the same place suddenly changed without an interval. I 
will not, however, venture to assign it to any particular 
bishop. The bowing down of the vaulting upon the side 
wall, which necessitated the arcading over the windows, 
has an early look, yet, by no means, so early as to class it 
with Transitional work. I should call this w^ork a fine 
design of the earlier period of Early English, though the 
details of the crypt seem too late even for this. 

The next work I will call attention to is the clerestory 
of the presbytery. This is a specimen of very advanced 
Early English, the windows of which have what Professor 
Willis ha,s named "plate tracery." It is not improbable 
that the original clerestory and vaulting had become 
damaged by the setlement of the tower ; for one can 
hardly otherwise account for their having put themselves 
to the expense and inconvenience of reconstructing so 
important a part of the building. This raises the 
question, whether the central tower had been erected 
(or at least above the roof-line of the church) by Norman 
builders, or whether, as has been supposed, it was first 
built by Giles de Bruse, the first bishop in the thirteenth 
century ; a question to wdiich I shall have by-and-by to 

The style and details of this clerestory are peculiarly 
elegant. Curiously enough, its architect did not lose 
sight of the design of the Lady Chapel. His overhanging 
cornice is a beautiful translation of that of the Lady 
Chapel into a more advanced phase of the style, and the 
interyectiug arcade of the upper part of the walls of the 


older work — the result there of construction— is imitated 
by arcading of another design in the presbytery without 
any such necessity — merely, as it would appear, because 
they liked the look of it. On the whole, this work is a 
perfect specimen of the later form of Early English. 
Would that we had the smallest clue to its date or its 
promoter ! It may have dated about 1240 to 1250. 

Wo now arrive at a yet more marked era, in tlie archi- 
tecture of our cathedral. The pointed style made its 
debut here in the transitional work of De Vere — transi- 
tional from the Ilomanesque or Norman. We now reach 
a second transition — that from Early English to Deco- 
rated, or from first to middle Pointed. The windows 
of the Lady Cliapel are strictly lancet-shaped ; those 
of the clerestory of the presbytery have plate tracery ; 
but those of the part to which we now come, — the 
north transept,— have bar tracery, that is to say, tracery 
pierced in all its little spandrils and corners, so as 
not to look like a flat surface, perforated by ornamental 
openings, but rather like an ornamental pattern, produced 
by bending about the muUion or stone bar, so as to 
produce the pattern required. This invention was the 
Magna Charta of Gothic architecture, setting it free from 
all the trammels of its earlier years. This development 
had begun earlier in France than in England. We see it 
strongly suggesting itself in the later parts of Salisbury, 
about 1240 ; but it seems to have been first systematically 
adopted in this country — as the rule — in Westminster 
Abbey, begun in 1245, while we have in the Chapter- 
house at Westminster, which we know to have been 
finished in 1253, large four-light windows with perfected 

The north transept here is throughout of this type. 
It does not look so early as the Westminster Abbey work 
in all respects ; but that, having been a royal foundation, 
is likelij to have taken the precedence of others in the 
march of development. Lincoln cathedral is perhaps the 
most parallel case, where the eastern limb was added in 
this style, between 12G0 and 1280. The nave at Lichfield 
and that at Newstead are equally parallel to it, but I do 
not know their dates. The history of the see at about 


this period is remarkable, and throws more perplexity 
perhaps than light upon the orioin of this great work. 

It was held from 1240 to 1268 by Peter de Aqua- 
blanca, a very turbulent foreigner, who came over in the 
train of William de Valence, half-brother of Henry III, 
of whose escapades we read so much in Mathew Paris,, 
who, indeed, is equally uncomplimentary to our bishop. 
Aquablanca was a favourite of the king, but hated by the 
clergy. He was absent from England from 1250 to 1258 in 
the Holy Land and elsewhere. In 1264 the king, passing- 
through Hereford, found there neither bishop nor clergy, 
and the church in a ruinous state; and was thereat so sorely 
enraged that, forgetting his former favouritism, he severely 
re2:)rimanded the bishop by letter, threatening that, if he 
did not quickly return and mend his manners he would 
take the temporalities into his own hands, Aquablanca 
thereupon returned, but only to be taken prisoner and 
robbed of his wealth by the insurgent barons, who im- 
prisoned him in the castle at Ordelay. He died in 1268 
of a terrible complication of diseases, of which one was 

The great difticulty, if Aquablanca built this beautiful 
transept, is to imagine how he came to have either the m ill 
or the way ; either inclination or time for such a work. The 
interval between his accession in 1240 and his absence in 
1250 seems too early for its architecture. It would better 
suit the presbytery clerestory. He could not have built 
it, one would think, during his absence in the Holy Land, 
while only six years intervened between his return and 
the king's reprimand for leaving his cathedral in a ruinous 
condition, which seems inconsistent with the fact of so 
noble a work being in hand. Nor can we suppose he had 
time or money for it after being seized by the barons. 
Yet, that he had a hand in it is certain; His exquisite 
tomb — which we may be sure that no one would erect to 
such a man but himself — bears so close a resemblance to 
the architecture which overshadows it as to leave no 
doubt that they are by the same hand ; indeed, I can 
point out details of the transept and the tomb which are 
identical, except in scale. 

Need we, however, always suppose the bishops to be 
the originators of every work ? Surely the deans and 


chapters had a hand in many, and we know that in 
secular cathedrals the greater and lesser chapters were 
often severely taxed for the works in their cathedrals. 

Now, we have clear proof that the central tower 
(whoever built it) had been giving way and crushing this 
transept ; and it requires no stretch of fancy to think 
that the Chapter, though deserted by their Bishop, would 
set about the remedying of tliis serious danger. Perhaps 
the Bishop aided the funds, for we have no record, I 
think, that he was parsimonious, and he would naturally 
be stirred up by the royal reprimand ; anyhow, he built 
his own monument in connection with the new work. 
Perhaps in 1264 it had fallen into neglect through the 
civil war, or perhaps was only then begun. The building 
itself shows evidence that it was not completed at one 
effort ; for the lower stage of the buttress adjoining the 
nave was pushed severely out of the perpendicular by the 
continued subsidence of the tower, while its upper parts 
were built and remain vertical ; and at the same level we 
find, in the north-eastern buttresses, a decided change of 
design ; the lower stage having the bases of intended 
shafts, which were not carried out above. I shall shew 
also later on that the upper finish of these buttresses is 
twenty years later in date. 

I conclude therefore that the lower part of the transept 
was carried out — probably by the Chapter — in Aqua- 
blanca's time, but that its continuation and completion 
were during the three succeeding episcopates, extending, 
probably, to about 1288. 

The great faults of this design are the remarkable 
straight-sided form of the arches and the thinness of the 
details of the triforium, but, with these exceptions, it is 
an exquisite architectural design, deserving to be classed 
on equal terms with those I have enumerated. I mean 
Westminster, the "Angel Choir" at Lincoln, and the naves 
of Lichfield and Newstead ; nor is Aquablanca's tomb 
surjDassed by any of its period. He and his master William 
de Valence, however careless their lives, took care that 
their bodies should be sumptuously housed when dead. 
I may mention that we find work of [)recisely the same 
architcctiu'e in parts of Ledl^iuy Chiu'ch. We now arrive 
at another period in the history Ijotli of the sec and the 


Aqiiahlanca's successor, De Breton, was a man of clia- 
ractei' and ability, and though we hear nothing of him 
respecting the building, there can be no doubt that 
during the six years of his rule the north transept 
was proceeding towards completion. His successor, 
Thomas de Cantilupe, was a man of great family, 
great political jDosition, and great piety. He was 
Chancellor of Oxford, and Lord Chancellor of England. 
We do not know of any architectural works in which, 
during the seven years of his episcopate, he was specially 
interested ; but I think the transept was still in hand, as 
I find the marks of his successor's hand on its topmost 
stones. Cantilupe produced, however, greater impres- 
sion on his cathedral after death than during^ his life ; for 
dying in Italy in 1282, he was at once pronounced by his 
chaplain and secretary, Richard de Swinfield, who suc- 
ceeded him, to be a saint, though the Popes hesitated 
another thirty years in formally assenting to it. Swin- 
field, after interring his flesh in Italy, brought his heart 
and his bones back to England ; the former was deposited 
in the church of the college of Bonnes-hommes at Ashridge, 
in Buckinghamshire, and the latter in the Lady Chapel 
at Hereford. Some five years later the bones were en- 
shrined and translated to the chapel of St. John the 
Baptist, in the aisle of the new north transept ; partly, I 
dare say, built by himself, but not till then completed. 
The shrine, some sixty years later, was removed into the 
Lady Chapel. The document which records its trans- 
lation also states that where it was, it interfered with the 
fabric of the church. I have not seen the ijmssima verba, 
and am not able to judge how it so interfered ; but, in 
the absence of explanatioii, I fancy that the concourse of 
pilgrims in the centre of the church produced inconve- 
nience, possibly through some repairs going on owino- to 
the pressure of the tower. It remained there apparently 
till the sixteenth century, when it was brought back to 
its old place. Leland saw it in the Lady Chapel in 
Henry VIII's time, but Godwin saw it where it is in 
Queen Elizabeth's time. 

It has ever since been undoubtedly acknowledged as 
the substmcture of the shrine of Cantilupe, or St. Thomas 
of Hereford, till quite recently, when a doubt luis by a 


high authority, yet as I venture to think without sufficient 
grounds, been thrown upon it. The objections to it are, I 
think, the following : — First, it seems strange that, having 
first been erected in St. John's Chapel, and afterwards 
translated to the Lady Chapel, it should, when despoiled of 
its relics and its treasures, find its way back after two cen- 
turies to its old place. Secondly, its eastern end is plain, 
whereas in the Lady Chapel it would be exposed to view 
all round. Third, the paucity of ecclesiastical and the 
abundance of military emblems displayed in the work ; 
for what, it is said, have the fourteen figures of knights 
which surround the lower stage of the monument to do 
with a bishop or a saint ? It has consequently been 
suggested that it may be the substructure of St. Ethel- 
bert's shrine. 

I do not, however, think that these objections have 
much force as against the unbroken tradition of its 
belonging to the Cantilupe shrine. That tradition has — 

First, the advantage of possession, which forms, to start 
with, "nine points in the law." 

Secondly, there is the fact that on the marble slab round 
which f he whole is constructed, and to which it is accu- 
rately fitted, is the matrix of the brass effigy, or at least 
the bust, of a bishop, and that slab is semee with the two 
cognizances of Cantilupe, the leopard's head, and the fleur- 
de-lis ; the latter, it is true, not issuing from the mouth 
of the former, but separate, a liberty which, I dare say, 
an antiquarian herald would condone. 

Thirdly, the plainness of the east end would naturally 
result from the monument having been first prepared for 
the place it occupies (or nearly so), not for its subsequent 
position in the Lady Chapel. 

Fourthly, it is objected that we ought to find some work 
agreeing with the period (1350) of its translation to the 
Lady Chapel ; but, curiously enough, such is the case, for the 
two arches of the iq^per range at the head differ in 
character from all the others in belonging to the later 
Decorated style. The original arches were probably 
broken by some accident during the removal, for we 
found in the floor near the monument a broken fragment 
of two original arches, which is now fixed for preservation 
against the foot. 


Finally, tlie objection to the military figures vanishes 
instantly, Ijefore the explanation given by Mr. King in 
his history of the cathedral — that they represent knights 
templars, of whose order Cantilupe was provincial grand 

We may, therefore, safely rest satisfied in the old 
tradition, that this is the hond fide substructure of the 
shrine of St. Thomas of Hereford, which was first set up 
by Bishop Swinfield in this place in 1288; afterwards 
translated by Bishop Trelick in 1350 to the Lady Chapel, 
and finally, removed to its old place, after having been 
deprived of the precious shrine it supported, and of the 
relics which that shrine contained. 

But how, it may be asked, did they know its old place 
after its absence of two centuries ? I would reply that 
Leland knew of this old position not long before its 
return to it, and that Dingley, in the seventeenth centur}^ 
and Stukely, in the eighteenth, tell us of a painting in 
fresco of Cantilupe on the wall, at the foot of the monu- 
ment, which would have remained all the time as a 
witness of tlie old position. 

From its removal to this position, until Dean Mere- 
wether's time, was another interval of three centuries ; 
yet, when he cleared away the Hbrary from the Lady 
Chapel, about 1842, he found in the floor the mark of 
Cantilupe's shrine. It consisted of a curl) of stone level 
with the floor, fitted on its inner side to the shape of 
the shrine, and on its outer side, sunk or rebated to 
receive the encaustic tiles of the pavement. Many of 
these tiles remained cemented to the stone frame, and 
were deeply worn ])y the feet and knees of pilgrims. 
The dean had them removed and placed near the shrine 
in the north transept, from which position they were, in 
1857, transferred for safe custody by Mr. Havergal to 
the present library, where these interesting relics may 
still be seen. 

I will not attempt to describe the architecture of the 
shrine, as it may be itself inspected, but I will . mention 
two or three circumstances about it : — First, it is quite 
in the style suited to its reputed date of 1287 or 
1288. Secondly, it is hond fide the support of a precious 
shrine, to receive which, its upper surface is sunk about 
vol,. XXXIV. 2 X 


one and a half inch, and in the corners of this sinking are 
still the irons by which that shrine was fixed. Thirdly, its 
details are so peculiar that a like piece of work by the 
same man may be readily recognized. 

This brings us to the next architectural question : 
What other works did Bishop Swinfield carry out during 
the three and thirty years of his episcopate ? I think I 
can detect some, at least, of his works. I have already 
stated that he finished the top of the buttresses of the 
great north transept. This is proved by their peculiar 
gabling, similar to that to the stair turret of the north 
porch, which I shall presently shew to be his. 

There is, leading from the north porch into the i^ave, a 
doorway of remarkable design, especially as to the cusping 
of its arch. Of what age is that doorway ? It (w^th the 
outer doorway of the same porch) contains both the con- 
ventional foliage of the Early English period and the 
crisp natural foliage of the Early Decorated, so admirably 
exemplified in Cantilupe's shrhie. This affords a primd 
facie suggestion of its being by the same hand ; but it 
does not exhibit the studding which characterises the 
mouldings of the shrine, suggesting their inlaying with 

Now, at a church some fifteen or sixteen miles away, 
that at Grosmont, is a beautiful piscina, whose mouldings 
are studded or gemmed like those of the shrine, while its 
arch is decorated with cusping closely resembling that of 
the ]3orch doorway. The one shews it, as I think, to be 
])y tlie same hand with the shrine, the other to be by the 
same hand with the doorway; ergo, the doorway was by 
the same hand with the shrine. 

Again, the coursing of the stone-work shows the porch 
and the entire aisle (so far as the original work remains) 
to be one and the same work ; in confirmation of which 
we find the little capitals in the windows, both within 
and without, to have the same union of Early English 
and crisp Early Decorated foliage. It follows that the 
porch and the whole north aisle of the nave were built by 
Swinfield, and that in his earlier years, about J 288-90, 
when he constructed the shrine. 

Again, the south aisle, though less ornate, is clearly 
of the same age or thereabouts ; consequently Swin- 

1 Z 3 1- S 6 

Doorway of North Porch. 

Piscina at Grosmont. 



field rebuilt both tlie aisles of the nave. The north 
aisle does not course with the north transept, yet 
its base mould imitates it, though on another level. 
ProT)ably the Norman aisles had given way, but Swin- 
fieldhad another object in view. The old aisles were low, 
as we see by the w^eathering of the older roof against 
the side of the north transept. The new aisles were made 
so lofty as almost to include the triforium, as is shown in 
Hearne's view of the nave when in ruins after the fall of 
the west tower. 

Did Swinfield, however, stoj:) here ] I think not ; for, 
though later in the style, the aisles of the presbytery are 
in the main a carrying on of the design of those of the 
nave, and the same may be said of the north- east transe]»t. 
I should therefore call the style of the nave aisles " Eaiiy 
Sndnfield," and that of the presbytery aisles and the 
north -east transept " Late Swinfield," the latter term 
applying to the vaulting of the whole ; for the foliage in 
the corbels of that to the nave aisles is not of the crisp 
kind of the earlier, but the softer type of the later variety 
of the style. 

In the north-east transept is the monument which 
Swinfield, no doubt in his later days, erected to himself 
In it we first find a profusion of the ball flower ; and the 
foliage which ornaments the surface within the arch is of 
the softened form of his later style. 

It is not improbable that we owe to him also that 
series of recessed monuments and effigies, by which so 
many of his j)i'edecessors are commemoi'ated, in the walls 
of the presbytery aisles, though some of the effigies may 
be of later date, especially those wliich are not placed in 
these wall recesses. 

This brmgs us down to the period of his death m 131G, 
with, however, the reservation of the question whether 
or not he had a hand in the rebuilding of the central 
tower, which Professor Willis seems to have thought. 

Swinfield's successor w^as Adam de Orleton, who 
held the see from 1317 to 1327, when he was trans- 
lated to Worcester and subsequently to Winchester. 
Two years after his accession, that is to say in 1319, 
one of the most remarkable circumstances in the whole 
architectural history of this church occurred. The Dean 


and Cliapter, backed by the sanction of the Bishop of 
SaUsbuiy {the reason of which will immediately appear) 
petitioned the Pope to sanction the appropriation to the 
fabric of the chiu'ch of the tithes of the parishes of 
Shinfield and Swallowfield in the County of Berks and 
Diocese of Salisbury, on the following grounds. — " That 
they (the Dean and Chapter) in past times, wishing to 
restore the fabric of the Church of Hereford, upon an 
ancient foundation, which, according to the judgment of 
masons or architects, who were reputed to be expert in 
their art, was thought firm and solid, had caused to be 
built many superstructures in sumptuous work, to the 
honour of the house of God, on the construction of which 
they had expended twenty thousand marks sterling, and 
more ; and that owing to the weakness of the aforesaid 
foundation, that which had been built upon it now 
threatened ruin so severely that, according to similar 
judgment, there was no remedy to be had, unless the 
said fabric of the church were to be totally renewed. On 
account of which, and the expenses caused by the prose- 
cution of the canonization of Thomas de Cantilupe of good 
memory. Bishop of Hereford, they were oppressed with 
various burdens of debt." The Pope in a bull dated the 
following year, 1320, grants their request, accompanying 
it with the assurance of a s^^ecial devotion to "the blessed 
Thomas the Confessor, whose venerable relics the church 
contained," and whose canonization he had so tardily 
gi'anted only in the same year, the thirty- eighth from 
his decease. 

Now, this opens many and very complicated questions. 

First, what Avere the buildings which had thus been 
erected on ancient foundations? Not the eastern chapels, 
for they were built on new foundations. Not the new 
aisles, for they had not given way. I can only conceive 
of its being the tower and the north transept, though, 
it is true, they may have casually thrown in other 
parts not exactly tallying with the premises, as a make- 
weight, just as they clearly exaggerated the circumstances 
in other respects, or we should now have no remains 
anterior to the bull of 1320. 

Second, what was done with the fimds thus obtained ? 

Third, was the existing tower built previously and 


caused the failure, or was it rebuilt in consequence of 
that failure ? 

Fourth, had the Norman builders erected a tower ? 
and, if not, had one been subsequently built, and by 
whom ? 

I will begin with the last questions. 

There can be no doubt, from Professor Willis's descrip- 
tion, that a tower had existed before the present one, for 
its weight had hent doivn the courses of stonework in the 
old parts below, which bending has been corrected in the 
later superstructure. This tower could hardly have been 
Norman, or it would not have been said to have been 
erected on ancient foundations ; nor could it be the 
present tower, for that did not probably fail seriously till 
long subsequently. It was therefore of intermediate age. 
It was older than the north transejDt, for it had pressed 
hard upon that before it was raised to half its height. 
It ma,y or may not have been older than the rebuildmg of 
the clerestory of the presbytery. Its having bent that 
clerestory down by half a foot at least, looks at first siglit 
as if the tower was of subsequent date ; but, on the other 
hand, I can hardly think that the clerestory would have 
been rebuilt at all had the older one not have been 
ruined by the subsidence of the tower. I am, therefore, 
inclined to place it earlier, and this gives a colourable 
ground for the idea that it may have been built by De 
Bruse, whose later e^^j holds in its hand what appears 
to be the model of a tower. 

The architecture of the present tower is of a type common 
in the district. It seems intermediate between Early and 
Late Decorated, and is surcharged with baU-flowers. In 
this it agrees well enough with Swinfield's monument. 
It also agrees with the architecture of the south aisle at 
Leominster, to whose date I find no clue, and with a 
north chapel at Ledbury, built in honour of St. Catherine 
Audley, Avho lived there as an anchoress in the days of 
Edward II. 

It further agrees in style with the south aisle at 
Gloucester cathedral, built by Abbot Tliokey about 1318. 
It looks, however, just a shade later than this, so I con- 
clude that it was set about as soon as they began to 
receive the funds granted them in the bull of 1320 ; and 


this is confirmed by the circumstance that the piers were 
strengthened, and at least one adjoining arch of the nave 
altered for greater strength, in a style agreeing with that 
of the tower. There is no old material to be detected in 
the renewed superstructure, all having been built of new 
blockstone, to give strength to its studiously light con- 
struction. It was, I dare say, a work occupying some 
years, but I cannot quite agree with Mr, Hills in prolonging 
it to far beyond the middle of the century. Possibly the 
outlay he founded this conjecture upon may relate to 
the western tower, which was — likely enough — a subse- 
quent imita,tion, probably for the reception of the bells. 

The tower is of singularly l^eautiful design throughout. 
It has some features precisely like those in St. Catherine's 
Chapel at Ledbury, and some exactly like some in the 
south aisle at Leominster, and in the north aisle at 
Ludlow ; so, if we knew their elates, we could get at a 
fair clue to that of our tower. It is also much like parts 
of some other churches in the district, especially at 
Weobley and at Badgworth in Gloucestershire.' 

Mr. Gordon Hills tells us that on the 14th of April, 
132.5, Bishop Orleton consecrated three altars in the 
church at Weobley, and that certain parts of this church 
have every appearance of having been rebuilt at that 
time ; " and that the nave arcade is decorated with ball 
flowers placed in a hollow moulding on the arch precisely 
as in the tombs at the base of the work of Orleton's time 
in the cathedral." This is confirmatory of the supposition 
that the tower (which is full of ball flower) was begun at 
once after obtaining the bull in question, but rather 
against Mr. Hills' idea that it was still going on some 
forty years later. 

Mr. Gordon Hills, however, jjroduces a piece of evidence 
pointing the other way in the bequest of Bishop Charlton, 
who held the see from 1362 to 13G9, to the fabric of the 
belfry of St. Mary's Church at Oxford, which in its upper 
parts is also replete with the ball flower. Now, Charlton's 
toml) is nearly Perpendicular in style ; and I confess that 
it seems to me quite at variance with our evidences of the 

1 It also bears some I'eseniLlance to the there has recently been pro\'ed to be a 
iijiper stage of the south-western tower subsequent imitation, 
at Liehlield. The north-western tower 


progress of the Decorated style to carry a work of such 
early character on to the extreme verge of the duration oi 
the style. There are at Westminster, York, and at 
Gloucester, as early as the time of this bishop, works in 
purely Perpendicular style, and when we come to think of 
the advanced Decorated of the Eleanor crosses in the last 
decade of the previous century ; of the Lady Chapel at 
Chichester about 1308 ; of Prior Eastry's screens at 
Canterbuiy, 1304 {in wdiich the lines of tracery are the 
same as in this tower) ; and of the Lady Chapel at St. 
Albans, in which we have flowing tracery filled with ball 
flowers before 1326, I cannot conceive that our tower 
work, which is so early in its appearance that Professor 
Willis places it quite early in the century, could have so 
lagged behind as to linger on till close upon its third 
quarter. Mr. Parker (whose absence, and yet more its 
cause, we all so deeply regret), thinks that the ball flower 
work in St. Mary's steeple was the work of Adam de 
Brom, the first provost of Oriel, who died in 1332 ; so 
that I feel convinced that it was not to that part of the 
campanile that Charlton's bequest of forty shillings (which 
he says he had promised) was devoted. The spire niay 
have remained unfinished or been, as so often was the 
case, injured l)y lightning, and our Bishop may have pro- 
mised a subscription. 

The beautiful stall-work was of the late period of the 
Decorated style. It is of great delicacy and originality of 
design, and finely executed. The throne seems somewJiat 
later, but is a very fine work. 

We are now getting towards the end of the more 
interesting parts of the Cathedral history. The transfor- 
mation of the south-eastern cliapels into a transept was 
probably late in the foiu'teenth century, when the style 
had much deteriorated. Oddly enough, earlier windows 
were initiated ; not those in tlie Cathedral, but perh.nps 
those in St. Catherine's Chapel at Ledbury, though with 
a sad fallinof' ofl" in merit. 

Not long after the same time the lieautiful C-hapter- 
house and its vestibule were erected, in whicli a p-re;it 
revival in artistic taste is evinced. It was built before 
1375, because it contained in its vestibule, as Mr. Hills 
tells us, a monument of that date. The series of monu- 


ments about this time is interesting, as shewing the 
gradual passing off from the Decorated to the Perpen- 
dicular style. I the elucidation of these, however, 
to my friend Mr. Havergal, to whom we owe so very 
much for the careful identification and replacing in their 
proper positions of such as had been removed about 1841, 
owing to the repairs of the tower and presbytery by 
Mr. Cottingham. 

Bishop Travenant's monument may be mentioned as 
the earliest purely Perpendicular work in the cathedral, 
and because its erection was accompanied by the rebuilding 
of the south wall of the south transept. He died in 1404. 
Possibly he also vaulted this transept and the crossing. 
Sometime before 1438 William Lockard, the Precentor, 
introduced a large Perpendicular window in the west end. 
Bishop Spofford, 1421-48, is said to have expended 2800 
marks on the buildings of his cathedral. 

Towards 1474 Bishop Stanbury erected his beautiful 
chapel adjoining the north presbytery aisle. His monu- 
ment is not in, but opposite it. The monument and its 
effigy are very fine works indeed. His chapel contains 
the effigy of Bishop Ptichard de Capella, whose monument, 
formerly in the aisle, had been displaced by the erection 
of this chapel. About 1500 Bishop Audley erected his 
chapel hard by the shrine of St. Thomas (Cantilupe) on 
the south side of the Lady Chapel. About 1520 Bishop 
Booth made a very beautiful addition to the north porch, 
with a chamber over it for the bishop's archives. 

The later works to be recorded are rather works of 
deterioration than of improvement. Bishop Bisse early 
in the last century clothed the east end internally with 
work, of which, judging from the prints of it, even the 
Anti-Bestoration Society can scarcely regret the loss ; 
and, possibly a])out the same time, some futile attempts 
were made to remedy the failure of the central tower ; 
works most successful in imparting hideousness to it, but 
utter failures as concerns strength. 

Towards the close of the last century the western 
tower (an addition of the fourteenth century) shewed 
unmistakable symptons of impending failure. More than 
one architect was consulted, and the worst advice accepted. 
On Easter Monday in 1780 it fell, bringing ruin upon 


the adjoiiiino' parts of tlie nave. Its state after tliis 
catastrophe may 1)6 judged of by Heavne's view in liie 
Antiquities of (rreat Britain, reproduced hy Britton. 
James Wyatt was called in, and to him we owe the 
present western facade, probably the dullest piece of work 
to be found in any English cathedral, excepting perhaps 
the southern transept front at Chester, He shortened 
the nave by one bay ; and, strange to say, took down the 
fine triforium and clerestory which remained to the bays 
which had escaped, and substituted for them a wretched 
design of his own, having no connection with any work 
in the cathedral. 

In 1840 serious symptoms of failure were observed 
in and about the central tower, so that public meetings 
were held and definite steps taken. For a scientific 
descrif)tion of these evidences of failure, I refer to 
Professor Willis' statement of 1841. Mr. Cottinofham 
elaborately reconstructed the failing piers with (in 
great measure) the j^jresbytery, and also the east end 
of the Lady Chapel externally, as well as repairing the 
work of De Vere behind the altar. At that time also the 
nave arcades were dealt with, and the very unsuccessful 
decoration applied to the vaulting of the nave and its 
aisles. Of the work since that time I will say nothing, 
but that I am myself responsible for it. 

Having thus, hurriedly and with scanty materials, given 
an outline of the probable architectural history of the 
building, I will only add in recapitulation that few of our 
cathedrals contain a more perfect series of specimens of 
the different styles of English architecture. We have 
Norman — not in its earliest, but in its more perfected 
phase. We have the Transitional style in De Vere's work 
behind the altar, in the vestibule to the Lady Chapel. 
We have Early English in its earlier phase in the Lady 
Chapel, and its later phase in the clerestory to the 
presbytery. We have a noljle specimen of that st^de in 
which perfected tracery is added to otherwise Early 
English work in the north transept and in Aquablanca's 
tomb; we have developed Early Decorated in the Cantihipe 
shrine, and the nave aisles ; Decorated of one step later in 
the choir aisles, and another step later in the centre 
tower, and later yet in some minor features ; we have 

vol.. XXXIV. 

■J Y 


Early Perpendicular in the south wall of the south 
transept, later, in Stanbury's Chapel, later again, in the 
Audley Chapel, and later than all, yet still excellent, in 
Booth's porch.' So, were it not for the fall of the west 
tower and the consequent spoiling of the nave, few 
cathedrals woidd offer a wider field for study, as I hope 
will be found, when its work is examined on the spot. 

Mr. Gordon Hills is of opinion that the high altar was 
not placed in the eastern bay of the presbytery, but that 
this bay was cut off by a screen, as at Westminster and 
St. Alban's, as a place for the shrine of St. Ethelbert. 
I am not able to form an opinion on this subject, but feel 
a difficulty in receiving it from the fact that, if such were 
the case, the approaches from the north and south to such 
chapel are shut off by the introduction of Stanbury's 
moiuunent on the north and Bishop Matthews' on the 
south, leaving it to be approached only by the two doors 
in the altar screen, which seem suited only to the use of 
the cler-gy. 

I will here mention tliat in the arrangement which 
existed till the repairs undertaken by Mr. Cottingham in 
1841, the stalls were placed beneath the central tower, 
the eastern limb of the cross being the presbytery. I 
confess myself responsible for this change. No trace of 
the old arrangement remained when the work was en- 
trusted to me, and for fifteen years the stalls had been 
stowed away in the crypt. At that time great stress was 
laid by ecclesiastical writers upon fitting tlie arrange- 
ments of our cathedrals to modern necessities, and at 
the same ti/ne to true church arrangement, making their 
choirs purely ecclesiastical, and opening out their naves to 
the uses of the congregation. 1 w^as strongly carried 
away with this theory, and on again fitting u]) the choir 
I limited it to the eastern limb, introducing an open 
instead of a close screen. I am not sure that I should do 
so were my time to come over again, but I do believe that 
the uses of the cathedral have gained by it. 

[This paper wus revised and corrected l>y its dif^tingviishcd aullidr a fortnight before 
h'lH himented death.] 

' The date of the cloisters is uncertain. Some of their details resemV)le those of 
Stanbiny'.s Cliapel, 



Situated in Silurian territory, Herefordsliire was, no 
doul)t, the scene of some of the leading events in the 
campaigns of Ostorius and Julius Frontinus. Whether 
the defeat and capture of Caractacus took place in this 
county, in Shropshire, or elsewhere, I do not however 
intend to enter into, but simply collate the information 
we possess of discoveries made, and of traces existing, of 
the lloman period, with the deductions that can with 
certainty (and without theorising) be made from the same. 

Leaving for the moment the Roman roads, (which will 
be considered immediately), we find that at the time of 
the compilation of the Antonine Itinerary, a.d. 138-144 
(ArcJueological Journal, vol. xxviii, pp. 112413), there 
were three stations, named Magna, Ariconium, and 
Bravinium, which can, beyond doubt, now be proved to 
have existed in this county ; whilst there are, in all 
probal^ility, the sites of two or three others, named by 
liavennas, existing within the same limits, stations o\' 
minor importance, and whicli possibly were not built until 
some time after the date of the Itinerarii. 

The first and last named of these three stations were 
on the Roman road from Urkon'aun (Wroxeter) to Tsca 
Siliu'iciii (Caerleon), and occur only in the twelfth Iter of 
Antonine, in which, at a distance of twenty-seven miles 
from Wroxeter, is placed a station, named in some MS. 
copies of the work Braviriium, and in others Bravonium. 
Until very recently the general opinion of antiquaries was, 
that a square camp on the line of the above road, about a 
mile south of Leintwardine, and whicli went by tlie name 
of " Brandon CamjD " was the site of this station. This 
camp, which contains from six to eight acres of ground, is 
on a slight elevation, rising from the middle of a plain, 
and has a rampart Avhicli on the south side is cigiitecn to 


twenty feet liigli, and on the eastern side is also very 
perfect. Tlie northern i-ninpart is much shattered, ^^'hilst 
on the w^est it appears never to have been of any great 
elevation, o^ving to the nature of the ground, the hill 
rising very precipitously on this Kside. The vallum in 
some places seems composed of earth, in others of loose 
stones. The only entrance is on the nndclle of the east 
side, and is very perfect. It closely overlooks the Roman 
road, which is a short distance to the east. At present 
there appears to be no vestige of a trench round it. 

But though this camp occurred very conveniently on 
the line from Wroxeter to Caerleon, at a proper distance, 
it was puzzling to antiquaries, that no Koman traces 
had been found there — not even a coin — whilst its surface 
presented, even when under tillage, none of the usual 
signs of a Koman station, in fragments of tiles, pottery, 
&c. The key to the solution of the site of this station 
would, however, appear to have been originally given by 
the Rev. J. Pointer in his Britannia Romana, published 
at Oxford in 1724, in which, when treating of thePvoman 
camps in the various counties of England, he says at 
]). 54, " Ilcrvfordshu'c — in Dindar parish, near Hereford, 
is a cain}) called Oyster Hill. Another at Lanterdin, be- 
tween this county and Shropshire. Another at Ledbury." 

This camp at Layiterdin or Leintwardine appears to 
have been completely overlooked, but in 1874 the truth 
was divulged. Mr. Banks, of Kington, in a letter to the 
A)'ch(PoJogia Camhrensis (April, 1874, p. 1G3), after 
sjjeaking of the position of Leintwardine at the junction 
of the Clun and Teme rivers, says, — " From the junction 
of the livers a strong and high entrenchment runs on the 
Avest of the village in a northerly direction for about 380 
yards ; its present height above the ground level outside 
the enclosure is about eight or nine feet, and its width 
twenty yards ; the fosse has been filled up, the inner 
])art of the entrenchment is gradually sloped off to the 
gronnd level, and the outward face is steep. Alterations 
of tlie ground make iz now impossible to trace the form 
of the vallum, and account for its unusual width. An- 
othei' old (Mitrenchment nuis from the river Teme which 
loniis the scnithern boundary of the enclosure, northward, 
lor llie same distance, loaviiig a space within about 208 


yards M'ide. Within this area most of the ol3servations 
have been made. Wlieiievev graves have heen dug in 
the churchyard to the de[)th of eight feet, two layers of 
ashes aiid charcoal intermixed with tiles, broken pottery, 
bronze articles and coins, have been passed through, the 
uppermost layer at a depth of six feet, and the lower one 
about a foot or eighteen inches beneath. A few years 
since, on the restoration of the church, a drain was cut 
tln^ough the eastern entrenchment, but no trace of the 
ashy layers was found without the enclosure. The re- 
mains from time to time found were generally thro^^'n 
away as rubbish, or dispersed, until Mr. Evans (the 
churchwarden) commenced his observations. Among tlie 
articles which he has stored away are half of a circular 
stone hanclmill or quern, pierced with a hole ; the upper 
part of an earthenware pounding mill, with a lip or rim; 
fragments of Roman pottery, a bronze ring, and a third 
brass of Constantino the Great, with a square altar on the 
reverse. At the north-east corner of the enclosure some 
grains of wheat in a charred state were found at the 
depth of a few feet in excavating the foundations of a 
cottage, and on the south-west fragments of thick brown 
pottery, apparently roof tiles, were turned up. There 
can, therefore, be no doubt that this was a Roman station, 
occupied for a considerable period. I think, therefore, 
we have now sufficient data to say it is the site of 
Bravinium, which appears in the twelfth Iter of Anto- 
ninus to have been situated midway between Magna 
(Kenchester) and Uriconium." Mr. Banks was appa- 
I'ently unaware of the Rev. J. Pointer's observation as to 
the fact of a Roman camp existing at Leintwardine, but 
I fully concur in his decision as to its being the site of 

The camp at Brandon would seem to have been either 
a tempoi'aiy camp erected Avhilst that at Bravinivm was 
constructed, or a summer camp to the latter station. 
Either of these hypotheses will account for the absence of 
Roman remains within it.. At a further distance of 
twenty-four Roman miles the Itinerarij 2)laces a station 
of the name of Magna, and accordingly at a corresponding 
distance, we have at Kenchester grand and undoubted 
remains of a large castriim, which has been known and 


noticed aiiice tlic days of Henry VIII, wlien Lelaiid, iji 
his Itinerayij, says of it — " Kencliester standetli a three 
mile or more above Hereford, upward, on the same side of 
tlie river that Hereford doth, yet it is ahnost a mile from 
the ripe of the Wye. The towne is far more ancient than 
Hereford, and was celel)rated in the Roman's time as 
appearethe by many things, and especially by antique 
money of the Ca3S?trs, very often found within the towne, 
and in ploughing about, the whiche people there call 
Dwarfe's money. The cumpace of Kencliester has been 
by estimation as much as Hereford, excepting the Castle. 
The whiche at Hereford is very spacious. Pieces of the 
wall yet i\.Y*]yeiiv i^rope fundamenta, and more should have 
appeared if the people of Hereford Towne and other 
thereabout had not in time past pulled down much, and 
picked out of the best for their buildings." — Hearne's 
Leland, vol. v, p. GG. 

Camden and Stukeley also notice at considerable length 
this station, which they very erroneously call Ariconiurn. 
The great antiquary, Horsley, in his Britcfimia Romana, 
published in 1732, was the first to give it its proper 
name, Magna. The cast rum is situated about five miles 
W.N.W. from Hereford ; its form, as first described by 
Dr. Stukeley, is an irregular hexagon. Until about sixty 
years ago, it appears to have been a waste covered with 
dehris of Imildings, &c. Leland saw it in this state, for 
in addition to what I have already quoted, he adds in his 
Itinerary : — " By likelihood men of old time went from 
Kencliester to Hay, and so to Breknok and Cairmardin. 
The ]3lace wlier the towne was is all overgrown with 
brambles, hazels, and like shrubs. Nevertheless, here 
and there yet appear ruins of buildings, of the whiche the 
foolish people caidl on (one) the King of Fey res Cliayre. 
Ther hath been found nostra memoria ktteres Britannici 
et ex eisdem canales aquae ductus tesselata ixtvinienta 
fragmentum catenidae aureae calcar ex argento, byside 
other straunge things." Dr. Stukeley also saw this 
"Chair" on the 0th of September, 1721, and has 
engraved it in his Itinerarium Curiosum, p. 66, pi. Ixxxv. 
It was again engraved at the commencement of the 
])resont century for Bi'ittoii and l^raylcy's Beauties of 
England and Wales, vol. vi, p. 583. From these en- 


gravings it would appear to liave been part of the wall of 
some public building, containing a niche for a statue. 
Messrs. Britton and Brayley say of it (p. 584) — "Towards 
tlie east-end is a massive fragment remaining, of what is 
supposed to have been a Roman Temple. It consists of 
a large mass of cement of almost indissoluble texture, in 
which are imbedded rough stones irregidarly intermixed 
with others that have been squared. This fragment is 
called " The Chair," from a niche which is yet perfect. 
The arch is principally consti'ucted with Roman bricks, 
and over it are three layers of the same materials disposed 
length ways. Here, in 16G9, a tesselated pavement and 
stone floor were discovered, and in the succeeding year, 
according to Aubrey's Manuscripts, buildings of Roman 
brick were found upon which oaks grew. — (Gough's 
Camden, vol. ii, p. 449). About the same time. Sir 
John Hoskyns discovered an hypocaust about seven feet 
square, the flues of which were of l^rick, three inches 
square, artificially let into one another. Another tessel- 
ated pavement of a finer pattern was found about seventy 
years ago, (1735?) but soon destroyed by the ignorant 
and vulgar. An aqueduct or drain of considerable extent, 
with the bottom entire, v\^as also opened here about 
twenty years ago, (1785 ?) and various other vestiges of 
the ancient consequence of this city are very frequently 

It was in the second decade of the present century, 
however, that the greatest damage (in an antiquarian 
sense) was done. At that time the site which was, as 
Mr. Hardwicke (ArcJueoIogical Journal, vol. xiv, p. 83) 
observes "a complete wilderness of decaying walls and 
debris," was cleared, and no doubt many interestino- 
remains were found, only to be again and more effectually 
lost. The exterior walls, however, remained in many 
places, disappearing gradually by being from time to time 
taken down in small portions. It is certainly within the 
last fifteen years that the last portion of them has been 
destroyed. In the summer of 1861 I inspected some frag- 
ments of them at the north western portion of the site. 
They were from six and a half to seven feet thick ; where 
large flicing stones had been used they had been removed, 
and only the core of the wall was seen ; in other places 


they wero comjjosed of " hori'ing liono " masonry, well 
cemented with mortar. 

In 1840 the late Dr. Merewether (Dean of Hereford), 
commenced some excavations on the site. Through the 
courtesy of Mr. Franks of the British Museum, I have 
copied from some volumes of MSS, &c., in his possession, 
belonging to the late Sir Henry Ellis, a portion of a letter 
from the Dean to Sir Henry, dated from the Deanery, 
Hereford, 24th Oct., 1840, which refers to these excava- 
tions, as follows : — 

"My dear Sir Henry — During the last three or four days 
I have indulged myself with a holiday, after a long period 
of work, in making some examination into the site of 
Magna Castra (Kenchester), in this neighbourhood, and 
with remarkable success, at least, such as to prove that 
the whole extent of the twenty-one acres is replete with 
Roman remains, and many of the richest character. We 
have uncovered portions of three tesselated pavements, 
of different styles or gradations, the second and third 
being extremely beautiful ; the second, the border of a 
room, the centre of which has been destroyed — composed 
of red, yello^v, blue, and white tesserae ; the third being 
a portion of the area of a room, highly decorated, and 
shewing the compartments of the various devices, amongst 
which are a dragon and a fish, beautifully delineated and 
executed in variegated tesserae." 

" The annual ploughing of the land has reduced the 
protecting stratum of soil to a very thin covering at this 
spot, and Nos. 1 and 2 had been within an inch of the 
ploughshare ; and of course from that cause a part had 
been destroyed long since, as it was just on the brow of a 
slope in the field. My hope is that we may be able to 
take up in divisions, what has now been discovered ; to 
suffer it to remain would l)e to sacrifice either to the 
plough, or to the more relentless hands of the rustics and 
others (as we have already found), who visit it in our 
absence. The main piece is covered up now pretty deeply. 

No. L, I ought to have said, was a plain 

pavement of a bluish colour, and the aj^artment was quite 

small in which it was found The walls were 

well built and faced. Quantities of stone, variously 


painted were fouRcl, also coins and mill stones." A vongh 
plan of the rooms and pavements is o-iven in tlie letter. 

I am not aware wlietber the I)ean m;i,de any sul)se- 
fjuent excavations, hnt Mr. W]-ight, in lils W antic rimj.^ 
of an Antiquary, says that ''al)out 1840" the Dean 
found a pavement thirteen feet long and two feet wide ; 
the tesserae were red, white, blue, and. a dark coloui'. 
Is this one of the pavements described in the Dean's 
letter, or another ;' Certainly, a portion of one pavement 
discovered by him is in the Hereford Museum, whilst 
another, as the letter asserts, was covered up again. 

From the account of the site given by Mr. Hardwick, 
the owner, it appears that the soil within the area is very 
dark, almost black, and quantities of charred wood, and 
molten iron and glass, have been found. The stones 
having been removed from the surface as deep as the 
plough penetrates, very good crops of corn are now raised. 
The land is loose and friable, and fine as a garden. In 
the drought of summer, streets and foundations of houses 
are quite visible in the verdure. The principal street ran 
in a direct Hne through the town from east to west, and 
was twelve or fifteen feet in width. " with a ofutter alono- 
the centre to carry oft' refuse water, as is traceable by the 
difference in the growth of crops. The streets appear to 
have been gravelled." Mr. Hardwick also says that no 
doubt many of the buildings were of timber, " for along 
the lines of streets, at regular distances, the plinths in 
which the timbers were inserted have been taken up, the 
holes being cut about four inches square, the ])linths 
measured two feet in each direction, and lay two feet 
beneath the present surface." 

The sites of the gates of the castrum, fnuv in n\unber, 
were until lately (if not at present) plainly visiljle. They 
nearly correspond with the cardinal points. 

Amongst the most interesting relics found at Ken- 
chester are two inscriptions. The first was found at the 
close of the last century in the foundation of the north 
wall of the castrum, and is on a milUarium or milestone of 
the Emperor Numerianus, a.d. 282. The inscription as 
given by Mr. Lysons in the Archceolor/ia, vol. xv, p. 391, 
Appendix, and PI. 27, fig. 2, is — 







R. P. C. D. 

The first four lines plainly read Imp(eratore) C((emre) 
Mar{co, Attr{elio) Numeriano, but the last line, as 
given in the copy, is unintelligible. Professor Hilbner 
suggests that the letters may be pfavg. As the 
letters rp are found in an inscription at Caermarthen 
standing for reipiihUcce, I think it probable that 
BONO has been obliterated from the fourth line, and 
that the fifth has originally been R. P. NATO. Mr. 
Lysons gives this last line as very doubtful, it being 
nearly obliterated. In 1800 this stone was in the posses- 
sion of the R-ev. Charles J. Bird, f.s.a., but has since 
been completely lost sight of If any one in the neigh- 
bourhood of Hereford can give any clue as to its where- 
abouts at present, they will confer a boon on archaeo- 
logists. This is the only inscription to the Emperor 
Numerian found in Britain, and they are very rare upon 
the continent. 

The second inscripti<in occurs upon a small square piece 
of stone, one of the well-known medicine stamps of the 
rioman oculists. It is inscribed on all four sides as 
follows : — 

(1 ) (-^O 



(3.) (4.) 



The asterisks mark missing letters. On the upper surface 
the stone is inscribed senior, on the lower sen., the latter 
doubtless the abbreviation of the former, both being 
prol)ably made subsequent to the larger inscription, and 
referring to the owner's name. All four of the sides it 
will be seen bear the words T. vindaci ariovisti ; to the 
first is added the name of the medicine anicet(vm), to 
the second another medicine nard(vm), to the third 
the name of the medicine chloron, whilst in the fourth 
the name of the medicine has been obliterated. The 
Enfdish translation sim|)ly is tliat they are the Aniceturii, 
the Nardum, and tlie Ch/oron of Titu.'i Vindacius Ario- 


vistas. Tlie latter name '' Ai'iovistiis" is German. This 
stamp was exhibited in 1848 to the Britisli Archaeological 
Association at Worcester by Mr. II. Johnson of Hereford, 
in whose possession it then was. (Vide their Jouiiml, 
vol. iv, p. 280). At the same meeting Mr. Johnson 
exhibited a horse's head in bronze, a])parently made for a 
knife handle, a bronze fibula, some jet Ijeads, and eight 
brass coins of Caransius, one of a nniqne type, all found at 
Kenchester. Mr. Johnson had in 18G7, when the Cam- 
brian Archaeological Association held their congress in 
Hereford, n, large collection of coins from the site. They 
were chiefly of the Lower Empire. Mrs. Hardwick of 
Credenhill had also another collection, besides a number 
of fibulas and bronze figures. Mr. Wright, in Wanderings 
of an Antiquarij, p. 38, engraves and describes the figures 
of a mouse, a lion, a cock, and a small hatchet or cidtrum, 
all in bronze, found at Kencliester {probably children's 
toys), whilst on the 4th December, 1874, Mr. Soden 
Smith exhibited to the Institute a Koman bronze ring 
with original intaglio on glass plate, in imitation of niccolo 
onyx, from the same site. Lewis (Top. Diet, of Enr/Iand, 
edit. 1850, article ' Kenchester') tells us that in the 
hypocaust found in 1670 hy Sir John Hoskyns there were 
entire leaden pipes. 

In 1829 a small bronze image of Hermes was found in 
excavating some ground in the city of Hereford. It was 
probably a lar {Live i pool Times, March 24th, 1829). 
There was also found some years ago, in excavations in 
one of the streets of Hereford, a Roman altar which had 
borne an inscription, but it was completely defaced. It 
is now in the local museum. The Rev. H. M. Scarth 
informs me that in the second line he thought he could 
trace the letters — 

. . N I I V 
and suu-crests the word MiNERVyE as beinof contained in 
the line, but all this is doubtful. Probably both the 
altar and the lar came from Kenchester originally, for 
there appears to 1)6 nothing Roman at Hereford. Many 
inscribed stones from Kenchester have certainly j^erished, 
Mr. Wright tells us that in reply to a (piery as to whether 
any inscribed stones had been found, asked of an old 
villager at Kenchester, the old man re^jlied in the 


affirmative, but added that " tliey meant Jiouglit." From 
the discovery of the molten lead and glass and burnt 
wood, the destruction of Magna, like that of Ariconium, 
would apjiear to have been by fire. 

The third station, Ariconium, which occurs only in the 
thirteenth Iter of Antoninus, and is there stated to be 
fifteen miles from Glevum (Gloucester), is now generally 
allowed to have been situated at Bury -hill, near Bollitree, 
about three miles east of Ross. At this place there is an 
area of about 100 acres, over which the soil presents a 
deep Ijlack colour, and in which numbers of Roman coins, 
fragments of pottery, fibula3, &c., are found. Horsley 
conjectured Ariconium to have been somewhere in this 
neighbourhood, but was not aware of the existence of the 
site of any Roman town in the locality. As Mr. Thomas 
Wriglit, in his Wanderings of an Antiquary, p. 25, says, 
" But while his (Horsley's) conjectures as to the exact 
locality fell first upon one spot and then upon another, 
he was totally ignorant that close within the range of his 
conjectures, on the bank I have just being describing, an 
extensive thicket of briars and brushwood only j^artially 
covered from view the broken walls and the rubbish of 
the very Ariconium of which he was in search. Such 
was the condition of the old town at Weston under 
Penyard, in the middle of the last century. Soon after 
that period, the proprietor of the estate, a Mr. Meyrick, 
determined to clear the ground and turn it into cultiva- 
tion, and when he came to stub up the bushes, he found 
some of the walls even of the houses standing above ground. 
All these were cleared away, not without considerable 
difficulty ; and in tlie course of the clearing, great quan- 
tities of antiquities of all sorts are understood to have 
been found." 

Tu vol. vi, p. 514, of Britton and Brayley's Beauties of 
England and Wales, {published 1805), we have a fuller 
account of these discoveries. Tliere were found " an 
immense quantity of Roman coins and some British. 
Among tlie antiquities were fibulas, lares, lachrymatories, 
l;tmps, rings, and fragments of tesselated pavements. 
Some pillars were also discovered with stones liaving holes 
for tlic jaml)S of doors, and a vault or two in which was 
earth of a Ijlack colour and in a cincrous state. 

ROMAN lll':llEl'OUU,SHJJ^E. 35*J 

Innumei'al)Ie pieces of grey ciiid red pottery lie scattered 
(at present, i.e. 1805) over the whole tract, some of thejin 

of patterns l^y no means inelegant Some of 

the large stones found among the ruins of this station, 
and which appear to have been used in building, display 
strong marks of hre. During the course of last sunnner 
(1804), in widening a road that crosses the land, several 
skeletons were discovered ; and also the remains of a stone 
wall, apparently the front of a building ; the stones were 
well worked and of considerable size. The earth within 
what appeared to have been the interior of the building- 
was extremely black and sliining." The same writer also 
informs us that the coins, which were chiefly of the Lower 
Empire, were of gold, silver, and copper. 

Mr. Wright further tells us (pp. 25-26) " that all the 
remains that were neai" the surface were destroyed, and the 
antiquities which might have enriched some local museum 

appear to have been scattered about and lost 

The place can hardly be said to have been explored by 
antiquaries, but Roman antiquities are often turned up 
by the plough, and Roman coins are so plentiful that 
they may be procured of almost any of the cottagers. I 
was told that a gentleman of the neighbourhood riding 
across one of tlie fields had recently picked up a rather 
large Roman bronze statuette. Finding it somewhat 
cumbrous he put it up in the fork of a tree, intending to 
take it as he returned, but somel^ody had discovered it in 
the interval and carried it away. The present possessor 
of the land is Mr. Palmer of Bolitre, close to the site of 
the town called Aske Farm, perhaps fi'om the ashes or 
cinders in the neighbourhood. . . . One of his (Mr. 
Palmer's) men, Avhom we questioned on the subject, (of 
antiquities) could give us no further information than that 
he knew such things were found, and he remembered that 
about twenty years ago when they Avere digging a trench 
in the fiekl where the old town stood, the labourers came 
upon walls and the foundations of buildings. The gentle 
slope of the ground on the western side of the site of the 
town towards Penyard is called Cinder Hill, and we have 
only to tuiii up the surface to discover that it consists of 
an immense mass of iron scoriae. It is evident that the 
Roman town of Ariconium possessed very extensive forges 


and smelting t'urnaces, and that their cinders were thrown 
out on this side of the town close to the walls. No doubt 
the side of the hill was here originally more abrupt until 
it was filled up by these materials. The floors of some of 
the forges are said to have been discovered, but as I have 
just stated the place is almost unknown to antiquaries." 

In September, 1870, the members of the British 
Archaeological Association, during their Hereford Con- 
gress, visited the site, when the above-mentioned Mr. 
Palmer sent a collection of articles found on the site for 
inspection, which form the subject of a paper in the 
Journal of the Association, vol. xxvii, pp. 203-218. 
These consisted of one gold, six silver, and two copper 
British coins, some of them of Cunobelin ; one hundred 
and eighteen silver, billon, and brass Boman coins, ranging 
from Claudius, a.d. 41, to Magnentius, a.d. 350-353; 
twenty fibula3 of bronze, a silver ring, six bronze rings, 
bronze keys, pins and nails, four intaglios (two of them 
cornelian), glass beads of various colours, bronze buckles, 
and other bronze instruments. This site is only eleven 
English miles from Gloucester, wdiereas the Itinerary 
gives the distance between Gleviim and Ariconium as 
fifteen Boman miles ; but until we are certain of the 
Boman method of measurinof, whether it was the same in 
a flat country as in a hilly one, it is useless to attempt to 
explain the discrepancy. Certain it is, that there is no 
other site in the neighbourhood which will at all suit the 
distances from the surrounding stations ; and upon these 
grounds, together with the fact of this ruined town being 
otherwise nameless, there can be little doubt of the 
correctness of the conclusion which places Ariconium at 
Bury-hill. The road from Boss to Gloucester, which is 
probably on the site of a Boman predecessor, passes about 
half a mile from it, whilst the modern road from Boss to 
Newent actually passes through the station. In the 
Ai'cJiceologia, vol. ix, Appendix, p. 3G8, a flgure of Diana, 
said to have been found at this station, is described. 

As the B;ev. J. Pointer was the first to point out (in 
the extract I have quoted) the site of Bravinium, so I 
think that when he says that there is '" another (camp) 
at Tjcdbury" he points out the site of another station of 
^^'hich there is now even less visible above ground than 


at Leintwardine, though at the commencement of the 
present century this was not the case. In Brayley and 
Britton's Beauties of Emjland and Wales, voL vi, ]:>. 593, 
we gather a Httle more information as to this camp. It 
is there said that at a mile-and-a-half north-west from 
Ledljiny there is a conical eminence called Wall Hills, 
the lower part of Avhich is surrounded by large trees, and 
the upper part is crowned Ijy a spacious camp, the area of 
which is betAA'een thirty and forty acres. It was then 
(1805) under cultivation, and had a single rampart and 
ditch, then half levelled. There were three entrances, 
one called the "King's Gate." In ploughing the area, 
spear and arrowheads had been found, with brass coins, 
antique horse shoes, and human bones. This camp has 
now entirely disappeared. Baxter, in his Glossarium 
Antiquitatum Britannicarum (1733) place.s Magna here, 
but very erroneously. From the combined evidence of 
Baxter and the Bev. J. Pointer I think that a station 
rather than a temjDorary camp existed here, though it 
might have been a British town originally, and sul)se- 
quently made use of by the Romans, especially as thei'e 
appear to be some traces of a smaller summer camp at 

The Roman villas in the county, if we may judge by 
by the number discovered, appear to have been singularly 
few. The first one to which any notice was prominently 
given was discovered at Bishopstone, al3out a mile and a 
half westward from Kenchester, three and a half miles 
fi'om Credenhill, and seven miles from Hereford, in the 
year 1812, when digging a drain for the parsonage house. 
In the Archceologia, vol. xxiii, p. 417, there is an account 
of a tesselated pavement found in it, of which a drawing 
was exhibited to the Society of Antiqiiaries, June 10, 
by Thomas Bird, Esq., f.s.a.^ This gentleman says, — "It 
appearing to me, that from its having been laid on a 
common bed of clay without any foundation, it was in 
great danger of being destroyed by the worms or by 
persons treading upon it in wet weather, I have had a 
plan taken upon a scale of one inch to a foot, for the 

' From the sonuet written by the poet colours of the pavement wonKl appear to 
Wordsworth mi these remains, which ho have been as briglit as when it was fii-st 
saw at the time of their discoverv, the laid. 


purpose of preserving so beautiful a remnant of antiquity, 
which you will have the goodness to exhibit to the 
Society. The principal injiiry which this ]\avement has 
received is on the north side, Av^here a path appears to 
have l^een made from the north-east corner to the western 
end. Tlie centi'e part is entirely destroyed, which is 
nuicli to be regretted ; but from a careful and attentive 
consideration of the pattei'n, which was found to corres- 
pond diagonally, my draughtsman has been enabled to 
restore the whole pavement, with the exception of the 
centre." (I have l^een recently informed that this plan 
of the pavement has been published by A. Frieclel, 15, 
Southampton-street, Strand, Ijut have not been able to 
see a copy). The pavement, from information which I 
have gathered upon the spot, was afterwards removed 
into the cellar of the rectory, but has now disappeared. 
There is little doubt but that the rectory stands upon a 
portion of the villa. Mr. Bird, in the above-named article, 
says that he had addressed some queries to the then 
(1830) rector of Bishopstone, the Rev. A. J. Walker, and 
gives a portion of his re])ly, from which I extract the 
following : — " At distances of one and two hundred yards 
round this house Ave have dug up on every side Pvoman 
bricks, pottery, both coarse and fine, and many fragments 
of funeral urns, and I am rather surprised that only three 
coins have yet been found ; a regularly pitched causeway 
or rather foundation has been found re]:»eatedly ; and in 
June, 1821, in my kitchen garden, sonth-west of the 
house, a foundation of sandstone (which seems also at 
Kenchester to be the only stone the Bomans employed) 
at the east end about three feet deep, and at the Avest 
deepening to about five feet deep, Avas discovered. This 
foundation is full three feet Avide, and increases toAvards 
the angle, where it turns to five feet. I traced it to 
fifty-five feet ; it Avas substantially laid, l)ut without 
cement. T found also a tAventy-inch foundation Avail, 
most strongly cemented, on the east side of the house. 
Considerable quantities of black earth, near the places 
Avhere fragments of urns have been found, are also dis- 
covered. Bones have likewise been collected at about the 
general depth of sixteen or eighteen inches, at Avhich 
most of these Boman remains are met with at Bishop- 


stone. ....... 

" T ouglit to remark that the fonndation above mentioned 
of fifty-five feet, witli its right angle tui'ii, was parallel 
as far as I l)elie\'e with the respective sides of the tesse- 
lated pavement; there was no ap])earance of walls vonnd 
the pavement." 

Another Tloman villa (though not yet explored) exists 
on the boundary of the parishes of Whitchurch and 
Ganarew^, at the extreme southern part of the county, 
and in the midst of the Roman iron mining district (of 
which more immediately). A tesselated pavement has 
been found and a number of coins, but no further 
researches have been made, although there are consider- 
able inequahties of surface. It is situated in a meadow 
on the right hand of the road to Monmouth. (Lewis, 
Top. Diet., edit. 1850, article 'Whitchurch;' Wright, 
Wanderings of an Antiquary, p. 14). Coins have also 
been discovered. Mr. James Davies, in the Arehceologia 
Camhrensis, vol. ii, 2nd series, p. 50, says that in a 
Roman camp at Walterstone vestiges of a Roman tesse- 
lated pavement have been found. This probal)ly implies 
the site of a villa, unless the camp is full of foundiitions, 
in which case a considerable station may have been here.' 

At p. 4G of the same vol., the same gentleman says in 
a note — " In makino- excavations, durino- the construction 
of the Gloucester and Hereford Canal, which crosses the 
parish of Stretton Grandison, several Roman remaiiis were 
found, consisting of several pieces of pottery, a small 
weighing balance, resembling in form oiu' common steel- 
yards, and other curiosities, which are now in the custody 
of Mr. Philip Ballard, Widemarsh Street, Hereford, civil 
engineer to the Canal Company." There was jirobahly 
another villa at this place. 

The only other villa known to me has been ([uito 
recently discovered at Putley, about five miles west of 
Ledbury. At a meeting of the Woolhope Club, at Here- 
ford, March 9th, 1870 ; and at a meeting of the British 

^ In The Arclitvologia. vol. vi, p. I?, from the camp at Waltei-stone. Does Mi-. 

Mr. Strange says that a Roman tessehited Davies refer to the same pavement ? His 

pavement had been discovered at a place remark that it was in the camp would seem 

called Cored Gravel, which he says was to make the pavement he names totally 

two miles north of Old Castle. This spot distinct from that named liy Mr. Strange, 
is in Herefordshire, and Via re ly half a m i 



Archreological Association, March loth, 187G, {vide their 
Journal, vol. xxxii, p. 250), Mr. T. Blashill exhibited several 
Roman flue tiles, flange tiles, bricks having the marks of 
sandals, woven cloths, cat's feet, and thumb marks, to- 
gether with Koman pottery, &c., found in the foundation 
of the north wall of the church at Putley. Subsequently 
(Feb. 21st, 1877), the same gentleman reported the dis- 
covery of a num])er of Roman wall tiles, roof tiles, pottery, 
and other objects, found by John Riley, Esq., on his estate 
at Putley ; thus confirming the previous anticipations of 
a villa being on the spot. It is not, however, yet explored. 
Another important feature in the R^oman antiquities 
of the county is the immense beds of iron scoriae and 
cinders^ ^vhich cover nearly the whole of the southern 
part of tlie county, a great part of Monmouthshire and a 
]iortion of drloucestershire. The parishes of St. Weonard's, 
Hentland, Peterstow, Tretire, Bridstow, Weston-under- 
Penyard, Llangarran, Walford, Goodrich, Welsh Bicknor, 
Ganarew, Whitchurch, &c., abound with them. Hand 
Ijlomories, with ore imperfectly smelted, have been foinid 
on Peterstow Common. The beds of cinders are in some 
places from twelve to tM'enty feet thick. Many Roman 
coins and fragments of pottery are found in them. Round 
Goodrich Castle the writer has traced them for many 
miles, and the number of mines and smelting places in 
this neighbourhood must have been immense. The hills 
called the Great Doward and the Little Doward have 
been considerably mined. In the first named, the entrance 
to one of the Roman mines still remains in the hill side. 
It is a large cave-like aperture, with galleries running 
from it into the hill, in several directions, following of 
course the vein of the iron. It is now called "King 
Artlnu''s Hall." Ariconium would seem to have been 
the capital of tins district, but there were doubtless other 
small towns, which remain to be discovered. At Tretire. 
about forty years since, Mr. Charles Baily, f.s.a., dis- 
covered a Roman altar, which had been cut into the shape 
of a font, and used as such in the parish church. It is over 
twenty-nine inches in height, l)y sixteen inches in breadth, 
ajid contains the remains of an inscription, as follows: — 


nOMAN HEKEi'OiiDSHIllE. 365 

( Wander i7iys of an Antlquarij, p. 17, and Proceedings, 
London and Middlesex Archceologlcal Societi/ at Evening 
Meetings, Session 1874, p. 147). It is to my mind very 
doubtful whether tliis is not an early Christian inscrip- 
tion, reading deo trivni, Ijut it is at tlie same time 
scarcely probable tliat any Christian in that period would 
erect an altar " to the Triune God." Dr. Mc Caul, in a 
recent letter to me, expresses tlie same doubt, and indeed, 
it is only just to say that Mr. Wright, when he hrst 
published the inscription some twenty-five years ago, 
made much the same remark. But so far modern anti- 
quaries (including Professor Htlbner, of Berlin) have read 
the inscrij)tion as Deo Tricii, Bellicus donavit a ram. 
" To the god of the three ways, Bellicus gives the altar." 
No doubt three ways or roads converged on the spot 
where the altar was first set up.' 

In most of the English counties the discovery of hoards 
of Koman coins buried in the eartli (not necessarily near 
a Roman station) is a very common occurrence, but in 
Herefordshire there are few discoveries of this nature 
recorded. At " Copped Wood Hill," close to Goodrich, 
a large collection of coins of the Lower Empire was dug 
up about 1817 [Wanderings of an Antiquary, p. 14); 
and in 1855 a deposit of many thousands, of the same 
period, were found during draining operations in the 
Coombe Wood at Aston Ingham, in the south-east 
corner of the county, on the Gloucestershire border. 
They appeared to have been dep(jsited in two chests, 
and ready for transpoit. Thirty-se\'en of them (now in 
the Gloucester Museum) were exhibited at the Gloucester 
Meethig of the Institute by I. Irving, Esq. They were 
all small brass, and were of the reigns of Maximianus, 
Maximinus Daza, Licinius, Constantine the Great, his 
wife Fausta, Crispus, Constantine II, and Constantius II. 
The most singular fact connected with the disco'S'ery is, 
that near the spot where the coins were found " there is 
a gate, and according to local tradition the spot was 
considered to l^e haunted, and after nightfall persons 

' It was aniKjimeed a few months since tliis altar tu the Hereford Mu.seum, but I 
that the present rector of Tretire, the am not aware whetlier thisi intention has 
Kev. E. F. Owen, was about to present been carried "ut. 


preferi'ed taking a long circuit to venturing tlirougli tlie 
gate." — Catalofjue Gloucester Temporary Museum, p. 10. 

At LongtoAvn, close to the Roman road leading to 
Abergavenny, there is a spot called " Money Farthing 
Hill," wliich has, no doubt, derived its name (as is the 
case elsewhere) from either the discovery of a large hoard 
of coins, or the fact of their having been for a long period 
occasionally picked up.^ 

The Roman camps in the county, or such British 
camps as were subsequently occupied by the Romans, in 
addition to that at Brandon, already described, must now 
claim attention. The first of these is the great camp at 
Credenhill, probably originally British, and after its caj)- 
ture converted by the Romans into a summer camp to the 
station at Kenchester. Situated on the summit of a hill, 
at about a mile and a half fi'om the latter place, it is of 
an oblong shape, with the exception of one of the shorter 
sides, that to the south-west, being rounded. It encloses 
an area, of about eighty acres, and has an entrance on 
each side, but, instead of their being m the centre of the 
sides, they are all near the angles. Generally a single 
rampart and ditch sufiices, but in weaker places there are 
two. The rampart is from ten to twelve feet high in 
places. Roman coins and other remains have been found 
Avithin the area, and at the south-east angle is a covered 
way, leading to the Roman road from Magna to Bra- 
viniu'm. The close proximity of this immense camp to 
Kenchester, and its intimate connection with it by means 
of the covered way, and the fact of the latter station 
being only about one-fourth the size of the camp, seems 
to have been the origin of the name '^ Magna.'' — the 
Romans considering them both as one large town. In 
all [)iobability the suburban buildings of the castriiiii 
(like similar cases on the Roman Wall) reached from the 
latter to Credenhill camp. This seems confirmed by the 
fact that, in the cuttings for the Hereford and Brecon 
Railway, near (^ledenhill, (piantities of coins, pottery, 
horse shoes, and various otlier articles, were reported as 

^ Ml-. IJaiik.s, ill (le.sci-ibiiig tlie .site (if ueiir W;ilfonl, and that fragments of 

Jlrcvi/n/im, at Lcintwanliiic, says tliat pottory -.we <ifton tiu-ncd uji in a tiokl 

'■'aliuut twenty ycai-.s ago a ((uantity of a little liiglior up the valluy, ojipuiiite to 

Jvoniaii c<iiiis wore foun<l on the (h'ainage Coxall KnuU,' 
of part of the Urauipton Ijiian estate, 


luu'iug" been turued up ; also a lioraau road running from 
Kencliestev to Credenliill, which tlie engineer (Mr. 
Iloberts) reported to have been cut through transversely 
about two feet Ijelow tlie surface of the ground. {Mr. 
Jas. Davies, in Hereford Tliues, Aug. I7th, 18G7, re])orts 
these latter facts.) 

At Acconbury Hill, four miles south of Herefoi'd, is 
another large Roman camp of a square form ; the rampart 
on the east side is comparatively peifect. At Dinedc>r 
Hill, three miles south east by south of Hereford, there is 
another conspicuous Roman camp — the one alluded to l)y 
the Rev. J. Pointer as " Oyster hill." It is also called 
" Oster hill," and has been said by various writers to have 
derived its name from Ostorius Scapula, one of the Roman 
governors of Britain. There is not the least probal)ility 
of such an origin of the name. Far more likely, that, as 
is usual on most Roman sites, quantities of oyster sliells 
have been discovered, and the hill afterwards called 
"Oyster hill" 

At Bishop Eaton, about four miles west from Hereford, 
another Roman camp occurs on the banks of the Wye. 
It is from thirty to forty acres in extent, and is situated 
on the banks of the Wye; with a single rampart and ditch. 
The area is undei' cultivation. Vestiges of another occur 
at Eardisley, five miles south by east from Kington. 
Britton and Lewis both report the existence of a small 
square camp at Pyon Grove, in the township of Yatton, 
parish of Aymestrey, seven miles north west from Leomin- 
ster, It overlooks the Watling street, on the opposite 
side of which is the large British camp of "Croft Amljrey." 
Lewis says that '' the embankments of both are well worth 
the visit of the antiquary." 

A little to the south west of the village of Michael 
Church is a large S(j^uare camp ; the turnpike road to 
Hereford runs through it. It is marked in the Ordnance 
Map as " Camp Field," and is known in the locality as 
" Gaer Cop." This is close to Tretire, where the altar 
Avas foiuid. At Burghill, four miles north west of Here- 
ford, Mr. Britton says that a square camp exists. This 
probably is a reference to the earthworks adjoining the 
churchyard at Burghill, A\'hich ai'e well defined, and to 
which the " Portway " seems to have led. They were 

;368 HUMAN HEllEl*'01lD«HiRE. 

visited by some of the members of the Cambrian Archae- 
ological Association, on 15th August, 18G7. Britton 
reports the existence of another square camp, three miles 
to the north Avest of this, and about a mile from Canon 
Pyon. T have no information as to it. On Bradnor 
mountain, near Kington, tliere is a square camp of small 
size. In the Golden valley, on an eminence above Vow- 
church, there is another small square Roman camp, with 
extensive views to the south east. This overlooks, 
thoui>-li at the distance of two or three miles, the Boman 
road from Magna to (rohannlum (Abergavenny). Further 
to the south there is another camp overlooking the 
line of this road. It is about a mile to the west of the 
railway station at Pandy, on a spur of the Black mountains. 
The original camp is rectangular — 485 feet by 240 ; but 
attached to its south east side is a similar sized camp, of 
a semicircular shape, and having a double ditch and ram- 
part. At nearly two miles nortli east of this, there is, 
above Walterstone, another camp ; which, I presume, is 
the one referred to by Mr. Davies, as containing a tessel- 
ated pavement. Its shape, however, being circular, it 
must have been merely occupied, and not made, by the 
Bomans. About a mile north of Brockhampton there is 
on Caplar Hill, another large camp, probably occupied by 
the Bomans ; whilst three miles further northward is 
the camp at Blackbury, clearly made, as I think, by that 
people. Mr. Duncomb, in his History of Herefordshire, 
vol. ii, p. 23 G, from information derived from the MSS. of 
Silas Taylor, says that in the jjark of the Bishop of Here- 
ford, at Wliitbourne, there was a Boman intrencliment, 
(;ind on the opjxjsite side of the valley a British camp, 
Avhich was circular). Another fine sijuare Boman camp 
exists aljout a mile east south east of Upper Sapey. 

On the line of the Boman road from Kenchester into 
AVorcestershire thei-e exist some traces of a square camp 
at Stretton Grandison. Baxter in his Glossarium Anti- 
quitatiua Bntannicarum, from this circumstance, placed 
the Boman station Cicutio — named, with five others, by 
the anonymous Bavennas in liis Chorograpliy as existing 
Ijotwcen Caerleon and Kenchester — at this s])ot. Mr. 
James Davies (in several papers), from the sb'ght dis- 
coveries of pottery, &c., made on the site, promulgates 


the same idea, for which I cannot see tlie shadow of a 
foundation. Nothing- hut future discoveries of inscrip- 
tions can decide the situation of any of the ahove named 

In addition to these Ronuoi camps, I thhik there is 
httle doubt, from the course of the Roman roads, that the 
British camps at Sutton Walls (three and a half miles 
north of Hereford and containijig thirty acres) at Risbury, 
St. Ethelbert's camp ahove Mordiford, another camp 
formerly existing (if not at present) half mile north of 
Fownhope, and the great camp at Thornbury called 
'" Wall Hill," were occupied at one period or another l)y 
the Romans. It is possible that there may l^e otlier 
decided Roman cnmps in the county, but unless that 
at Ivington be classed as one I am ignorant of any others ; 
however, in such a case, some local antiquary may be able 
to supply the omission. 

Having thus considered the Roman stations, camps, 
^allas, u'on w^orks, and other remains in the county, it is 
necessary to sj^eak of the means of communication between 
them in the shape of roads. 

The first road, which was probably also formed earlier 
than the others, and now bears the name of " Watling 
street," enters the county at its north-west extremity 
from Shropshire near Marlow and runs to the station 
Bravinium at Leintwardine, past its summer camp at 
Brandon, by Wigmore, past the small square camp at 
Pyon Grove, through Aymestrey, and Mortimer's Cross, 
]3ast Street Court, through the parish of Eardisland, to 
Bainstree Cross, and Stretford. Thence it runs through 
the valley between Dinmore and Canon Pyon to Burghill. 
Here it bears ihe name of the Portway, and turning to 
the south-w^est it passes through the village of Credenhill 
imder the camp, and so on to Kenchestei-. As the autlior 
of the Itinerary considers the road south-west from 
Kenchester to Abergavenny and Caerleon to be a con- 
tinuation of this one, it is best to consider it as such in 
the present instance rather than treat it as an indepen- 
dent road. After leaving Kenchester it proceeds to tlie 
bank of the Wye, crossing that river near the " Old 
Weir," and runs south-west by Wormhill to Wyddyats 
Cross at Madley. Here it is very conspicuous, and has 


long been known as Stone or Stoney street. Thence it 
proceeds by Brampton Hill, but is much obliterated 
beyond ; traces of it are, howevei', found at Abbey 
Dore and Ewyas Harold, at which latter ]3lace we find 
the name " King street " applied to it. It then passes 
near Old Castle, by the cainps at Walterston and Pandy, 
and immediately afterwards enters Monmouthshire and 
proceeds to Abergavenny (Gohannium). This road, part 
of the twelfth Iter of Antoninus, is decidedly, from its 
remains, one of the Higher Empire. The other road 
mentioned in the Itinercwij (thirteenth Iter) enters the 
county from Gloucester, somewhere in the neighboiu'hood 
of Aston Ingham (where the find of coins occurred), and 
proceeds to Bury hill {Ariconium). It is iiow altogether 
ol)literated. Its direction after leaving Ariconium is 
uncertain. According to the Itinerary ifc led to a station 
called Blesfium, eleven miles from Ariconium, which has 
been fixed at Monmoutli, though upon no sure grounds. 
In any event its course through tlie southern part of 
Herefordshire is a short one. Another fine Roman road 
coming from Builth, eastward, crosses Oifa's Dyke, near 
Down's hill, and running soutli of Bishopstone enters 
Kenchester, upon leaving which it j^roceeds by Stretton 
Sugwas and Holmer, crossing the Lug at Lug Bridge, 
past the " Black Hole " by Moor-end and Purbrook to 
Street lane, and on to Stretton Grandison, after which, 
passing Frome hill, it enters Worcestershire, nmning 
by Malvern and Worcester. Near the "Black Hole" 
another Iloman road appears to cross it, which, in a 
southern direction, passes by Hagley and Bartestre 
Chapel, and points towards Mordiford. Sir P. C. Hoare 
traced this road southward to Ariconium. It apparently 
went l)y Fownhope, under the large camp on Caplar hill, 
by Brockhampton and How Caple to Bury hill {Ari- 
conium). In vol. xxvii of the Journal of the British 
Archaeological Association, p. 381, Mr. James Davies says 
that there was a road from Braviiiium branching off the 
Watling street at Wigmore, by Croft, Stockton, Ashton 
to Corner Cop, "thence to a place called the ' Trumpet,' 
l)y Stretford, and along a lane called Blackwardine lane, 
under Ilisbury Camp to ' England's Gate,' and so on to 
Stretton Grandison, where Cicutio 'u:as situate. This is 


the only road in Herefordshire whicli is not noticed by 
Sir Pi. C. Honre, l)iit there is the evidence of nomenclature 
in support of it in many localities." 

As far as " Eno-laud's Gate " I can endorse Mr. Davies's 

remarks, but, instead of leadincr thence to Stretton Gran- 

• • • 1 

dison, I think he will find that it is a continuation north- 
wards of the road I have just described as starting' from 
the cross at tlie Black Hole. Northwards this road leads 
through Withington, and just beyond this is called 
" Duck Street," pointing direct (through Preston Wynn) 
towards "England's Gate." Bnt another road may be 
traced south-east from Stretton Grandison, leading veiy 
straight through Ashperton, Pixley, east of Aylton, and 
Little Marcle, ^\diere it is only a mile from the Putley 
villa, and a short distance from the large camp at " Wall 
Hill," near Ledbury. It then enters Gloucestershire by 
Preston and Newdiouse Bridge, leading through Dymock 
to Newent. About a mile from the latter town a " Gold 
Arbour " occurs upon its route. 

From the occurrence also of " Street Field," near the 
great camp at Thornbury (Wall Hill), it is probable that 
a Roman road ran in that direction, but if so it has not 
yet been traced. 

I also incline to the opinion that a crucifoim earthwork 
at St. Margaret's, described in the Archceological Journal, 
vol. X, p. 358, and vol. xi, p. 55, w^as a Roman hotontinus 
similar to several found in recent years in Yorkshire, and 
described by Mr. Monkman, of Malton, in the Yorhhire 
Archceological Journal. 

Such, as far as I am able to trace them, are the foot- 
prints of Rome, in the county of Hereford. I by no 
means assert that I have reached perfection m the matter. 
Far othei'wise. The subject is a difficult one ; and local 
antiquarians may be in possession of much information 
which it is impossible for a non-resident of the district to 
obtain. If so, I would ask them, for the benefit of 
archaeology in general, to make puV)lic whatever know- 
ledge of the subject they may possess. In the meantime, 
I trust that my imperfect endeavours to mould into shape 
and form, the scattered fragments whicli we possess of 
" Roman Herefordshire," may not 1)0 without interest to 



the members of the Institute, when meeting in the city 
around which they radiate, 

Mr. Thomas Wiight, in his Uriconiam, p. 48, makes 
the branch road which I have noticed as passing through 
" England's Gate," run to Brodert's Bridge, near Worfer- 
ton, and adds—" l\\ fact, Blackwardine appears, by the 
great quantities of Roman remains found there, to have 
been some rather important station." 

Since then I have made several important enquiries as 
to this place, and find that it takes its name from the 
black colour of the soil, different to all the land around 
it, like the site of many other Boman stations. I cannot 
hear of any foundations being discovered, but Boman 
coins of brass, silver, and copper have been found, among 
them those of Augustus, Trajan, Constantine the Great, 
and coins of the Urhs Roma type, with the reverse of 
Bomulus and Bemus being suckled by the wolf; also 
great quantities of Boman pottery, bones of animals, 
human bones, and various other relics. Several local 
antiquaries make the road, passing this station, fall into 
the Watlino- street at Wio^moi-e. 



" The glory of children are their fathers," we are 
tuld ill the well-known motto of the Harleian Society, 
and the men and women of Herefordshire may be fairly 
congratulated on their glorious ancestry, and the long- 
array of noble and historic names they have added to the 
roll of fame and the annals of our common country. If 
our pride of ancestry gives place in any degree, it is to 
that courtesy and " simple faith " of which the Laureate 
sings as being superior to "Norman blood." In Hereford 
we have met with courtesy, and have seen so many 
manifestations of simple faith, that we may fairly say 
that the fathers of the land are not disgraced by their 
children, who have received us so hospitably during the 
present Meeting. 

It is not my purpose to give a general disquisition 
on the fathers of Herefordshire, but to trace out the 
stream of life of one family as far as possible, and to 
show how it has had its volume increased by other 
streams, and how it in its turn has lost to a great 
extent its distinctive name, which, though not unknown 
at the present time in our midst, is no longer associated 
with the historic sites, lordly castles, and baronial halls 
which once resounded with their names and were filled 
with their retainers. Many families of renown yet 
quarter the white roses on the red bend crossing the 
gold and azure bariy of six of the family of Lingen, and 
consider it a honoui' to do so. The Princes of Powis no 
longer wage war against the Lords of Sutton Walls, for in 
the veins of the descendants of Sir John Lingen, living 
when Hereford gave a title to the reigning khig, the 
blood of both families flow in harmon}'- and in peace. 
The story of the family of Lingen, with its Ljves, its 
tragedies, and romances, can hardly be separated from 


the places which they made their own, and some of which 
are inchided in the programme of the Meeting. 

At a time when the City of Hereford was in its infancy, 
and its distinctive name was hardly known, a family of 
some importance resided in the chattellany of Wigmore, 
a place afterwards renowned as the seat of the Norman 
family of Mortimei'. Tlieir early history is involved in 
doul)t, but at the time <jf the Domesday survey one 
Turstin (the Fleming) de Wigmore, who married Agnes, 
daughter of Alured de Merleberge, held the manor of 
Lingen, on the iDorders of Shropshire, under the Mor- 
timers. Tt is worthy of note that many Flemings had 
settled in South Wales previously to the Conquest, and 
in the course of the next fifty years large colonies were 
formed in Pembrokeshire. This Turstin is admittedly an 
ancestor of the Lingens, who assumed that patronymic in 
the reign of the first TUchard (circa 1190), when Ralph 
de Wigmore founded the Priory of Limebrook. This 
adoption of a fresh surname is not uncommon, a well- 
known instance occurring in the case of Turchill, the 
Sheriff of Warwickshire at the time of the Conquest, 
who, on being dispossessed by the Conqueror, retained 
certain manors under the Norman earls, and assumed the 
surname of Arden, from the forest land in which the 
estates were situate. The coat armour of the early 
Lingens was argent, charged with three chevronells 
sable ; or, as an old pedigree has it, three greyhounds ; 
but a change of coat armour Avas not uncommon, for the 
ancient flunily of Shirley changed their simple pales of 
or and sable in the same manner, when the distinctive 
lines of Norman and Saxon became merged into one 
general English nation, and the laws of heraldry better 

By his marriage with Agnes Merleberg, Turstin ac- 
quired the manor of Much Cowarne, and his son llalph 
appears to have married Joyce, the daughter of Sir Jasper 
de Croft, of Croft Castle, a family long and honourably 
distinguished in Plerefordshire history. He appears to 
have left two suns, the first Sir William AVigmore, who, 
like his father-in law, became ;i kuiglit of the Holy 
Sepulchre, and married Uose, the daughter of Sir Walter 
I'cdewardiue, but left no descendants. His brother llalpli 


succeeded to the estates and founded the Priory of Lime- 
brook as before mentioned. His eldest son, Sir John 
Lingen, first bore the Lingen arms, l)arry of six or and 
azure, on a bend gales, three roses argent. We have no 
record of who his mother was, or whom he married. His 
brother Brian became a secular canon in the monastery 
of Wigmore. We have no record of the doings of the 
Lhigen family during this period (circa 1086 — 1250), but 
as the Lingen estates were held of the Lords of Wigmore, 
and the Mortimers were busy now against the Welsh, 
and now opposing the Empress Maud, these feudal 
vassals would follow their fortunes and engage in the 
crusades. This Sir John Lingen appears to have left 
four sons and one daughter — a daughter renowned among 
the romances of Herefordshire, and whose name in the 
family pedigree is surrounded by a gilded band. Con- 
stantia Lingen married in 1253 Grimbald, son and heir 
of Richard Pauncefort, a name not unknown in Leicester- 
shire pedigrees, and her marriage settlement is dated 
1253, by which John de Lingain gives to the bridegroom's 
father, Ilichard de Pauncefoit, " sexies virginti et decern 
marcas, duodecim boves et centum oves " and the manor 
of Much Cowarne. Richard de Pauncefort gives his son 
Grimbald ''centum solidates terras m maneris de Hatfield 
de quibus dictus Grimbaldis dictam Constantia dotabit ad 
ostium Ecclesiae quando ipsam desponsabis ; " he also 
promises to settle further property as a jointure. This 
dower shows the wealth and ])osition whicli the family 
had acquired. Tliis lady is said to have been not only 
very beautiful, but noted for her conjugal attachment, 
which is vouched for by the following anecdote : — 
" Li 1720 Giimbaldis Pauncefort joined Prince Edward, 
son of Henry III, and Louis TX in the ninth and last 
crusade. He does not appear to have reached the Holy 
Land, but to have been captured by the Saracens at 
Tunis, about the time that Louis IX was struck down 
by the plague. The infidels demanded for the ransom of 
their captive no less a price than a Imib of his wife 
Constantia, of whose beauty and constancy they appear 
to have heard. The present rector of Much Cowan, the 
llev. J. G. Graham,' has thus embodied the incident in 

' Formerly Curate at IK'ly Triuity, Coventry. 


his niuniuir of Much Cowarne Church : — 

No sooner hears Constantia that no less 
Will free her husband than her sever' d hand, 
At once she decides with love's promptitude 
To fulfil the hard condition. when 
Did hardness e'er deter w^oman from deed 
Of kindness '? The hardness which others see, 
>She sees not ; or rather heeds not : true love 
Shall conquer all. Like the fair Godiva 
She laughs at hard conditions which depend 
On her alone. Or, like that lady brave 
AVho gave her arm to serve for bolt to guard 
The precious lives of those she lov'd so well. 

But to our tale. The limb is lopp'd and sent ; 
The captive is set free, How can we think 
But that he hastens home as fast as horse 
And ship can bear him ? Let Prince Edward ' win 
His bootless honours — love is more to him 
Than aught on earth — though he be belted knight, 
Honour lies now in speeding to his home. 
AVe can almost mark the spot — almost track 
The winding lane 'long which Grimbaldus rode — 
The very spot on which these lovers met. 
For who henceforth would love as they ? 

We may smile at this legend, romantic though it is, 
notwithstanding that Duncumb, in his History of Her e- 
fordahire, tells us that Constantia Pauncefort's heroic 
conduct is confirmed and proved by the fact of her 
husband's altar-tomb, with their recumbent effigies, once 
existing at the east end of the south aisle of the church, 
the latter cross-legged, and habited like a Norman knight, 
the former exhibiting her left arm couped above the 
wrist. The battered and defaced remains of Grimbaldus's 
effigy have alone survived the ravages of time, and now 
lie on the north side of the chancel, a precious relic of the 
past. When and why it was placed there the writer has 
been unable to ascertain. Duncumb informs us that the 
dispersed fragment (alas ! we have now to use the singular 
number) of the effigies and monument were examined 
in the sixteenth century by Mr. Silas Taylor, and the 
following is his account in his own words (MS. Harl. 
Bibl.):-"To gainsay the report about it, I diligently 
viewed the record which might have between the two 
figures : the female laid next the wall of the south aisle, 
on her right side, l)y which means his left side might be 

' Two yeai',-i ul'tcrwaid,-- King Edwuiil 1. 


contiguous to lier right, the better to answer the figure ; 
also, the stump of the woman's arm is somewhat elevated, 
as if to attract notice ; and the hand and wrist cut off are 
carved close to his left side, wdth the liglit hand on his 
armour, as if for iiote." In Gough's Sepulchral Monu- 
ments, part ii, vol. i, ccxxviii, 17.9G, there is an allusion 
to this monument, but the account is evidently taken 
from Duncumb, and cr)ntains no ne^v particulars. The 
story may have some foundation in fact, but it probably 
arose from the mutilated effigy. 

Passing from the realm of faille, \ve know that the 
text of the marriage settlement of this memorable pair is 
preserved by Blount. 

Constantia's brother, the second Sir John Lingen, 
received a grant of free warren of Lingen, in the 40th 
year of Henry III. He lived during the long and 
troublous insurrection of Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, and 
apjDears to have been one of the Commissioners, with 
Roger de Mortimer and the Earl of Gloucester, ap])ointed 
to settle terms with the discontented Welsh, for the 
injuries done to Prince Edward. In these disturbances 
we find the name of Peter de Montfort of Beaudesert, in 
Warwickshire, a follower of his namesake, the great Earl 
of Leicester, and the first Speaker of the English Parlia- 
ment. This Sir John de Lingen was, in the year 1260, 
one of the witnesses to a grant from Walter de Cliftord, 
Lord of Corfham.. to Sir John de Haleton, of six acres of 
his "bog" {{) at Cleobury, to be measured by the royal 
perch, and with license to dig coals within the Forest of 
La Clie, to sell or give anxuj. One of the first records of 
coal in Shropshire. He appears to have fought with the 
Mortimers against Simon de Montfort at Evesham. 

A third John de Lingen was knighted by Edward the 
First, according to Ashmole, " at a great solemnity, in 
order to a royal voyage against the Scots." The family 
was becoming more influential in the county, for Ralph, 
son of this Sir John, became M.P. for Hereford in 1374, 
and married Margery, sister of Sir Robert PemlDrugge, of 
Tong Castle, Salop ; and his second son, Richard de 
Lingen, married Isabel, daughter of Philip Holgate, 
4th of Henry IV. This Richard appears to have been 
entrusted with some sjiecial powers l^y the king. A 


warrant is extant and printed in Blonnt's Law Dictionary, 
of such an unusual nature that I give it in full: — 

" Kichard de Lingein, Eraprover desueti commission. 
Nostre ne dont Seigneur le Pru.ce deins le Comte de 
Hereford et le Marches ad joygnant a toutry y ceuxt qui 
cests letters verront ou orront salutez. Sachery moy 
aver grant a une lanin de Brompton, loyal et leige nostre 
Seigneur le Boy et ses servantes de vendre et le Marche 
ad joygnant sans empechment ou arrest de nulluy come 
loyal et leige hommes a son propre use et encrese sans 
refreshment des Rebels de gales. Et cest mon lettre 
serra son garrant. En temoinage de quel chose a y ceste 
jay mise mon seal. Don a Lemestre le 11*^', jour de 
Jules le Ann de Bege G Boy Henric le quart apres le 
conque quarte," 1403. Owen Cllendower being then in 
arms against the king. 

Long before this Balph Lingen, the nephew of Fvichard 
and son of the first Balph Lingen, had succeeded his 
father in the representation of Herefordsliire. He sat in 
the Parliament of 1382, and married Jane the daughter 
of John Bussell, presumably judging from her arms of the 
Strentham fomily in Worcestersliire. We no longer find 
the Lingens identified with the manor from which they 
took their name. This Balph Lingen is styled of Sutton, 
or of Sutton Freene, a place historically interesting from 
its connection with the seat of the Mercian kings, and the 
site of the palace where the tragedy took place, which 
disgraced Oifa's name, and induced him to found, as some 
retribution, the grand cathedral of Hereford, of St. 
Alban, and made a pilgrimage to Bome in expiation of 
his crime. The event is noticed by Pliillips in his Georgic 
Cyder : — 

" And Sutton acres drench' cl with regal blood 
Of Ethelbei't, when to tli' iiuhallow'd feast 
Of Mercian Offa, ho invited came 
To treat of spousals ; long connubial joys 
He promis'd to himself, allur'd by fair 
Elfrida's beauty, but deluded, dy'd 
In height of hopes — oh ! hardest fate to fall 
By shew of friendship and pretended love." 

Sutton appears to have remained in the possession of 
the Crown until the Conqueror granted it to Nigel, 
the physician to the king. Henry I. granted free 


warren of this part of Sutton, tlien known as Sutton 
St. Nicholas, to Alexander the Secular, whose daughter 
married Walter de Freene, Lord of Moccas (circa 1290). 
Two parts of it became the pro23erty of the Talbots, but 
were sold l)y Sir John Talbot to Clementina, daughter of 
of Stephen Weite, who married Richard Walwyn, of 
Hellens, 1420, whose descendants sold it to the Lingens, 
who held the other portion of the lordship. As early as 
Henry III the Lingens held the royalty of fishing and 
fowling in the king's manor of Harden, adjacent to 

Isabel, the sister of this Ralph Liiigon, who died 
in 1446-47, married her cousin Fulke de Pembrugge, 
and the last male of his line. She was Inisy in the twelfth 
year of Henry IV (1410) in the foundation of the 
religious establishment since known as Tonge C-ollege. 
In the cliancel of the colle.ofe are the arms of Liuo-en and 
the arms of Ludlow empaling Lingen, a lion rampant 
doul)le cpieued empaling Lingen (Dudley or de Mont- 
fort), which Blakeway, in liis Slieriff's of Sliropfiiliirp, 
does not say. She ap])ea]'s to have married three times 
— first, Fulke de Pembruo-o;e ; second, Sii' John Ludlow : 
third. Sir Thomas de Peytevine, whose arms 1 have not 
l)een able to discover. 

The first time the name of Lino-en occurs in the roll of 
the Sheriffs of Herefordshire is in 1470, when Sir John 
Lingen, knight, of Sutton and Lingen, held that office. 
We find him holding it again in 1476. In 1486, in 1495, 
and in 1522, and for the next centurv, the name ot 
Lingen is conspicuous in the sheriff roll. This Sir John 
Lingen married Isabella, the third daughter and coheir r)f 
Sir John Burgh, knight, Lord of Maw^ldwy, who died in 
1471, the last heir of the ]:>rinces of South Wales. Lords 
of Powis. The de Burghs exercised great power during 
the reigns of the Iiancastrian princes. Sir Jolui was four 
times Shei'iff of Shrojjshire, and was a person of great 
magnificence. He had greatly " increased the family 
estates by marrying Joane, the younger daughter and 
coheir of Sir William CTopton, of Radbroke, knight, 
whereby he acquired the manors of luidbroke and 
(Jlopton, in the county of Gloucester, and divers other 
lands and manors, in tlie counties of Warwick and 

VOL. XXXIV. 3 c 


Gloucester." ' The other coheir of Sir William Clopton 
married first, Roger Harewell, of Wotton Wawen, in the 
county of Warwick, and secondly, Thomas Herbert. As 
the descendants of the coheiresses of Sir John de Burgh 
still exist, I may briefly here mention that Elizabeth, 
the eldest, married William Newport, the ancestor of the 
Earls of Bradford; Ankaret, the second daughter, married 
John Leighton, of Leigh ton, Salop ; Isabella, the thu'd 
daughter, married Sir rfohn Lingen ; and the youngest 
daughter also named Elizabeth, married Thomas Mytton, 
of Shrewsbury, a well-known family in Shropshire annals. 
The property of Sir John de Burgh does not appear 
to have been divided for several years after his death. 
Among the Loton papers is preserved a singular letter 
on the subject of this partition from Sir Jolui Lyngen to 
Sir Thomas Leigliton, written iii hltli Henry VII: — 

" To my ryght worshipfnll cosen Sir Thomas Legliton 
[be] this delivered in all haste." 

" E^iglit worshipfnll Syr, — I recomaunde me unto you 
desyring to liear of your ]jrosperitie, whiche J'hu p'serve, 
Amen. Lettying you to underston that my l)rother 
Mytton and my nevow John Newporte liath wryttyn 
unto me to have partyc'on of all the loncls that wher my 
fader in law Sir John de Boiu-gh's, and my lady hys 
wyff ; and I have wryttyn unto tliem under this form ; 
that we should have a mettyng, and there to have a 
comyn^ycac'on for the partyc'on of said londs, and to put the 
4 partyse of the londs equally devydyd in waxe, and so to 
take the parts thereof as fortune comythe : yf so be that 
they fynde any defxute in the mackyng of tlie books of 
]:)artyc'on lett tliem amend hytt. Also I have poynted 
the jilase of mettyng at Lodlow, tlie 7th day of the 
monythe of May, and yf so be tliat ye wylle be greable 
tlierto, praying you to sende me in wrything under yo'** 
seale whether ye wylle be greable or no, by my serv*, the 
whyche shalle bring you answere betvvixte tins and Estyr, 
as avoute the maryage l)etwixte my cosyn Acton, and my 
dortyre Jane. No more unto yow at this tynie, but J'hu 
p'serve, Amen. Yo*' lovyng wncull, John Lyngen, kniglit." 
This meeting apparently took place on the 12tli of 
May, 1501, thirty years after tlie death of Sir John de 

' r.ii(l'j;i'iiian's Priiiccs nf Son/h Vnhn, \>. 2'ii). 


Biirgl), when Sir John Lyiigeii and [sabe] liis wife re- 
ceived " tlie l()rdslii|)S and niaiiois of Yucelton and 
Stretton, with the mill and the })ark, part of the forest of 
Cawes, Kyinierton, Sturchley, Wentnor, with the ad- 
vowson of the church Gi-;ivenor, Overs, Shelve, and the 
fourth part of Walton, with the a[)purtenances in the 
said county," as the [Portion which fell to the said Isahel, 
as dauirhter and heiress of Sir John de BurMi, and of 
her mother's inheritance; "the lordships and manors of 
llodbroke, Gretson, Wykelford, Upton liaselor, Exhall, 
Binton, Barton, Betford, Benhall, and Mickleton, within 
the CO. of Warwick ; lands and hereditaments in Bod- 
broke, Gretson, Wikelford, Upton HfLselor, Exall, Binton, 
Barton, Betford, Benhall, and Mickleton, with the ap- 

Sir John Jing'en died in ]o22, and was buried at 
Amestry church, near Linge]!, by the side of his wife, and 
their beautiful monumental brass yet remains on their 
tomb. The sisters of Sir John married well. Isolda 
espoused Brian Harley, an ancestor of the Earls of 
Oxford ; Matilda married Thomas Devereux, ancestor of 
the Earls of Essex . 

The fortunes of the family still continued to rise : the 
son of Sir John and Isabel, the second Sir John Lingen, 
of Sutton, was sheriff in 1505, 1516, and 1520. He 
married in 1512 Eleanor, dauu'hter and heiress of Thomas 
Milewater, of Stoke Edith, and acquired thereby that 
beautiful and picturesque estate. Stoke Edith is supposed 
to take its name fi'om the Saxon Saint Editha, daughter 
of King Egbert, whose story I have told in my Ili.storic 
Wamvickshire. It was the ])ro]>erty of lialph Toderic 
(the king's standard Ijearer at the battle of Hastings), 
at the time of the Domesday survey. Like Sutton, it 
came into the hands of the Walwyns. It continued 
in the Lingen family till the Bestoration, when it 
was permanently alienated. The Lingens now seemed 
to have attained the height of their prosperity. A 
third John Lino-en succeeded his father in 1530, and 
married Margaret tlie daughtiM- of Sir Thomas Engleiield, 
of Engletield, co. Beiks, k.f.., S])eaker of the House of 
Commons and Chief Justice of Chester. Fn his time 
Catherine of iVrragon held Marden (p. 28} duiing lier 


forced widowhood. There seems to have been many 
disputes between the Lingens and the CroM'n, according 
to Lord Coningsby's Ilistorif of tJw Manor of Mardcn, 
judging from the Inquisition printed in page 30, which 
recites the previous agreement between the Crown and 
the Lingeiis. John Lingen seems to have taken part in 
the conspiracy to put Lady Jane Grey on the throne at 
the death of Edward VI. (p. 42), and he died the same 
year that Mary came to the throne, 1544. He was suc- 
ceeded by the fourth Jolm Lingen, who married a daughter 
of Jolm and Sibell Iluynton, co. Herefoi'd. He repre- 
sented the city in 1523. His daughter Jane married 
William Shelley, described in the History of Marden, as 
of Clapham, SiuTey, Ijut in the Bridgeman pedigree as of 
Michelgrove, co. Sussex. It would appear as if the 
Shelleys had conformed to the old religion, and were 
connected with the various conspiracies to release Mary 
Queen of Scots, and with the jirojected invasion under 
the Duke of Guise. He w^as attainted in 1583 and 
executed in 1597, and his prcjperty confiscated to the 
Crown. Mis. Shelley was also im])risoned, but was 
subse(pieiit]y released and permitted to eiijoy for her 
\i^{i the estates she inherited from Sii' John de Bui'gh. 
These j>assed away at her death (childless) by the gi'ant 
of Kuig Jaines I. to Sir liichard Preston, Lord Dingwall. 

The male branch of the family was continued hy 
William Lingen, uncle of Mrs. Shelley, who married 
Cicelia,, daughter of Anthony Ingram, of Wolverhampton. 
Their son Edward succeeded to the estates of Sutton and 
Stoke Edith on the death of his cousin. He appears to 
liave been mixed up in the troubles of the previous reign, 
for in the manor of Marden he is spoken of as "the 
traitor." He was, however, sheriff of Herefordshire in 
1G18, and married Blanch daughter of Sir Koger Boden- 
ham, of Ilotherwas, co. Hereford. Edward Lingen left 
two sons ; from the youngest, Koger, who purchased the 
ancestral manor of Radbroke from Lord Dingwall, the 
the Lingen-Burtons of Longner, Salop, are descended. 
The eldest stands forth prominently in the Lingen 
amials as the last male Lnigen of Stoke Edith and 
Sutton, and a famous cavalier. The manor of Lingen had 
been given by King .James to Sir rb)]ni i\;yton, nor 


was it ever restoied to the faiiiily, tliougli they were 
distinguished lor tlieir loyalty throughout the civil wars. 
Henry Lingen raised a regiment in the king's service 
and joined A\'ith the Coningsbys, Scudainores, Crofts, and 
Pyes against the Harleys, Kyrles and Westphalings 
against the parliament. His siege of Brampton Brian 
and defence of Goodrich are matters of history. In 1645 
he received the honour of knighthood from tlie hand of 
King Charles, at Mr. Pritchard's house near Grosmont. 
He was cast into prison after the king's defeat, and 
fined £6,342. Besides his expenses in maintaining a 
regiment of horse in the king's service, it is stated that 
Sir Ilobert Harley's losses at Brampton Brian Castle 
were estimated to exceed £12,990, and the Parliamentary 
Commonwealth ordered the greater amount to be levied 
oft' the Lingen estates, but Edward Harley, Sir Robert's 
son, generously forgave the whole. The following curious 
memorandum shews the extreme distress to which 
Charles T. was reduced for want of money March 23, 
1623, and what })late was due to Sir Henry Lingen, high 
sheriff co. Hereford, u])on a privy seal for the loan of £20 
lent to His Majesty : — 

" One guilt salte with a cover, oue guilte salte -svitli a cover, one 
guilte trencher, one great silver salte, one caudle cup, one little spoon, 
and one tonne or tankard." 

The caudle cup is now in the possession of Mrs. Geo. 
Unett, of Castell Frome, Leaming-ton, Avho is one of the 
coheiresses of Sir Henry Lingen; for though the gallant 
cavalier had three sons and seven daughters, only one, 
Frances, had descendants as far as known, and she 
married .John Unett, of CJastle Frome, co. Hereford. 
His great grandson Heiny Unett married Jane, the 
daughter of William Lingen, of Sutton Court, who was 
grandmother to Mrs. Geo. Unett and her sisters, the 
surviving coheirs of Sir John de Burgh and Sir Henry 
Lingen. In the History of the Manor of Marden^ 
p. 537, there are some particulars of the old Cavalier, 
who was born at Rotherwas, near Hereford, and who died 
of small-pox at Gloucester, on his way from London, 
where he had been attending to his duties as repre- 
sentative of Herefordshire in January, 1661-2. The 
Chronicler says : — " Sir Henry Liiigen, eldest son of 


Edward the traitor, .died, having been in the compass of 
five years a knight, and no knight, and a knight again, 
and after having (between the years 1G47, the year before 
King Charles I was murdered, and the year 1G60, when 
his son was restored) with equal vigour and zeal acted the 
glorious part of a loyal cavalier and a complying Kound- 
head ; the last part so near the time that it pleased the 
Almighty to restore its lawful prince to the throne of his 
ancestoi's, and his injured mothei', the Queen, to her 
jointiu"ed lands in Harden and Sutton, that it could no 
more be covered than excused, as 'tis said, broke his 
hardy heart," It is said also that he was in debt to the 
C^rown at least £400, for the rent of Sutton and his 
royalties in Harden. He died, however, the owner of 
tlie demesnes of Stoke Edith and Sutton Freene, with 
the mills there called the King's Hills; also the demesnes 
of Sutton St. Nicholas, Aymestry, Connop and Lye, with 
500 acres of wood there, the demesnes of Biu'ghill and 
Tillington, the manor of Broxwood, the demesne of 
Weston, in the parish of Brewardine, then in course 
of litigation, which terminated against his heir, who 
established a right to a fee farm rent of £13 Gs. 8d., 
payable out of the manor of Weston. Sir Henry had also 
passessions in the counties of Salop, Warwick, and Essex. 
His rent roll amounted to £1250 per annum. His 
property was divided between his seven surviving 
daughters in 1670. Stoke Edith was sold to Paul Foley 
of Bromsgrove, an ironmaster, and a great friend of 
Bichard Baxter, in whose family it still remains. Sutton 
Freene or Freene Court was sold by Hrs. Unett and 
her sisters in 1873. Sutton Walls is in the possession 
of Hr. Arkwright. 

Castle Frome, near Ledljury, the married home of 
Frances Lingen, was a former manor of the Lacies, and 
2)assed from them to the Devereux, and thence by mar- 
riage to the Braces, whose heiress married John Unett, 
wlio then became (jure exoris) lord of Castle Frome. 
The Unetts intermarried with nearly every family of 
importance in tlie comity of Hereford, and remained 
lords of Castle Frome until the last cejitury, when they 
made Freene Cinu-t their ])rincipal seat. 

There arc many collateral branches of the Lingen 


family remaining in different parts of the country, — tlie 
Lingen- Burtons of Longner, the Lingens of Wytton, co. 
Salop, and the branch represented by the Secretary to 
the Committee of Council, Ilalph W. Lingen, Esq,, and 
Dr. Lingen, of the city of Hereford. Thus though the 
old name has like many a mighty river lost its distinctive 
title, it still survives in the minor streamlets, whose 
names are written in the Lihro (TOro, — the nol^le and 
gentle men of England. 



Although full accounts, which I will presently enu- 
merate, ap]:)eared at the time as to the discovery of 
the o-reat Talltot's bones beneatli his well-known effigy 
at Whitchurch, I hope the sulnject may he deemed of 
sufficient interest, from the intimate connection of the 
Earl and his family with this immediate neigh])Ourhood, 
to justify me in again bringing it forward, and parti culai'ly 
as tliere are one or two j^oints not hitherto referred to, 
which appear to me to add importance to the curious 
evidences of identity of the remains already collected. 

Any lengthened details of the history and exploits of 
the great soldier, John Talbot, Avill not be expected fi-om 
me, for, devoting as he did, the best pai't of his eighty j^ears 
to the service of his country in the warlike periods of 
Henry the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth, and embracing the 
whole career of Joan of Arc of France, his chivalrous 
deeds have l)een again and again recounted, and rendered 
specially immortal by Shakesj)eare himself. 

He was the second son of Richard Talbot, of Goodrich 
Castle, in this county, to v^hom, by the death of the elder 
brother, he became heir, and marrying the heu-ess of Loi'd 
Furnival had summons to Parliament in that dignity. 
He subserjuently earned and received many other honours 
and the Earldom of Shrewsbury, and after a life of 
brilliant military achievements, died on the field of 
Chatillon, 20th July, 1453. 

On the 9th of March, 1874, some workmen removed 
the effigy of the Earl, at Whitchurch, in preparation for 
some contemplated repairs of the canopy and front of 
the monument, and found underneath a sort of case or 
coffin, containing (with the exception of some vertebne) 
an entire skeleton, each lione of which was separately and 
carefully encased in cere cloth. The rector (the llev. 
W. H. Egerton) at once communicated with the repre- 


sentative (the recently deceased Earl of Shrewsbury), 
with Earl Brownlow, the present owner of the Blakemere 
]iroperty, and others, and forwarded an account of the 
discovery to the Society of Antiquaries, which was there 
read on 12th March, Mr. Knight Watson giving a resurne, 
from contemporaneous chroniclers, of the maimer of the 
Earl's death. Later in the month, Mr. Earwaker, of 
Merton College, Oxford, communicated Ashmole's own 
notes (from his MS., No. 854, Bodleian), taken at Whit- 
church, 31 August, 1G63. He describes the tomb, says 
there was then no epitaph remaining, but quotes, from a 
MS. of 1598, of some extracts from the Whitchurch 
llegister, a full roll of his titles, which had formed an 
inscription ; and gives also the Latin wording of a brass 
which formerlv existed in the church, recording^ his name 
and titles and his death, " in hello apud Biuxlowe," as on 
the 17 til July, 1453. I may here say that a lengthened 
notice of the discovery of the bones and the Earl's history 
appeared in the Shrewshunj Journal of 18th March, and 
more full ones stiU, with an account of the ceremony and 
service on the re-interment of the remams, in the WJiit- 
church Parish Magazine, in the montlily numbers for 
April and May, 1874. 

Mr. Egerton cori'esponded with me, and I took some 
pains to ascertain where the Earl was really buried, and 
to assist in identilying the remains from the various 
circumstances recorded of his deatli. I found conflicting 
statements as to the place of his burial. Most modern 
Avi'iters, and several early ones of repute, were agreed that 
he was interred at Whitchurch ; but he was otherwise 
said to have been buried at Rouen and at Blakemere. 
There were grounds, as I will show, for both these 
statements, llalph Brooke, in his Catalogue of Nohilitij, 
gave Rouen as the })lace; and Augustine Vincent (Wind- 
sor Herald), in his Discoveries of Errours in Brooke, 
ever ready, and, I may add, able to correct him, points out 
the mistake. I referred to the Earl's wdll, which was 
dated at Portsmouth, 1 Sept., 1452, and was proved at 
Lambeth 18tli January, 1453-4, and there I found the 
direction " My body to be beryed at Blakemere in the 
paryshe church on the right side of the chancell." I 
wrote to the rector (the lle\'. Andre^v Pope), and heard 



that there was not even a tradition of this directioji 
having been acted u])on, for although contained in one of 
the last instruments he coidd have executed, it was over- 
ruled by a pronnse he is reported to have made to his 
body-guard of Whitchurch men, who, rallying round him 
when in innninent danger in one of his battles, said to be 
that of Patay, saved his life, that he would be laid in 
Whitchin-ch. That he was first interred at Rouen there 
can be no doubt, and lience that place has been recorded 
as that of his burial, but liis remains were brought from 
thence forty years after his death Ijy liis grandson, Sir 
Gilbert Talbot, of Grafton, wdio led the right Aving of 
llichmond's army at Bosworth, and buried where they 
were found — the heart embalmed, in a silver urn covered 
with crimson velvet, had been buried in the porch, 
probably immediately after his death. Sir Gilbert was 
the foundei- of the chauntry at Whitchui'ch, and died 9th 
year of Henry VIII. 

I now come to the means of identifying the bones. The' 
Earl was not only wounded at Chatillon, but his horse 
being killed, lie lay on the ground, and in this position was 
" despatched," as it has been said, by a blow on the head, 
probably from an axe. Shakespeare's account of Sir 
William Lucy coming to the French prince, when seeking 
for Talbot's body, will be remembered : — 

Sir W. Zuci/ : Hei'ald, conduct me to the Dauphin's tent, 

To know who hath obtained the glory of the day. 
Charles : On what submissive message art thou sent ? 
Sir W. Lucy : Submission, Dauphin! 'tis a mere French word; 

We English warriors wot not what it means. 

I come to know what prisoners thou hast ta'en, 

And to survey the bodies of the dead. 
Charles : For prisoners ask'st thou ? Hell our prison is. 

But tell me whom thou seek'st ? 
Sir ir. Luri/ : But where 's the great Alcides of the liold, 

Valiant Ijord Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, 

Created, for his rare success in arms, 

(ireat p]avl of AVashford, Waterford, and Valence ; 

Lord Talbot of Goodrig and Urchinfield, 

Lord Strange of Blackmero, Lord Verdun of Alton, 

Lord Cromwell of Wingfield, Lord Furnival of Sheffield, 

Tlio tliricn victorious Lord of Falconbridge ; 

Kniglit of the noble order of Saint George, 

AN'orthy Saint Michael and the Golden Fleece ; 

Great Marshal to TIciiry the Sixtli 

Of all his wars within the realm of France '^ 





Shakespeare was right in this. The body was anxiously 
sought for by many, and was at last identified ])y the 
Herald of the Earl, who, although it was so mangled and 
disfigured as to be scarcely discoverable, recognised him 
by the loss of his hinder teeth. I find the following 
account of this in the MSS. of John Anstis, Garter King- 
of-Arms, in the Heralds' College. He says — 

" But we are assured by a contemporary French historian 
that his Herald attended on him when he was slain at 
Chastillon, who had then been his ofhcer-of-arms above 
forty years, so that he had such in 1st Henry V. The 
passage is remarkable in discovering to us the customs of 
that age — that many officers of arms l^eing sent to find out 
the body of this most valiant Earl, among whom was ' Le 
Heraud du dit Sieur de Tallebot qui avoit vestu sa cotte 
d'armes,' and knowing his master by the want of some of 
his hinder teeth, though his face was so mangled and dis- 
figured with wounds. "II le baisa en la bouche, en clisant 
ces mots, Monseigneur mon maistre, ce estes vous, je prie a 
Dieu qu'il vous pardonne vos mesfaits, j'ay este votre officier 
d'armes quarante ans ou plus, il est temps que je le vous 
rende, en faisant piteux crys et lamentations, et en rendant 
eau par les yeux tres pitousment, et alors il revestit sa 
cotte d'armes et la mit sur son maistre." 

It is worthy of note that the painted portrait effigy 
of the Earl of Shrewsbuiy, which used to hang In Old 
St. Paul's, represented liim in his Tabard and in the act 
of prayer. The original of this picture is in the 
collection of the Marquis of Northampton at Castle 
Ashby, and a copy is now in the Kecord-room of the 
Herald's Colleo-e.' It is a curious confirmation of tlie 


story of the Herald. 

But more interesting than this is a ph(jtograph, for whieli 
I am indebted to the llev. W. H. Eo-erton, and from -which 
the engraving is taken, of the skull and jaw found at Whit- 
church. In the former the remai'kal)le confirmatory evi- 
dence of the axe blow will be observed, and in the latter 
the no less remarkable testimony of the entire loss of the 
back teeth. 

' Mr. TiK-kcr exliiliilcd an oiip^ravliig oi the ] picture from his own collection 



Not the least curious circumstance in connection 
with the discovery of tliese liones is, that amongst 
them was the skeleton of a mouse ! "As poor as a 
church mouse " we have often heard, and this poor mouse 
had not only sought the shelter of the great Earl's coffin, 
l)ut the Livpermm in imperio of his skull, as a nest to 
give birth to her young. "It is an ill wind that blows 
good to no one," and the fatal axe blow had created a 
convenient entrance for the mouse. Her bones were 
found mingled with those of the mighty soldier, while 
those of her young were found within his skull ! 

Shakespeare, who knew and I'ecorded so much of the 
Earl, had surely a forecast of this when he wrote — 

Hamlet : To what base uses we may return Horatio ! Why may not 
imagination trace the noble dust of Alexander, till lie find it stopping 
a bung-hole ! 

Horatio : ' Twere to consider too curiously to consider so. 

Hamlet : No, faith, not a jot ; but to follow him thither with modesty 
enough, and likelihood to lead it : as thus — Alexander died, Alex- 
ander was buried, Alexander returueth to dust ; the dust is earth ; of 
earth we make loam ; and why of that loam whereto he was converted, 
might they not stop a beer barrel ? 

Imperious Oresar, dead, and turned to clay, 
Might stop a hole to keep the wind away : 
0, that the earth, which kept the world in awe, 
Should patch a wall to expel the winter's flaw !" 

For the following, I am indebted to Lord Talbot de 
Malahide, who copied it from a narrow parchment docu- 
ment in his possession : — 


En la presence de moy Jelian cl'Estampes maistre d'ostel 
de Monsg"" le Conte d'Angoulesme, Guillaume le Ves- 
viUe commis par mon dit S"" a la recepte generale de toiites 
ses finances a anjourdliui paid et ])aille ])ar I'ordonnance 
et commandement de mon dit S"" les sommes cy apr^s 
declarees aux personnes et pour les causes cpii ensuivait. 
C'est a savoir a Reslandire tromjDette d'icelluy S"" pour don 
a liiy fait ponr les bonnes et joyenses nouvelles par liiy 
apportees a mon dit S"" en la ville d'Angoulesme de la mort 
de Talbot et de la disconfiture des Anglois devant Castillon 
cinquante cinq sols tournois et a Colinet Goulon pour aler 
de la dite ville d'Angoulesme a Blois et a Remiremont 
pour les dites nouvelles a Monsign*" le Due d' Orleans et a 
Madame la Contesse d'Angoulesme cinquante cinq sols 
tournois. Tesmoing mon seign manuel cy mis le xviij 
jour de Juillet I'an mil cccc cinquante trois. 


The following letter appeared in the Standard of the 
15th August, 1877, from which it was copied in the 
Shreivsbury Journal. It was to the Editor of this latter 
Journal that the reply of the Eector of Whitchurch was 
addressed : — 

Dfar Sie, — In a paragrapli that appeared in your paper of August 
1.5tli, giving- a short account of the lioyal Archreologieal Institute's 
excursion to Goodrich Castle, I find several inaccuracies in connection 
with the first Earl of Shrewsbuiy, mentioned in INIr. Stephen Tucker's 
Paper. The first one is that the great -warrior's remains were found 
at AVhitchurch, in Shropshire, in 1864, whereas they were refoxind in 
1874, at the time the church was undergoing some slight alterations 
or renovations. The next point I would like to call j'our attention 
to is — "At Chatillon (he was then 80 years old) he was unhorsed, and 
lay for some time on the ground, until, wo are told, he was ' des- 
patched ' by a blow on the head from a battle-axe." When the bones 
were lying in the vestry of the church at AVhitchurch, I had the 
opportunit}' of examining them, and on taking up the skull (before I 
knew that tlie valiant warrior had been killed by a battle-axe) I 
remarked that the fracture observable on the left parietal bone had 
been made with a battle-axe or a sharp weapon having a segmented 
edge, judging from the shape of the fissure and the marked incision 
in the bone of the skull at either end of the perforation, I did not 
measure its length, but [should say that it was about o-A inches long, 
and the piece of bone that had been forced into the brain by the stroke 
was about two inches in length. The blow had evidently been struck 
as he was standing unhorsed engaged to a hand to hand fight 
with an enemy in front, by an enemy coming somewhat beiiind 
him and striking him with a battle-axe on the left side of his 
head, which felled him to the ground, and he, as I imagine, fell 


on his riglit sliovilder and forehead or face, and the blood that 
flowed from the wound over the left side of the head and face, 
Mhich was uppermost, disguised him to such an extent as to 
make his body difficult of recognition, especially if he fell in 
a muddy or dusty spot. On viewing the skull (a cast of which 
was taken for the Archa?ological Society if I am not mistaken) 
from the clean cut of the gaping fissure and its perpendicular 
line with the body when in an erect position, shows plainly' 
that it was not received at a time when he was lying unhorsed 
on the ground, and at the same time, from its position on the 
skull, there can be no doubt but that he was taken at a dis- 
advantage, and the foeman that dealt it was not facing him at the 
time fighting hand to hand. Again — *' His body u'as long sought 
for, and was at last recognised by his herald, by the absence of 
the hinder teeth, the features having been so injured as to be 
undistinguishable. The skull found at AVhitchurch wants the 
hinder teeth, and has the hollow caused by the fatal blow." Now 
the skull at Whitchurch is wrapped round with a kind of narrow 
linen cloth, about the width now used in bandaging (and as I 
imagine in those days taken to the field of battle with them to 
be used for bandaging up of wounds). After the burial of the 
body at Rouen, eomo few years must have elapsed before the 
skull and bones were wrapped in the cerecloth that now covers 
them, for eveiy trace of flesh or integument is entirely gone, 
and it is almost an impossibility to say what teeth he had at 
the time of his death ; from what I could see and judge by 
the drepressions, risings, or markings on the cerecloth covering 
the bones of the jaw, he had only one tooth remaining, and 
that was a dens sapientite or wisdom tooth on the left side of the 
lower jaw, and I also thought that five or six lower front teeth 
had fallen out from want of attachment before the bones were 
covered with the cloth covering that is now on them. It was 
my intention to have endeavoured to have obtained permission 
to have taken a cast of the jaw bone, and without the present 
covering, so as to have been able to have given a decided 
opinion as to the age, &c., &c., of the person to whom they 
had formerly belonged ; from what I could see of them I con- 
cluded the individual was upwards of 80 years of age, but on 
my next visit to the town I learnt that the valiant old Earl 
was being buried for the third time, and that the late noble 
Earl was attending his funeral. Again, "Among the bones was 
found the skeleton of a mouse who had made her nest in 
the skull of tlie great Talbot, where the remains of her young 
were still remaining. It is an ill wind that blows no one 
any good. The mouse had entered through the breach made 
by the battlo-axo, but having been unable to escape again from 
the coffin, had suffered a fate more severe than that which is the 
proverbial lot of tlie ordinary church mouse." Now all that reads 
very prettily, but it will not do, the breach in the skull might admit a 
silver crown piece, but never a mouse in an interesting condition, who 
must have gone into the skull to have been confined, for even her 
progeny never could have squeezed through tlio fissure ; she must have 
entered through the foramen magnum at the l»ase of the skull before 


it was covered over witli cerecloth, and most likely tliey were in a 
mumiuilied condition when that was done, otherwise there is no account- 
ing fur the circumstance. 

Apologising- for trespassing so much on your valuable time, I would 

not have done so had I not considered it my duty if possible to 

prevent such errors of traditional or hearsay evidence being taken as 

matter of fact, as every day I am the more convinced of its imreliability. 

Yours faithfully, 


Doctor of Dental Surgery. 
47, Darlington-street, Wolverhampton, 
August IGth, 1877. 

SiK, — Tlie interesting letter C[Uoted in your columns last week from 
the Standard invites a few remarks. The purport of that letter was to 
correct supposed inaccuracies in a lecture on the discovery of Talbot's 
bones at AVhitchurch, delivered by Mr. Stephen Tucker (Eouge Croix) 
before the Eoyal Archaeological Institute at Hereford. The first 
inaccuracy is an accidental misprint of 1864 for 1874. Setting this 
aside, the writer begins by objecting to the word /o«Mr^ as applied to the 
discovery of the warrior's bones. He says it should have been rcfound. 
No such word exists ; but its equivalent in meaning seems to me need- 
less. Talbot's bones were found for the first time in the present church 
on the 9th of March, 1874. Dr. Dalby's next remarks have reference to 
the circumstances of Talbot's death. From the vertical character of 
the cut on the skull, he argues that the body must have been erect 
when the fatal blow was given. I should have accepted Dr. Dalby's 
reasoning on this point without hesitation if history had been silent 
on the subject, but we are confronted by the authority of Hollinshed, 
Avho, after having described the siege of the Tower at Chastillon and 
Talbot's victorious pursuit of the French into their own fortified 
camp, thus lecords his death — " Though at firste with manfull 
courage and sore fighting the Earle wanne the entrie of their 
camp, yet at length they compassed him about, and shooting him 
through the thigh with an hand-gunne, slew his horse, and 
finally killed him, lying on the ground, whom they never durst 
look in the face, while he stoode on his feete." — Hollinshed, 
black letter copy, vol. ii, j). 1285. 

The next point in Mr. Tucker's letter, criticised by Dr. Dalby, is that 
Talbot's body was recognised after the battle "by the absence of the 
hinder teeth." When the skull was examined there were three incisors 
and one molar tooth in the lower jaw. There were aparently 
no teeth in the upper jaw. Certain it is that the body lay 
for some time on the field of battle until discovered b}' the Earl's 
herald, "who broke out into compassionate and dutiful expressions, 
disrobed himself of his coat of arms, and flung it over his master's 

We now come to the incident of the mouse's nest in the 
skull. Mr. Tucker asserts that the entrance to the nest was 
"through the breach made by the battle-axe." Dr. Dalby says that 
this "reads very prettily, but that it will not do." In proof of this he 
states that the gash in the skull was onl}'- wide enough to admit a 
crown piece, and that therefore the mouse must have entered by the 
foramen magnum. Now the actual dimensions of the gash are 2^ 



iuclies iu leugtli, aucl fully | of au inch wide in the centre i^art. 
Moreover the sides of the orifice bore evidence of ingress and egress, 
having that peculiar brown serai-polished look which we know so well 
iu the appearance of a mouse-hole. The entrance to the nest was 
directly beneath the hole, and the cerecloth for some distance round it 
had been gnawed away by the mice. If the mouse had made her 
entrance and exit by the foramen magnum she must have done so 
before the bones were brought from Rouen, for that orifice was closely 
bound up by the cerecloth. That a French mouse should have in- 
creased her progeny in the cavity of Talbot's skull would indeed have 
been an indignity ; but the fact that fragments of the torn leaves of an 
English prayer book formed part of the substance of the nest, proves 
to demonstration that the tenant of the skull was none other than an 
English church mouse. Dr. Dalby is right in condemning the substi- 
tution of traditional or hearsay evidence for matter of fact. I have 
endeavoured to supply him with some facts which reduce his list of 
inaccuracies to a minimum, and substantiate in every important 
particular the correctness of the statements made by Eouge Croix. 

I am, &c., 


As 'au actual iustauco uf the base 
uses to wliich excn kiugs returu, it uiay 
be nientiuued tbat wben the touib of 
Kiug John was oi)eued in 1797 "avast 
(£uautity of the dry skius of maggots " 
were fouud withiu the royal coffiu. Some 
of these were ]>urhnned by nn ingenious 
gcntknnan of Woreester, who, baiting his 
hook with them, and toihng for three 

days, finally (h'ew a dace out of the 
Severn, whieh lie liore in triumph through 
the Streets. A workman stole a finger- 
bone, and sent it to London to be tipped 
witli silver, but it was lost on the road. 
— ^See Gough's Sejmlchral Monuments, 
vol. ii, part i, p. 331, and Grlkne's 
Accoiml of the Opi'iiing. — Ed. 



Professor Hiibner, in his collection of " Inscnptiones 
Britannia' Latince,'' has stated " Tituli Miliarii Britan- 
nici plus minus qiiadraginti," and has arranged these 
forty mile stones under different heads, according to the 
districts in which they were found ; and he has also 
classed them according to date, allotting them to the 
several emperors whose name or titles they bear. This 
arrangement is very convenient, and he has thus called 
attention to their importance, and aftbrded an opportunity 
of comparing them, and eliciting any information wliich 
can be gathered as to the date of construction of the 
several Roman roads which traversed this island. He 
has also given an opportunity for rectifying any mis- 
reading of each stone, and of adding to his collection any 
stones that may be wanting to make the list perfect. 

Something has already been done towards making his 
list more complete. Mr. T. Watkin, in two papers printed 
in the ArcJueolor/ical Journal, has noticed eight omis- 
sions, which he has supplied, and more correct readings 
have l3een obtained of others, as for instance of the first 
recorded, viz., that foiuid at S. Hilary in Cornwall, the 
reading of which Professor Hiibner has amended in his 
Additamenta, in consequence of a correct impression of 
the stone having been j^rocured. Attention having been 
thus called to these monuments, it is not beyond hope 
that others may be rescued from oblivion, and that any 
more which may come to light in the future will be at 
once read and recorded. It is not improbable that by 
means of such monuments a correct, or at least an 
approximate date, might be assigned to the formation of 
the several Roman military roads in Britain. 

The earliest ^Miliaries that have yet been found, or at 
least recorded, are two of the date of Hadrian, (see 



C. I. L., vol. vii Nos. 1169, 1175); two of Caracalla, 
(Nos. 1164, 1186) ; and a third of uncertain reading 
(No. 1191), but probably of the date of Elagabalus. 
There are also four of the Emperor Gordian (Nos. 1149, 
1159, 1183, 1184); four of Philip, father and son (Nos. 
1172, 1173, 1178, 1179); four of the Emperor Decius 
(Nos. 1163, 1171, 1174, 1180) ; two of Gallus and A^olu- 
sianus (Nos. 1148, 1182) ; one or two of Postumus (1161, 
1162) ; one of Victorinus (1160) ; two of Tetricus (1150, 
1151) ; one of Aurelian (1152), one of Florianus (1156), 
one of Numerianus (1165), one of Diocletian and Maxi- 
mian (1190), one of Maximinus Daza (1158); four of 
Constantine (1157, 1170, 1176, 1177); one of Crispus 
(1153); three of Constantine Junior (1147, 1154, 1188). 
Add to these the eight supplied by Mr. Watkin, viz., — 
Tetricus, Tacitus : three which are undoubted miliary 
stones, but which are illegible, found in Shropshire ; one 
at Uriconimn, and two foiuid in a pool when drained near 
Rowton (Ptutunium) ; one lately found near Bakewell, 
in Derbyshire (see ArchcBological Journal, vol. xxxiii, 
p. 53) ; one found at Segshill, fifteen miles from Leicester, 
on the line of the Foss road (see Arch. J., xxxi, 353), 
both of which unfortunately have the imperial titles 
effaced ; and another dug up at Middleton, three miles 
from Kirkby Lonsdale (see Arch. J., xxxi, 354). 

We have them extending from the time of Hadrian, 
A.D. 120, to Constantine Junior, a.d. 336, embracing a 
period of above two hundred years. There is little doubt, 
however, that the Roman roads in this island must have 
been begun before the time of Hadrian, and kept in order 
to a later period than that of ('Onstantine Junior. We 
have evidence in Somersetshire of a Roman road tra- 
versuig the Mendip mineral district, on the line of which 
pigs of Roman lead are found, bearing the stamp of the 
Emperor Vespasian, a.d. 70, or still earlier. that of Britan- 
nicus, A.D. 49. Along the line of this road, whicli ex- 
tended from Old Sarum (Sorbiodunum) in Wilts to the 
Bristol Channel at Brean Down in Somerset, no Miliaries 
are recorded to have been found ; neither have any been 
found or recorded in the neighbourhood of Bath, and 
only one in Kent. 

Tt seems impossible to Ix'lieve that the roads liere 


named were without the measured distances or im- 
perial titles recorded on stone. It mnst have been 
that the stones once standing by the Roman roads 
have been found so valuable foi' mere stones or for 
building, that they have been used for such objects. 
Miliaries are chiefly found in unfrecjuented districts 
in C^ornwall, in Wales, in Cumberland, and in North- 
umberland. The formation of macadamised roads since 
the commencement of the present century has doubtless 
caused many to be broken uj:) for material. The fact of a 
cylindrical column with a few letters upon it, hardly 
readable, would provoke no great curiosity to enquire 
further into tlieu' meaniiiof, and the stone would at once 
be consigned to the wayside heap, there to undergo a 
speedy process of demolition, and so a historical record 
would jDerish for ever. 

The first Koman roads constructed in Britain were 
doubtless those three which run from the Kentish coast, 
at Lymne, Dover, and Richboro', to Canterbury, and 
from thence to London. But one solitary uninscribed and 
obliterated "Miliary" at Southfleet' denotes the lines of 
these important roads, the courses of which are ascertained 
beyond a doubt. 

The campaign of Aulus Plautius began a.d. 43, and the 
capture of Caractacus took place a.d. 50. This wTir 
opened out all the south-west portion of Britain to the 
Roman arms, and to this period we must look for the first 
formation of Roman roads, but the only spot in this 
region where Miliaries have as yet been noted is at 
Bittern, near Southampton. Here four are recorded in 
Hlibner's collection, and two more added by Mr. Thomp- 
son Watkin, but all are of a late date. 

Gordianus - a.d. 238-244 

Gallus and Volusiamis - 251-253 

Tetricus - - 267-273 

L. Domitius Aurelian - 270-275 

and another Tetricus, and the one containing an inscrip- 
tion not yet properly decyphered, but supposed to have 
the station LANDINIS or LINDINIS recorded on it, 
probably Lyme Reijif^. 

' Sec Ilubutr's lim\ Brit. Lai. \k 20. after No. llo2. 


The Itinerary of Antouiuus does not go beyond Exeter, 
but that lloman roads extended into Cornwall is clear 
from the traces of them, and the stations that remain, 
and from the "Miliary" found at S. Hilary, which is 
given in Hilbner's work (No 1147), but which has only 
been correctly read very recently. (See Additamenta ad 
Corporis, vol. vii, p. 1147, and a paper lately read to the 
Cornwall Koyal Institution of Truro, by Dr. Barham, in 
which he has pointed out the direction of these roads). 
The date of this " Miliary " is of the time of Constantine 
the Great, a.d. 308-437, and is very similar to one found 
in the high road between Cambridge and Huntingdon, 
about three miles Irom Cambridge (see No. 1154). 

In Devonshire and Wilts we have the Foss Road and 
the Icknield Street, and also lesser Koman roads, but no 
Miliaries are found, nor yet in Dorset, where we have tlie 
Acling Street, Portway, the Street, and Romansleigh 
llidge. Nor are any recorded to have been found in 

The " London Stone " in Cannon Street, in the city, 
has been supposed to be a Koman " Miliary," and the 
centre from which the Iloman roads were measured, as 
was intended to be the case with the famous " Miliarium 
A.ureum " at Rome,^ but this is very doubtful, and there 
is no further proof of it, than that many of the Itineraries 
terminate in London.- It is doubtful if this stone was 
ever inscribed. 

Throughout the eastern portion of Britain Roman 
Miliaries are equally rare. In Cambridgesliire and 
Huntingdonshire four have been found (1153, 1154, 1155, 
115G), and one in Worcestershire (No. 1157). All these, 
except the last, belong to the Roman road between 
Lincoln and London. 

One is preserved in Trinity College, Cambridge, but the 
exact point at which it was found is not known. It is 
inscribed to the Emperor Crispus, and is of the date 
a.d. 3 17-320; and the lettering rude. We gather from 

- Sec Pafkev's Forum Itomanum. " It - The Itinera which Ijcgin or tei'ininate 

was tlu; intention of Angustns, wlien he iit Londiniiun are seven in number, viz., 

erected tin's milestone (k.c. 28), to have iii, iv, v, vi, vii, viii, ix. This is sufficient 

had all the milestones on the carriage to .sliow the im])ortance of the city in 

roa<ls measured from this point, but the Roman times, although it does not seem 

design was never carried out." to have been the capital city of Uritain. 


it 110 luime of a place or distance, but simply imperial 
titles. And tliis is the case Avitli that found three miles 
from Cambridge, on the road to Huntingdon, which seems 
to ])e of the same date as that found at St. Hilary in 
Cornwal], some tune between A.D. 808-337. 

Anotlier was found at Casterton, near Stamford. It 
is inscribed to ^r . annio . floriano . a.d. 27G. 

Worcestoi'shire has yielded one, found at Kempsey, 
inscribed — 

^" A L . C O N S T A N T I N O 
P ■ F E . I N V I C T . A V G. 

And Herefordshire one, found at Kenchester, on the line 
of Ivoman road from Caer Leon to Chester, inscribed to 
the Emperor Numerianus (a.d. 282), and apparently 
ending with uncertain letters, which may probably be 
read " Bono rei-publica3 nato." 

A " Miliary " with tliis inscription, found at Urico- 
nium (Wroxeter), is preserved in the museum at Shrews- 
bury, and the fragment of another, which I made a sketch 
of in 1854, used to lie in the rectory garden. The letters 
remaining ^veve apparently 

N L L I A N 

very badly formed, and evidently of a late period of the 

Two other fragments, one given by Professor Hilbner 
(No. 1167), and another bearing the letters T. G., which 
used to be at Donnington, about two miles east from 
Wroxeter on the Roman road, called the Watling Street, 
leading to London, are probably also relics of "Miliaries." 

Uriconium was the centre of five lines of Roman njad, 
viz. : — The AVatling Street coming from London ; the 
Roman road coming from Gloster and Worcester up the 
Severn Valley : the Roman road from Caerleon through 
Kenchester, which passed on through Uriconium to Deva 
(Chester) ; and the Roman road which continued on into 
Wales to Caer Leon and beyond. Here, therefore, we 
might naturally expect to find some remains of Miliaries. 

Buxton, celebrated like Bath for its mineral waters, and 
the Roman " Aqua3 " of Ravennas, has not been so 
prolihc in Roman remains as its rival " Aquto Solis," but 


a Miliaiy of some importance was discovered in 1862 
at Higher Buxton. This has been read by Mr. Thompson 
Watkin from a cast made of the stone, unhappily now- 
lost, or not to be traced at present.' Drawings of the 
stone are given in the Arch(eoIo(jlcal Journal, vol. xxxiii, 
p. 49. The mscription is important, as fixing the site of 
another station mentioned by Ravennas, Navio. This 
was probal)ly at Brough near Buxton. 

Few of the Miliaries like this have the name of a 
station, or the distance marked ; the lettering is either 
erased, or the portion of the stone wanting. Where the 
lettering is perfect the value of the stone in enabling the 
student to trace the lines of the itinerary, and identify 
the stations, is very great. The most perfect " Miliary " 
is that found near Leicester, and it is the earliest inscribed 
stone yet found. The inscription is as follows : — 

IMP. c A E s . 





The date is fixed by the imperial titles to a.d. 120-21, 
and the name of the nearest principal station, Ilatoe or 
Leicester, is given. Another stone has been dug up also 
at Segshill, fifteen miles from Leicester (1855) on the line 
of the Foss Road, which is now in the Leicester Museum, 
but the only letters that can be traced are imp (see 
ArcJuPologiccd Journal, vol. xxxi, p. 353). 

We might naturally expect to find Roman Miliaries 
more plentiful in Wales than in the south, west, east, or 
midland parts of Britain, because the Roman roads in that 
country pass over mountainous tracks, where stone is 
abundant, and the lines of Roman road have been in 
many places left untouched. Those, however, recorded 
by Prof Hilbner number only seven, and another given 
in the Archceological Journal, vol. xxxi, p. 353, may be 
added to these, making eight in all. They are all of the 
third century, except one, which is of the fourth. 

The earliest is that found near Ty Coch, parish of 
Bangor, and of the date of M. Aur. Antoninus, or between 

' This litoiic iti stated tu have Ijccu iu the po«(ie«wiou uf a bookseller in Buxtoii 
eight yeai'ii ago. 


A.D. 211-217. The latest of the date of the Emperor 
Maximm, a.d. 308-313. These stones, therefore, embrace 
a period of nearly 100 years. 

They are, however, valuable testimonies to the courses 
of the Eoman roads in Wales, which have been veiy 
inadequately described, except by Sir K. C. Hoare, in his 
introduction to (rcraldus Camhrensis. Horsley and 
Burton, in their maps of the Homan roads in Britain, only 
give the roads indicated in the Itinera of Antonine, and 
the latest published maps, as that of Boman Britain in 
the Monumenta Histonca, and that in Professor Hubner's 
/. JB. L., only indicate some of the roads. 

Five of the Itinera of Antonine relate to the Boman 
roads of Wales,' but these do not extend into the middle 
portion of the -country, being confined to the eastern and 
the maritime parts, but Sir B. C Hoare enumerated 
seven distinct lines of road, all of which are verified by 
Boman remains or by stations along their course. 

Having just touched upon the Miliaries of Wales, I 
nuist pass on to those of the west and north of England. 
Following the lines of Boman road which passed from 
Chester through Lancashire into Westmoreland and 
Cumberland, we have only ten Miliaries recorded, nine 
by Professor Hiibner, and cne added since by Mr. T. 
Watkin. The earliest is of the date of Hadrian (a.d. 
119-138), and was found in the bed of the Arkle beck, 

^ The Itinera relating to the Roman and Hubner's AddltaniC'dn^ No. 116, p. 

road.s in Wales are the xi, part of ii, pai't 139. 

of xii, part of xiii, and a small portion of The Roman road over the Treeastle 

No. xiv. iMountain is not included in the Itinera 

The Miliaries found in Wales are — of Antoninus. It is called by Sir R. C. 

1 at Port Talbot, near Neath, Gordian, Hoare, the Via Julia Montana, or Superior. 

A.D. 30S-;.U3. Antiquaries are much indebted to 

1 at Aberavon, a.d. 238-244. _ I\Ir. W. Rees, of Tonn Llandovery, for 

1 at Pyle, near Neath. Victorinus, A.D. 267 elucidating the Roman remains of this 

2 at Treeastle, Tostumus, imreadaljle, neighbourhood, and iov giving a plan of 
probably date, a.d. 258-268. the Koman camp, and the direction of 

1 at Llandiniolen, Decius, A.D. 249-251. the Koman roads on Treeastle Mountain. 

1 at Dynevor, Caermarthenshire, Tacitus, See A)-ch(eologia Cambrensis, new series 

A.D. 27-J-6. 1854, which .says, "Near Treca.stle two 

I at Ty Coch, Parish of Bangor. Carnar- Pioman roads branched oft', one direct to 
von.shiie, Antoninus, A.D. 211-217. Llandovery, and the other through 
Another stone, (although its purpose is Talsarn, in Llanddensant, towards Llan- 

uot yet clearly ascertained), was found at gadoc, and the Gam Coch." 

Caermarthen, and has the letters bono . We have also the same conjunctiun of 

II Y. NATO. It is an altar shaped stone, Roman roads at Luentinum or Loventium, 
and may have been a '•Miliary." See« Llandovery, where four Roman roads 
Archteological Journal, vol. xx.\i, p. 344, appear to meet. See Archxeologia Cam- 

hrem\!>. April, 1873. 


near Caton, Lancaster. Tliere is some doubt of the 
reading of the last line (see Hiibner, No. 1175). Of the 
remainder, five belong to the date of the Emperor Philip, 
A.B. 244-248 ; two to Decius, A.D. 249-251 ; two to Con- 
stantine the Great, a.d. 300-337 ; and the one dug up in 
1836 at Middleton, three or four miles from Kirkby 
Lc)nsdale, on the Koman road from Overborough to Borrow 
Bridge, on which the letters MP and numeral Liir only 
can be read. (See Archceological Journal, vol. xxxi, 
p. 354.) 

Taking the line of the military way which led from 
York to the Vallum of Hadrian, we have tw^o Miliaries 
found at or near Aldborough, the ancient Isuriiiin. The 
one is a mere fragment found at Alborough, but the one 
found at Duel Cross, three miles from it, has been clearly 
read — (see Hiibner, No. 1180). It was erected in the 
time of Decius, and is of the usual kind, the date a.d. 
249-251. Going further north another has Ijeen found 
at Greta Bridge, inscribed to (iallus and A^olusianus, a.d. 
251-253 ; and another at Spital on Stanmore, but the 
lettering has almost perished. These two are on the line 
of road which crosses the island ol)lif[uely bet^^'een 
Cataric Bridge (Cataractonium) and Carhsle (Lugu- 
vallium), and seem to point out that this road was made 
somewhat later (two years) than the direct northern road 
from York. Thus at Lanchester and at Ford, on the 
direct north road, we have two more Miliaries of the date 
of the Emperor Gordian, a.d. 238-244, some years earlier 
than those on the cross road. 

The military way which accompanied the Vjillum of 
Hadrian has yielded at least six found along its course. 
The most important one is that which is inscribed to 
the Emperor Caracalla, and which is of the date a.d. 213. 
It is conjecturally restored by Hiibner (No. 1186), but 
the endincf seems a doubtful readino- as on the Miliaries 
found in Britain the name of the Legate never appears 
joined with that of the Emperor. 

A Miliary found near Old Walker, and containing only 
a few letters, cannot be assigned to any emperor, and it 
is doubtful if it was found per lineam valJi, but probal)ly 
in the neighboui-hood. The last stone mentioned in Hilb- 
ner's collection (1191) apj^ears to be of very doubtful 


reading, and has most certainly been tampered with and 

eon'upted, if not a forgeiy. 

It is much to l>e regi'etted that the Imperial Titles alone 
ai-e to l>e gathered from most of these records, by which we 
can only fix the date of their erection ; the names of 
places, and the distances which ought to appear on the 
lower portion of the colimiQ, are for the most pai*t 

The 3Iihaiy found near Leicester, and that lately 
found near Buxton, can alone be said to have presei-ved 
this impoitant part of the letteiing : all may have had 
originally the distance from some important station, as 
well as the date of then- erection. But from the date of 
the erecti< tn we may probably infer the completion of the 
roads in. Biitaia. Xone have ]>eeri found as yet earlier 
than the time of Hadrian (a.d. 120), but fi'om that time 
they occur consecutively to the date of Constantine the 
younger, so that road making went forward ^vithout 
intermission for more than 200 years. May we not hope 
that by calling attention to these memorials fi-esh m- 
formation may be gleaned about the Boman roads in 

List of MUiaries. 

Foi'xri IN Britain, Eastern Pobtion : 

ComwalL Kent, HantB, Cambriidgeslure. Nortliamptonsliire. Huntingdon.iLire. 


1 St. Hilaiy, ComwalL 

G or 7 Bittern, near Southampton, Hants. 

1 Southfleet, Kent. 

1 Preserved in the Trin. ColL, Cambridge, fonnerly at 

Conington, not known where found. 

2 One found l>etween Cambridge and Huntingdon, the 

other, exact spot not known, b\it preserved at 

1 Casterton, near Stamford. 
1 Kempsey, Worcestei^hu'e. 

13 or 14 

VOL xxxn. 3 J, 

404 " roman miliaries " found in britain. 
Found in Wales : 

Glamorganshire, Carmarthenshire, Carnarvonshh-e. 

2 Port Talbot, near Neath, Glamorganshire. 

1 Pyle, 

2 Trecastle Hill, near Brecon, Caermarthenshire 
1 Dynevor, Caermarthenshire, 

1 Llandiolin, Caernarvonshire. 
1 Bangor, Ty Coch „ 


Midland : 

Hereford, Salop, Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire. 

1 Kenchester, Herefordshire. 

3 or 4 fragments, Wroxeter, Salop. 

2 Near Hawkstone, ,, 
2 Buxton, Derbyshire. 

1 Thiirmaston, near Leicester, Leicestershire. 
1 Segs Hill ,, ,, 

1 Ancaster, Lincolnshire. 

11 or 12 

West : 

Lancashire, Cumberland. 

1 Bil)blechester, Lancashire. 

1 Ilibchester, Township of Ashton, Lnncasliire 

1 South from Lancaster, Lancasliire. 

1 elastic Hill 

1 Arkle Beck, near Cat on ,, 

1 At confluence of Loder and Eimote, Lancashire. 

2 At Old Carlisle. 

1 Hangingshaw, near Old Carlisle, 

9 Great North Eoad : 

Yorkshire, Diu'ham. 

1 Duel Cross, three miles from Aldborough, Yorkshire. 

1 Aldborough, Yorkshire. 

1 Greta Bridge, Yorkshire 

1 Spital on Stanemore, Yorkshire 

1 Lanchester, Durham. 

1 Ford, near Bislio]^ Wearmouth, Durham. 


''roman mili aries " found in britain. 405 
Line of Roman Wall : 

Northumberland and Cumberland. 

1 Old Walker, Northumljerland. 

1 Welton, near Harlow Hill, Northumberland. 

1 Little Chesters, Northumberland. 

1 Thirl wall. „ 

1 Lanercost. ,, 

1 Old Wall, near Carlisle, Northumberland. 

1 Boulness, doubtful, but probaljly authentic. 


Total, 54 or 5G (2 being doubtful.) 



Whilst none of the sepulchral effigies in Hereford 
CVithedral present distinct features of peculiar rarity or 
of great antiquity, for we do not find one earlier than the 
middle or latter half of the thirteenth century, they are 
sufficiently varied as to be of interest. The episcopal 
effigies, indeed, exhibit a series in which the change of 
fashion of the vestments in succeeding ages, from the 
thirteenth to the middle of the sixteenth century of the 
pre-reformation l^ishops, and the change which took place 
on the lleformation in the vestments or habits of the 
post -reformation bishops of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, is very a^Dparent. The effigies of deans of the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, those of the one 
century differing from the other in fashion rather than in 
variety of the habits canonical or choral in which they 
are represented, are more numerous than we generally 
find in one Cathedral church. There is but one effigy of 
a priest, who probably may have held some subordinate 
office, attired simply in the sacerdotal vestments. There 
are four effigies in armour, one of some degree of rarity as 
to costume ; four effigies of ladies, and three of civilians. 

The number of effigies of pre-reformation bishops is 
eight, exclusive of a series of eight episcopal effigies 
sculptured by one and the same hand about the middle 
or late in the latter half of the fourteenth century, com- 
memorative of bishops of a much earlier period, whose 
names are painted over them, (jf the bishops of the 
tliii'teenth and fourteenth centuries, whose real effigies 
scul[)tured at or immediately after their death, viz., 


Peter do Aquablanca and Thomas Charlton, we find they 
wore the sliort crisp beard, a fashion which prevailed till 
about the middle of the fourteenth century, after which 
l^eriod the chins of all ecclesiastics were close shaven, in 
accordaJice, 1 think, with some Canon or Provincial Consti- 
tution. This new fashion continued to the Keformation, 
after which the bishops of the Pveformed Church of 
England wore first the spade-shaped and afterwards the 
flowing beard, a custom which continued to the middle of 
the seventeenth century. 

(Jf bishops of the post-refonnation period we have one 
busto and foiu' effigies. 

Of the effigies of deans, or at least of those of canonical 
rank, there are only two to whom names may possibly be 
assigned, viz., Dean Ledbury, who died A.D. 1324, and 
Dean Harvey, who died a.d. 1500. 

Of pre-refoDaatlon Biahops. 

The earliest episcopal effigy is that of Peter de Aqua- 
blanca, who died a.d. 1268. — In my description No. 32. 

Bishop Thomas de Charlton, who died a.d. 1343. Of 
this effigy an engraving is given. — No. 35 in the descrip- 

Bishop Lewis de Charlton, who died a.d. 1369. — No. 
15 in the descrijDtion. 

Bishop Trevenant, who died a.d. 1403. — No. 5 in the 

Bishop Stanbury, who died a.d. 1474. Of this effigy 
an engraving is given. — No. 19 in the description. 

BishojD Mayo, who died a.d. 1516. Of this effigy an 
engraving is given. — No. 1 i in the description. 

Bishop Booth, who died a.d. 1535. — No. 37 in the 

Bishops, unknown. — Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 27, 28, 29, 31, in 
the description. 

Of i)ost-reformation Bisli02^s. 

Bishop Westphaling, who died a.d. 1601. — No. 36 in 
the description. 

Bishop Bennet, who died a.d. 1617. — No. 30 in the 

Bishop Lindsell, who died a.d. 1634. — No. 13 in the 


Bishop Field, busto of, who diedA.D. 1636. — No. lU in 
the description. 

Bishop Coke, who died a.d. 1646. Of this effigy an 
engraving is given. — No. 14 in the description. 

Of prc-reformation Effigies of Deans. 

Dean Ledbury, who died a.d. 1324. — No. 3 in the 

Dean Harvey, who died a.d. 1500. — No. 12 in the 

Dean unknown, hitherto ascribed to Dean Borew but a 
century earlier in date. Of this effigy an engraving is 
given. — No. 18 in the description. 

Nos. 18, 21, 33, effigies of Deans unknown. 

In Brown Willis's Survey of tJie Cathedral, published 
A.D. 1727, an ichnography or ground plan is given, 
defining the positions of the various monuments as they 
then existed. In the ground plan of this cathedral 
Avhich appears in the new edition of the Monasticon, 
published a.d. 1846, only nineteen of the monuments 
are set down, and some of these appear to have been 
subsequently re-arranged. In the ground plan in 
Britton's History of this cathedral, pubhshed a.d. 1836, 
the sites of some thirty-five of the monuments are given. 

In Dingley's History from Mai'hle, compiled in the 
reign of Charles II, edited for the Camden Society by the 
late Mr. John Gough Nichols, a name to be had in 
remembrance, and printed in 1867 and 1868, several 
rude representations by the author from monuments in 
this cathedral, reproduced in fac- simile in photo- 
lithography, are given. These consist of the stone work 
or pedestal of the slnine of St. Thomas de Cantelupe, 
Bishop of Hereford from a.d. 1275 to a.d. 1282, who, 
according to Dingley, died at Civita Vecchia in Italy 
in 1282, and whose remains were translated to this 
cathedral. Of the monument in the Lady Chapel 
attributed to Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, 
a fact contested, as his remains were not interred in this 
cathedral. Of five of the effigies sculptured by the 
same artist in the latter half of the fourteenth century, 
commemorative of bislioi)S of a much earlier period. Of 
the ciligy of Bishop Bennett, who died a.d. 1617. Of 


Bishop Charlton, who died a.d. 1343. Of the monument 
and effigy wrongly ascribed to Dean Borew, and of 
Bishop Booth, Avho died a.d. 1535. Rude delineations 
are also given of some of the incised brass effigies, 
including those of some of the canons, who are portrayed 
in the canonical or choral habit, consisting of the surplice, 
amess or furred tippet and cope, but none of the 
sculptured effigies of deans now in the cathedral are 
represented v\'earing the cope. 

The brasses in this cathedral were formerly very 
numerous, no less than 170 are said to have been taken 
away by the Parliamentarians in 1645, and soon after 
the fall of the west end in 1786 no less than two tons in 
weight were sold to a brazier. At present the number 
of brasses, including fragments, does not exceed fifteen ; 
on these I have not dwelt. 

In Gougli's Sej)idchral Monuments are engraved the 
representations of two of the sepulchral arches and 
effigies of bishops executed by the same hand in the 
latter half of the fourteenth century, commemorative of 
bishojDS of a much earlier period, and here assigned to 
Bishop Robert de Lotheringa, who died a.d. 1095, and to 
Bishop Beynelmus, who died A.D. 1115. Now both these 
bishops would have worn the moustache and short crisp 
beard, a fashion which fell into disuse about the middle 
of the fom^teenth centur}^ The effigies of bishops then 
sculptured appear all close shaven. 

Of the pedimental canopy crocketted and finialed, and 
moulded arch beneath cinque-foiled within and cusj)ed, 
over the effigy of Thomas Charlton, Bishop of Hereford, 
who died a.d. 1343. 

Of the canopied high tomb and effigy of Lewis Charlton, 
Bishop of Hereford, who died a.d. 1369. 

Of the tomb and effigy of Sir Richard Pembridge, who 
died A.D. 1375, depicted with pointed soUerets. 

Of the moninnental arch and effigy in the Lady Chapel 
with paintings on the back of the arch, wrongly ascribed 
to Dean Borew, l:)eing of a date at least a century earlier 
than his time. 

In Briton's Cathedral Antiquities w^e have engraved 
the monument and effigy ascribed, l^ut it is contended 
erroneously, to Humphry de Bohun, Ear] of Hereford. 


A portion of the monument of Bishop Lewis Charlton. 

The monument of Bishop Mayo, and the stone work 
which supported the shrine of St. Thomas de Cantehipe. 

In Murray's Handbook to the Western Cathedrals are 
engraved the stone work which supported the shrine of 
St. Thomas de Cantehipe, and the monument of Bishop 

I now proceed to give my notes of most, if not all, of 
the sculptured sepulchral effigies in the cathedral, and I 
have taken them in order, commencing with those in the 
south aisle of the nave, and going thence round the 
cathedral, rather than describing them in a more chrono- 
logical arrangement. 

1. Between two of the piers which separate the nav